Liberty and Solidarity
Steven. wrote:
To that I would add your statement that anarchists should provide "military" support for Chavez - as others have asked, what do you mean by this? Do you or liberty and solidarity plan to provide them with military support? If so, how?Do you think he is using it like the Trotskyists do where 'military support' is not actually 'military support', as any normal person would understand it, but support of the military.
Devrim
Even aside from the question of whether that's the "right" or "wrong" thing to do, it would be hard to claim that support of the Venezuelan military is a practical, winnable demand that anarchists can deliver, which is surely their selling point?
Devrim wrote:
Steven. wrote:
To that I would add your statement that anarchists should provide "military" support for Chavez - as others have asked, what do you mean by this? Do you or liberty and solidarity plan to provide them with military support? If so, how?Do you think he is using it like the Trotskyists do where 'military support' is not actually 'military support', as any normal person would understand it, but support of the military.
Otherwise, I find it hard to believe that they think a modern capitalist state needs the military support of a few dozen people in the UK.
Devrim
i took it to mean "any anarchists in venezuela would be politically sound in taking up arms in support of the chavez regime, if it should come to that."
So pragmatic, winnable goals towards an anarchist revolution = joining the Venezuelan National Guard. Nice one.
JKNo argument that CNT-FAI militants were at the forefront of the uprising but whilst they were calling on troops to join them, the leadership of the CNT were involved in all sorts of going on with fractions of the ruling class.
Also the CNT-FAI were also involved in mobilising for the fronts, one of the way in which workers were diverted from their own aims in to slaughtering each other for this or that bourgeois. It was the CNT that defeated the uprising not the bourgeoisie, and thus paved the way for May 1937 and the delivering up of the Barcelona proletariat to the tender miseries of the Stalinists. This betrayal of the class did meet with a vigorous reaction in parts of the CNT and the FAI, but it was not enough to reverse this betrayal.
this is a whole other discussion so i won't derail further. i'm happy to discuss it on another thread though. needless to say i think a materialist critique of the CNT is necessary, especially for anarcho-syndicalists, but that the differences in the CNT in July '36 were more between anarchists and 'straight union activists' than between leadership and rank-and-file; lots of prominent leaders - Durruti, Garcia Oliver etc were actively involved in street-level fighting and so on. actually a very interesting discussion if someone wants to start it.
Could Libcom be described as an ultra-left site?
There’s now a discussion on L&S’s forums about:
The Need For Industrial Unity: a Question of Anarchist Organisational Imperative.
"That is why we need a base unionist approach. And such an approach allied to the IWW's strategy of building IU networks across the unions is an approach that moves us closer to industrial unionism also."
“…the sudden "scandal" of me advocating this or of L&S being for a base union approach and industrial unionism and you being so black affronted is clearly politically motivated and a negative debating technique based around ad hominem and the gang mentality seen on ultra-left discussion sites like libcom. It has no place here.”
http://www.libertyandsolidarity.org/forum/viewtopic.php?f=2&t=68&start=10
"Ultra left" is generally a pejorative term which is employed in an attempt to shut down discussion of questionable or fallacious arguments for compromise.
It's part of L&S' armoury of Blairite manipulated language, alongside words such as "practical", "pragmatic", "organiser" etc etc...
And 'hard'
Dundee - apropos of this, http://www.libertyandsolidarity.org/forum/viewtopic.php?f=2&t=77 - you may be interested in an article on page 19 of the SWP's leaked pre conference bulletin, which is by a couple of people building an SWP branch, and collecting statistics and what have you as they do it.
http://www.cpgb.org.uk/ref_files/Preconf%20Bulletin%201%20Oct09.pdf
double post
If L&S really are to be Machiavellian and focus so much on presentation and communication in order to further their "goals", then they're failing at it. Every single L&S member I've ever met - while all charming and I count a couple amongst my friends - has been a poor communicator and intensely un-self-aware. I've cooperated with L&Sers in various groups and campaigns, and never - to my memory at least - found their arguments persuasive.
That's not to say there aren't some good and effective individuals in L&S, but that tends to be when they take their L&S hats off.
That the piece's author seems to generally be considered delusional within anarchist circles (which are generally more tolerant than the intense, unfriendly and often hostile urban street) would only seem to reinforce this point.o be honest, the more I read, the more I think Dundee is doing a Kurtz. I can't see L&S lasting much longer unless they kick him out.
Here is my attempt to summarise L&S theory, minus management jargon, which as far as I can work out is only associated with one theorist.
We need power, therefore we need to be organised, therefore we need to build formal mass organisations and militant networks, be strategic, make a real difference etc.
Which everyone else knows anyway. L&S add, for measure, a second bit of theory:
Anything else is fannying around, so nae mair pish!
And a third:
Members should not disagree with L&S policy in public, except under a series of highly confusing conditions
Would that be a fair summary?
I can't see L&S lasting much longer unless they kick him out.
They'll probably kick him out quietly in the night and pretend it never happened.
I cannot work out if he is their main theorist or that he just such a prolific poster it seems that way or both. I actually find his writing as clear as mud, as to its actual meaning rather than just the general sense that we need to be serious and get organised. So I am glad Posi has done such an excellent precise, which has reassured me that I am not missing anything.
Dundee - apropos of this, http://www.libertyandsolidarity.org/forum/viewtopic.php?f=2&t=77 - you may be interested in an article on page 19 of the SWP's leaked pre conference bulletin, which is by a couple of people building an SWP branch, and collecting statistics and what have you as they do it.http://www.cpgb.org.uk/ref_files/Preconf%20Bulletin%201%20Oct09.pdf
I had a brief skim through this. The headline of this article attracted my attention, 'A turn to the working class' , and this was interesting, though a little of topic:
Rank and file
Under this background I think it would be
wrong to continue the policy of Comrades
taking up full time Union positions. Of
course taking executive positions can sometimes
help push for strike action, but it can
not be a substitute for relating to and being
part of the rank and file militants who are
prepared to fight to stop worker’s paying for
the economic crisis. Of course we have to
work with the left Trade Union bureaucrats
at times, but all the major recent advances
have come through action from below, from
the rank and file.
I found it worrying to go to a number
of Marxism meetings this year on worker’s
struggle where debate was dominated by
Comrades who were full time officials. The
meetings I attended had very little to say
about linking the struggle in the workplace
to the economic crisis. This is not mentioned
to deride Comrades in full time positions,
only to stress that our main orientation
has to be on the rank and file. As Colin
Barker said, some of our leading comrades
get elected to senior positions in the Unions,
are we sure we’re maintaining an organic
link between them and the rest of the Party,
to counter act the pull of the bureaucracy?
Devrim
Hi Devrim,
Yes you probably remember when the SWP didn't take full time positions (indeed I recently wrote about someone who left them in the late 70s/early 80s because he became a lay offical with full facility time).
I think they don't have a lot, but they do have some. It's certainly a lot less than the SP (who have half a dozen in Unison branches in London alone - again probably a change from when you were here).
The logic of how it happens is quite straightforward - there are so few union activists in most work places that any sort of momentum is generated at branch level. Even there, there are so few that anyone who actually does any work on a consistent basis for the union will be in the frame for a branch position, possibly a full time one if it's in the gift off the branch.
Trot full timers have always been a measure of weakness in my experience.
Regards,
Martin
It's part of L&S' armoury of Blairite manipulated language, alongside words such as "practical", "pragmatic", "organiser" etc etc...
and 'evidence-based policy'
Caiman del Barrio wrote:
It's part of L&S' armoury of Blairite manipulated language, alongside words such as "practical", "pragmatic", "organiser" etc etc...and 'evidence-based policy'
Yes, quite.
I'm quite confused by the conflict in positions of the L&S people on that thread.
Dundee says this:
There are a number of unions in the UK where socialists have gained control. I think it's stupid to pretend that this does not make a difference. I'd rather a socialist leadership than a Stalinist, Labour Party or business unionist leadership.
But then Mat says this:
Being a union rep can certainly in many cases help as it gives access to training, facility time, and the other resources and a measure of protection from dismissal or harassment, so we do encourage our members to become union reps due to the experience and training it provides in particular, not because of some imaginary plan to grab control of or reform Unite or Unison or something, that would be ludicrous.
Now I agree with Mat's statement here, but it contradicts Dundee's.
Now, L&S's big thing is that they say they do "what works". Dundee is saying that socialists getting leading positions in unions is a good thing, and starts "work" - going as far as to say it is "stupid" to say otherwise. (Of course, he doesn't offer any evidence for this flawed assertion)
But if it did work, why would that not then be the strategy? Indeed, mat describes such a strategy as "ludicrous". So again what kind of "cast-iron discipline" is it in an organisation with two members of the same group calling each other's views ludicrous and stupid?!
How many people are in L&S anyway? It can't be more than about 10 or 12 can it? That doesn't speak very well of theoretical and tactical unity.
There are 22 L&S members on the forums, but I believe they are around the 30 mark.
L&S ideology can best be called Machiavellian Nihilism; The belief in nothing but what gives them power.
There are 22 L&S members on the forums, but I believe they are around the 30 mark.
fucking christ help us all
If you want a manual for achieving your strategic goals in 7 easy steps, look no further:
http://shop.seashepherd.org/store/product.aspx?p=137583
fucking christ help us all
I think people should chill out about L&S. There are some good people in there. The written output might not be that great (and my impression is that it's not that important to most members), but they are only 18 months in. There is plenty of time and room for development.
There are 'some good people' in lots of organisations, some of my closest mates are platformists (I'm not prejudice...), the problem isn't the lack of good people - its the terrible ideas. Good people & bad ideas & theoretical unity = fuuuuuuuuuu
The written output might not be that great (and my impression is that it's not that important to most members)
What does that say about the org's internal functioning though, that they've allowed their most vocal - and mental - member to clamber into a position where he can write their "strategy document", only for other members to quickly start distancing themselves?
The point about theoretical and tactical unity is valid too.
but there isn't much theoretical unity, is there? anyway, I'm just sayin that cause i thought about it, and the level of animosity towards L&S as an org seems to go beyond critique.
EDIT. And I don't think Dundee is 'mental'. I think the decision to express communist ideas through the prism of management theory is ineffective and idiosyncratic. I think the basic idea of focussing on class power is totally fine, I just don't think it's original, or that the way that it's expressed adds anything to that basic idea - and often detracts from it. I also think some of the things that have been said about - e.g. - the growth rate of the IWW in Glasgow - sound wildly unrealistic. But I assume that would be characterised as a throwaway comment; though again, not a good way to present ideas.
By the way, I've just had a thought. Wouldn't L&S people do well to merge/link up with the IWCA? Similar sort of "no nonsense" type language, anyway.
posi, I hope I'm not one of the people expressing undue "animosity". I'm sure most of the members - like most of the rank-and-file members of pro revolutionary organisations - are quite decent. I think we are probably giving too much prominence to those with the loudest voices. But it does seem like they have a fair bit of influence within the organisation, and there is a fair bit of troubling stuff in the politics. There seems to be nothing distinguishing it from Trotskyism at all, apart from the red and black flag it's wrapped in - which I think is a significant problem.
On Dundee, the 15,000 members for Glasgow IWW by next year was not a throwaway comment, he has money riding on it - he then made another bet for £200 with Jack here when Jack bet it wouldn't even have a 10th of that, i.e. 1500. The comments about requiring nuclear weapons to fight imperialist aliens, taking over the port of Rotterdam or the French CGT, organise space workers, provide military support to Chavez, etc I feel indicative of someone who is a little out of touch with reality.
On the focus on "class power" a very significant problem with their approach is that they confuse the class for the organisations which are supposed to represent the class - which in fact often act against it, principally the unions.
I have seen alot written about Dundee United on here-perhaps its become abit of an obsession and rather personal-I have seen the movies on libcom too. Fair enough he has said some unrealistic things. But come on he is more anarchist than a trot. I prefer to engage with people rather than ebully them.
Steven. - I was picking up on Deezer's comment and a few like it, not yours.
On the focus on "class power" a very significant problem with their approach is that they confuse the class for the organisations which are supposed to represent the class - which in fact often act against it, principally the unions.
fair point.
To be honest I find Dundee's approach baffling, I admire his commitment and seriousness. But his plans are always grandiose and seemly disconnected from the actual class struggle. It is if, he thinks that a cadre of dedicated revolutionaries with iron wills, good research and the abandonment of ideology, (well at least for a while, whilst getting in the masses), we can make the revolution. there is little sense that there are factors outside our control or even influence. I am sure when pushed he would admit this, and in fact that he understands and calculates this into his strategy. But when he produces his pronouncements they seem to sit in space, despite his continual criticisms of the Left and anarchist 'movements', for not relating to the wider class, they seem even more devoid of any real connection to people's daily life. He appears to have little else to do but politics and producing programmatic policy.













JK
No argument that CNT-FAI militants were at the forefront of the uprising but whilst they were calling on troops to join them, the leadership of the CNT were involved in all sorts of going on with fractions of the ruling class.
Also the CNT-FAI were also involved in mobilising for the fronts, one of the way in which workers were diverted from their own aims in to slaughtering each other for this or that bourgeois. It was the CNT that defeated the uprising not the bourgeoisie, and thus paved the way for May 1937 and the delivering up of the Barcelona proletariat to the tender miseries of the Stalinists. This betrayal of the class did meet with a vigorous reaction in parts of the CNT and the FAI, but it was not enough to reverse this betrayal.