Public sector struggles in Turkey

Translation From 'Gece Notları':
The one day quitting work event which KESK (Public Worker Unions Confederation) has been talking about since the outrageous “mass negotiations” which took place during the summer, finally took place on 14th of December in many places of Turkey with a quite high participation in many places of Turkey despite the fact that the event was made definite very late and announced unwillingly by the union.

Participation in demonstrations which happened in many places Turkey was high despite the unwilling attitude of the union. Despite the fact that they have been talking about it since the summer, the union bureaucrats announced started announcing the one day quitting work event on 5th of December, only nine days before the date of the action itself. In Ankara, during the demonstration which over 1500 workers attended, there were some quarrels with the police but there weren’t any clashes. In Istanbul, over 3000 teachers, postmen and health and transportation workers were on the streets. 3500 public workers who attended the demonstration in Izmir said “Long live class solidarity”. 4000 workers attended the demonstrations in Izmit, in Mersin the number was 3000, in Adana 750, in Zonguldak, Kırklareli and Malatya 700, in Antakya and Aliaga 500, in Trabzon 300. It is thought that 40,000 workers attended the demonstrations countrywide and 250,000 public workers stopped working for one day in hospitals, schools and government offices.

On KESK

On 14th of December, Thursday, a so-called “one day quitting work event” directed by KESK occurred. The union bureaucrats who lead KESK have been talking about this action since the outrageous “mass negotiations” which took place during the summer. The fact that the event was going to happen on 14th of December was made certain on 5th of December and it was announced very unwillingly. Demonstrations ended with empty rhetoric on “laicism” without being radicalized. At this point, it is necessary to provide some information about KESK’s role in the struggles and militancy of workers who work in the public sector. Member syndicates of KESK started being formed after 1990, following the period of long class struggle known as 1989 Spring Events. If we shortly summarize the events, 1989, with the participation of 30,153 people during Spring Events, became the year in which the highest number of public workers went on strike. The Spring Events, started by public workers, quickly spread to unionized and non-unionized workers in the private sector who demanded better living conditions. Over 1.5 million workers participated in the events which started in April. The rising class struggle opened the way for united struggle through independent factory committees formed by workers breaking the artificial barriers between workers in different sectors which are created by the bourgeoisie. Those independent worker committees especially really disturbed the union bureaucrats. Bureaucrats from Türk-İş (the main right wing union), under the pressure of workers factory committees, had to sign some agreements which they themselves did not benefit; as the working class was radicalized enough to the point of raiding union offices to get what they want done. The events ended up with certain temporary compromises, however in the end those gains were taken back in a short time and the result was a loss. Those events showed the bourgeoisie clearly the existing unions, especially public workers unions, were about to become bankrupt: There was a need for a union that could organize more radical workers as a part of capital and unions which radical looking unions which jumped on those events were to make up the left-wing public workers union of the bourgeoisie. Those new formations were to play their role in preventing the radicalization of the working class in 1992-1993 following the revoking of the temporary concessions given following the 89 Spring Events. Yet the second major service KESK provided to the bourgeoisie took place in 1995 during the occupation of Kızılay, the center of Ankara where the administrative centers of the Turkish government are. Unions working under the name KÇSKK (Public Workers Unions Confederalisation Committee) presumed that “organizing” the public workers who were still being more and more radical was their “duty”. Yet, the plans they made had little to do with reality; while the unions had planned a quiet sit down protest on 17-18th of June in 1995, the militant working class had suddenly occupied Kızılay with over 150,000 public workers. When the union bureaucrats tried to stop the occupation, public workers answered them with whistles and stones, initially the union bureaucrats had to “allow” the workers to continue the occupation and also quit working. Yet again, the plan made by bureaucrats did not match the reality and 600,000 public workers did not work on 20th of June. Nevertheless, unions had still accomplished their mission and prevented the spread of the events to workers in other sectors. The events finally ended with the unions being awarded for the high services they provided to the bourgeoisie; KESK was recognized in December 1995. The history of KESK does not only show us why they did not even have serious preparation for their last event in 14th of December, but also tells the working class something very important about the role unions take in the existing capitalist order: the only thing that the unions do is to divide workers into different sectional groups, and pull their class interests as a whole behind social democratic bourgeois slogans. Class struggle is a political proletarian struggle made in order to put an end to wage-labor instead of defining the price labor is going to be sold at.

From Gece Notları 2:
http://libcom.org/files/Gece_Notları_Ocak.pdf