And John., how would calling it WfH rather than child benefit 'build any sense of class identity'?
My point was just that recognising house work as work, equal in "value" or "worth" to wage labour, and so helping people see unpaid house workers as part of the proletariat.
Presumably the WfH would be available, like benefits, to all classes, and would put more money in the pockets of the better-off - (the Blairs, I read, still claim their child-benefit).
Well that's as maybe, but wages go to people of "all classes" as you would define them as well; people like the Blairs do some elements of wage work. This doesn't mean wage labour is not a predominantly working class activity.
Ah, but presumably here we come to your formerly 2-class, now 1-class theory, ("I pretty much view things in terms of capital vs labour now, so basically a one class model.") which means all who qualify would supposedly automatically be working class
Well no, because someone who had a billion quid wouldn't need to work to survive. But what's the point of individually classifying that person, as well as the 6billion other people? Surely broader dynamics and trends are what are more important.
- but then why is there such a need to 'build a w/c identity' if everyone is supposedly w/c?
Firstly, I never said everyone is working class; almost all people are though I think, and even those who aren't are still constrained by capital in similar ways, and can have it in their interest to fight for proletarian demands (such as high-up managers campaigning to preserve pensions).
Secondly, wouldn't you feel the same as me about building working class identity? Helping people see their common class interests with their fellow workers and trying to make gains collectively instead of turning against workers of a different trade, craft, gender, race, culture, age, sexuality, etc.
Of course winning more money is desirable, but, looking from today, it seems to get to the point where the granting of such demands was likely would be the point where the ruling class was trying to buy off revolution, so why would we stop at the brink? Maybe that's an exaggeration, who knows?
Yeah this is fair enough - I don't think wfh (or universal wages) is a useful demand to be making now (and good other points about incorporating more people into wage labour as being progressive or not, etc.). I think it possibly was in the 70s, however, and on my post above I was mainly disagreeing with cantdo's complete dismissiveness.



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But WfH is not only a demand for wages for child-rearing - it's demanding pay for domestic labour, whether or not it involves kids, iirc. And presumably, in the extremely unlikely event the demand was granted, the wage would be higher for those with kids, so in effect, for parents, that would still be a form of child benefit, no?
And John., how would calling it WfH rather than child benefit 'build any sense of class identity'? Presumably the WfH would be available, like benefits, to all classes, and would put more money in the pockets of the better-off - (the Blairs, I read, still claim their child-benefit). Ah, but presumably here we come to your formerly 2-class, now 1-class theory, ("I pretty much view things in terms of capital vs labour now, so basically a one class model.") which means all who qualify would supposedly automatically be working class - but then why is there such a need to 'build a w/c identity' if everyone is supposedly w/c?
Whatever... if one sees it as a very unrealistic demand, it becomes a trot-like 'transitional demand' made only to 'raise consciousness'. And why should there only be a demand for WfH - why not go the whole hog and demand a universal guaranteed income for all, as some have suggested? But then why stop there, if realistic achievability is no consideration? Why not - gasp - communism? But whatever you tag these payouts, cantdo has a point that they would all seem to function as benefits do - they would still function differently from workplace-based wages. And, whatever the name, they could just as much function as what you call "an entity won by workers' struggles which seeks to dampen militancy by providing minimum standards of living conditions."
The integration of more people into the direct wage relation is automatically assumed to be progressive. (Though some politicians disagree, as pointed out by Peter on the 'Ungdomhusen riots' thread; "In George Katsiaficas' book on the autonomes, The Subversion of Politics, he says that after some big eviction battle in Germany when most of those arrested were found to be on the dole some politician wanted to stop paying the dole to squatters but a smarter politician responded, "that's the price we pay for keeping them separate from the rest of society".") I think people unhappy with the WfH line (nowadays at least) often see it as embracing the categories of capital and only seeking equality within them rather than really critiquing and attacking them. The moral arguments used and considerable effort put into lobbying the UN by WfH and great fuss made over this 'victory' of modifying the accounting of the GDP would seem to verify that. Of course winning more money is desirable, but, looking from today, it seems to get to the point where the granting of such demands was likely would be the point where the ruling class was trying to buy off revolution, so why would we stop at the brink? Maybe that's an exaggeration, who knows?