New Tea Break planning thread.

The past month has sparked an unprecedented display of resistance at universities and schools all across Britain. Students, previously dismissed as “apathetic” and acquiescent, have taken the lead in creating a movement that has the power to successfully fight the cuts and turn back the tide of austerity.

We all know the issues: the economy, led by wild profit-driven speculation in the banking industry, nose-dived. Unemployment, alongside house foreclosures and inflation, increased. Working-class Britons, already smarting from years of declining union membership, industrial deregulation, and New Labour immediately began feeling the pinch. Politicians from all parties, using “the deficit” as a flimsy excuse, began discussing not whether there were to be be cuts, but where those cuts would fall if they got into power. Employers in the private and public sectors alike saw another opportunity in the crisis. Wages, which in real terms have been stagnant in Britain for decades, were to be frozen or, worse yet, slashed. Workloads increased as redundancies and vacant posts became standard operating procedure in the credit crunch workplace.

The movement against this began in fits and starts. Across the country (and indeed across Europe and the wider world) anti-cuts groups began popping up. While many of these were tied to local Trades Union Councils, the Labour party (now in opposition), or various left-wing groups, their existence spoke to a mounting anger felt by many in the working class. Unions, bureaucratically top-heavy and increasingly docile, offered little more than symbolic protest. Half-hearted one day strikes led to union officials taking disputes to ACAS and then finally recommending workers accept below-inflation “raises”. Against this, there were some inspirationally acts of resistance. Fuel drivers went on a wildcat strike and won a 14% raise. Wildcats spread to other industries as well as oil workers and posties walked out—without support and often in opposition to their recognized trade union. In the Isle of Wight, non-union workers occupied their wind turbine factory. Visteon auto supply workers occupied three factories in different parts of the UK. Parents, not immune from direct action, occupied the roof of a school in London after it was announced it was to be demolished and replaced with a new privately run institution.

However, things really began to heat up on the 10th of November. On this date, tens of thousands of students converged on London to protest the rise in tuition fees and the scrapping of the EMA. Although called by the NUS and lecturers' union UCU, the students broke beyond the bounds of symbolic protest and occupied the Tory Headquarters in London. Thousands of students, many of them new to politics and some even on their first march, tasted direct action as protesters reached the roof of the Millbank centre and unfurled anti-cuts banners. Galvanized by the energy of the 10th, a callout went out for a day of action on the 24th. When the day arrived, a movement of university occupations took root. In all parts of the UK, students occupied university buildings and made politics real---not in the ballot box or in the newspapers, but a lived, transformative experience.

Even more heartening, links began to be made between students, educational workers, and the larger working class. In Greenwich, teachers held a joint meeting with their sixth form students to discuss the cuts, what can be done to oppose them, and what solidarity can look like between students and education workers. A quote, taken from one of the students present sums up the depth of feeling running through the student movement:

52,000 [protesters in London] and the storming of Millbank made the news and everyone is talking about it - imagine what is possible if we double it to 100,000. We need walkouts, occupations and street actions. We'll only know if we try. And we've gotta try - this is too serious not to go all out.

And it's this activity—the spreading and co-ordination of struggle between different elements of the working class—that will ultimately create a movement capable of beating back the cuts.

1) "the economy, led by wild profit-driven speculation in the banking industry, nose-dived"

- This reads a bit like you are blaming 'the bankers' (like some of the left does).
Perhaps take out 'wild'. I know this is a short article but I think it needs to be said that this is the nature of the financial markets.

2) "Working-class Britons" would be better if changed to "The British working class".

3) "already smarting from years of declining union membership".

- I think that the defeats the working class suffered in the 80s such as the miners' strike and the economic restructuring that has taken place is more important. This also sounds like we are promoting union membership.

"New Labour"

- Again, see about about 80s. Perhaps say that Thatcher's attacks were continued under Labour Government? I don't see a need to call it NEW Labour either

4) "using “the deficit” as a flimsy excuse"

Some of the left often calls these cuts 'ideological', I do not really agree with this. It is global economic factors that are forcing these, not just nasty politicians.

As far as the 'inspirational acts of resistance' are concerned (such as the fuel drivers' wildcat, Visteon, etc.), I think you'd do well to list each example on a separate line (highlighted by a bullet-point, perhaps). Not only would that help break up a large block of text, but each instance would stand out and not get lost in the text.

Across the country (and indeed across Europe and the wider world) anti-cuts groups began popping up. While many of these were tied to local Trades Union Councils, the Labour party (now in opposition), or various left-wing groups, their existence spoke to a mounting anger felt by many in the working class.

Across the country anti-cuts groups began popping up and the speed at which they developed spoke to a mounting anger felt by many in the working class.

The past month has sparked an unprecedented display of resistance at universities and schools all across Britain. Students, previously dismissed as “apathetic” and acquiescent, have taken the lead in creating a movement that has the power to successfully fight the cuts and turn back the tide of austerity.

The issues are the same as those faced by workers around the world: the economy, led by profit-driven speculation in the banking industry, has nose-dived leaving unemployment, house repossessions, and inflation in its wake. In Britain, as well as around the world the stakes are high: the gains made by workers over the past century are under threat. From social benefits to minimum wage laws, our living standards are being attacked in an effort to pay for a crisis we didn't create.

Already smarting from years of decreasing industrial militancy, job outsourcing, and the outright anti-worker policies of successive governments, the British working class immediately has already begun feeling the pinch of the recession. Using “the deficit” as a flimsy excuse, politicians from all parties began discussing not whether there were to be be cuts, but where those cuts would fall if they got into power. Employers in the private and public sectors alike saw another opportunity in the crisis. Wages, which in real terms have been stagnant in Britain for decades, were to be frozen or, worse yet, slashed. Workloads increased as redundancies and vacant posts became standard operating procedure in the credit crunch workplace. Alongside all or this, unemployment and shift work increased, leaving those in full-time employment working too hard for too many hours and for too little pay.

The movement against this began in fits and starts. Across the country anti-cuts groups began popping up and the speed at which they developed spoke to a mounting anger felt by many in the working class. Unions, bureaucratically top-heavy and increasingly docile, offered little more than symbolic protest. Half-hearted one day strikes led to union officials taking disputes to ACAS and then finally recommending workers accept below-inflation “raises”. Against this, there were some inspirational acts of resistance. Fuel drivers went on a wildcat strike and won a 14% raise. Wildcats spread as oil workers and posties walked out—without support from and often in opposition to their recognized trade union. In the Isle of Wight, non-union workers occupied their wind turbine factory. Visteon auto supply workers occupied three factories in different parts of the UK. Parents, not immune from direct action, occupied the roof of a London school after it was announced it was to be demolished and replaced with a new privately run institution.

However, things really began to heat up on the 10th of November when tens of thousands of students converged on London to protest the rise in tuition fees and the scrapping of the EMA. Although called by the NUS and lecturers' union UCU, students broke beyond the bounds of symbolic protest and occupied the Tory headquarters in London. Thousands of students, many of them new to politics and some even on their first march, tasted direct action as protesters reached the roof of the Millbank centre. Galvanized by the energy of the 10th, students issued a callout for a day of action on the 24th. When the day arrived, a movement of university occupations took root. In all parts of the UK, students occupied university buildings and made politics real---not in the ballot box or in the newspapers, but a lived, transformative experience. Through votes, debates, and even an occasional dance competition students decided the course of their struggles and linked up with other occupied universities.

While the occupations should of course be a heartening development for all concerned with beating back the cuts, there is a larger story as well. Links have begun to be made between students, education workers, and the larger working class. It's these activities which hint at what the working class is truly capable of achieving. In Greenwich, teachers held a joint meeting with students to discuss the cuts, what can be done to oppose them, and what solidarity can look like between students and workers. A quote, taken from one of the students present sums up the depth of feeling running through the student movement:

52,000 [protesters in London] and the storming of Millbank made the news and everyone is talking about it - imagine what is possible if we double it to 100,000. We need walkouts, occupations and street actions. We'll only know if we try. And we've gotta try - this is too serious not to go all out.

It's only by spreading and co-ordination of struggle between different elements of the working class that we will create a movement capable of beating back the cuts. And it doesn't need to end there—life wasn't all peachy before the cuts, after all. Only a widespread class movement can ultimately create a different economy based not on profit for the few, but that instead functions to meet the needs and desires of the world's population.

Really picky I know, but would 'wider working class' be better than " larger working class." in the penultimate paragraph?

Rob Ray took care of some other comments I was going to make.

Things began to heat up? Things came to the boil?