Communist critique of the unions - reading suggestions

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john
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Oct 14 2009 15:36
Alf wrote:
On the thread on the Tower Hamlets strike (in news I think rather than forums) i explained how at the place where I work I argued (successfully) for the NUT meeting about the Tower Hamlets strike to be made open to all workers, regardless of union membership. Whether or not you pay union dues, it's important to argue that meetings should be open to all workers regardless of union. Where I work for example, if you belong to say UNISON you are normally excluded from an NUT meeting and vice versa, so the problem of exclusion applies to you whether you are a union member or not in many cases.

this sort of misses the point, though.

you won't be able to argue for open meetings on day-to-day issues within the union - which are arguably more important.

you'll be seen as an outsider unwilling to contribute to the running of the union but happy to come along and proselytise when you see an opportunity to speak about your own personal ideological convictions.

on the question of different unions excluding each other - yes, that's true, it's a good argument for industrial unionism rather than trade unions - but it's not a good argument for standing aside from union membership altogether.

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Devrim
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Oct 14 2009 15:45
Joseph Kay wrote:
Devrim wrote:
Basically yes, delegate are representatives.

Devrim

this may be a difference between left communist and anarchist terminology, but generally delegates are mandated and recallable whereas representatives are elected for a term to act on behalf of those they represent. soviets/workers' councils/juntas should be made up of the former.

It was just the word I chose at the time of writing. I don't see any great semantical difference.

Devrim

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Joseph Kay
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Oct 14 2009 15:49

that's cool, it's probably a more important distinction in the anarchist/anarcho-syndicalist lexicon

vanilla.ice.baby
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Oct 14 2009 15:59

OK, got to run as my girlfriend is going to kill me if I don't tidy up before she gets home! embarrassed

I think I agree about meetings then, certainly when I was a rep we had meetings that were open to all those workers who agreed with a couple of basic principles, not just union members, generally there were about 25 - 30 workers present (a shift) and that's where the ultimate decision making rested.

But we recruited the vast majority to the union eventually as it gave us more facility time to make our own decision times, and the ability to subvert the union as and when required.

Obviously I don't have a problem with 300 or more workers assembling spontaneously to decide to take immediate action. But as part of a long term strategy - delegate or representative councils are essential for the reasons I set out above, 25 is really the optimal maximum in my experience for a meeting that can decide strategy and policy without people's voices getting lost.

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Joseph Kay
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Oct 14 2009 16:02
vanilla.ice.baby wrote:
But as part of a long term strategy - delegate or representative councils are essential for the reasons I set out above

SolFed are working on a pamphlet on the Workmates collective on london underground which would really inform these debates, but it's been delayed by the comrade concerned's involvement in the ongoing RMT dispute this summer. actual class struggle has to trump writing about class struggle, but we will get this finished and published asap.

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Steven.
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Oct 14 2009 16:46

This is all very interesting, but politely I'm going to ask you to all shut the fuck up unless you have reading suggestions on communist critique of trade unions.

Many thanks for those of you that are given suggestions. If other people want to start a new discussion about mass meetings please do.

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Joseph Kay
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Oct 14 2009 16:52

DAM's Winning the Class War is interesting; it suffers some of the ambiguities over just what an anarcho-syndicalist union actually is that have been discussed extensively on here, but contains great passages like this:

DAM wrote:
The main aim of any union is to maintain its power within as part of the wider trade union movement and also to exert pressure and maintain influence on the state, management and society as a whole. They seek to do this in various ways, one of the most important being maintaining as high a membership as possible. This is of prime importance not least in the TUC pecking order. This has now reached the point where it seems to matter little how remote it inactive that membership is or maybe just as long as the dues are coming in and membership figures are up. Getting to the bizarre stage where unions sign up members, in single union deals for factories that are not yet even built. As for their role within the state and government, this has all but been eliminated under Thatcher. But the desperation of the unions can be seen for instance in the willingness of the 'mighty' TUC, in return for being allowed some involvement with what was the Manpower Services Commission, helping to administer youth schemes like the YTS that not only pay slave wages but encouraged dangerous working conditions for thousands of working class young people. But of all the areas that the unions seek to have influence in by far the most important is its dealing with management, for it is from this area that all their power flows. They must retain the right to negotiate wages and conditions with management. It is by having the power to negotiate on behalf of workers that they retain their influence within the workplace and ultimately attract and retain members.

In turn it is having that control and influence in the workplace that they are of use to the boss class. The unions offer stability in the workplace, they channel workers anger, shape and influence their demands and, if need be, act to police the workforce. Perhaps this is best summed up by a quote from the boss class themselves: a manager when asked by a reporter why his multi-national had recognised unions in South Africa replied "have you ever tried negotiating with a football field full of militant angry workers?" And it was this threat of an uncontrollable militant, if not revolutionary workforce, that first persuaded the capitalist of the need to accept reformist unions, seeing them as a way to control the workforce.

Not that this position between workforce and management has been easy to maintain for the unions. On the one hand they have struggled to control workplace oriented strikes at times of workers militancy, often refusing to make strikes 'official'. They have even lowered themselves to issuing threats of the removal of union cards in the days of the close shop, thus endangering workers' jobs, if the workers refused to go back to work. On the other hand, in times of recession and reduced workers militancy, union bosses are face with a management freed from the need to control the workforce, to a degree anyway, so the union has a reduced or no role at all, leaving them with no option but to call strikes to defend their position.

edit: i don't know if this counts as 'ultra-left' - certainly the last bit shows a lot more nuance than 'Outside and against the unions' in acknowledging that unions don't just stifle militancy but often the bureaucracy pushes workers into tokenistic strikes to cement their role. i think it's pretty close to the de facto libcom group position.

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arminius
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Oct 14 2009 19:56

Yeah, the thread did seem to wander off the mark, interesting as it was.

Anyway, critiques that are often over looked but fit the bill (or at least are part of the bill, as it were) would be these three pamphlets, that chronologically kind of reflect the development of thinking in general leading up to the IWW.:

What Means This Strike? (1898)
http://www.slp.org/pdf/de_leon/ddlother/wm_strike.pdf

The Burning Question of Trades Unionism (1904)
http://www.slp.org/pdf/de_leon/ddlother/burn_ques.pdf

Socialist Reconstruction of Society/The Preamble of the I.W.W.(1905)
http://www.slp.org/pdf/de_leon/ddlother/soc_recons.pdf

I'm sure we've got more, and more explicitly anarcho-type stuff in the WiC various links on our various sites. I'll try to pull the out when I have the chance. The International Communists of Holland piece that someone posted above is one, and very good, too. Later...

Boris Badenov
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Oct 15 2009 00:45

don't know if it was mentioned yet, but Herman Gorter's Open Letter to Lenin says quite a bit on the subject of trade unions from a left-communist perspective:
http://www.marxists.org/archive/gorter/1920/open-letter/ch02.htm

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waslax
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Oct 15 2009 08:05

Steven, here you are. I hope you and others interested will read these. They are both original and different from the others offered so far.

-- Internationalist Perspective, "Trade Unions: Pillars of Capitalism" (2003):

http://internationalist-perspective.org/IP/ip-archive/ip_41_trade-unions.html

-- Anton Pannekoek, "Trade Unionism" (1936):

http://www.marxists.org/archive/pannekoe/1936/union.htm
(This link doesn't seem to work, and I don't know why. You may have to look up under the Pannekoek index, see 1936.)

soyonstout
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Oct 16 2009 00:55

Thanks to everyone for this thread. I coincidentally saw it online under 'recent posts' and I'm actually in the middle of reading about 100 pages (size 10 font, no margins) of critique of unions especially from a left-communist perspective. What I've read so far is the ICC's Unions Against the Working Class, 7. The Trade Unions: Yesterday organs of the proletariat, today instruments of capital, The unions were not anti-working class from their inception (polemic w/ wildcat-UK), Correspondence on the Union Question (brief but informative on the US unions), The revolutionary movement and the union question, 4. State Capitalism

also IP's text that waslax mentioned (above) was rather helpful as well

I'm going to start on Munis' text (mentioned on page 1 of this thread) tomorrow

One thing that's been rather helpful for me in understanding better the nature of the unions has been understanding the evolution of State Capitalism, not as a USSR/Cuba/etc-specific designation but as a global trend--first tested during the 1st World War, then resuscitated once the 1929 crisis appeared and never dismantled since (privatizations, for example, are generally the decision of the over-burdened state--not as "concessions to the capitalists, but because the state, as the main capitalist for a nation, can't afford to run them any longer). I think the collaboration/integration of the unions into the state via national committees and laws regulating strikes, the unions integration into maintaining the 'national' economy and productivity--is really important for understanding the function of the unions, and really, the whole edifice of leftism.

In that vein, Internationalisme(paper of the Gauche Communist de France, predecessor to the ICC)'s text, "The Evolution of Capitalism and the New Perspective" is fantastic.

Gorter's Letter to Lenin can't be recommended highly enough.

I'm interested in reading the Pannekoek article as well.

Apologies for only contributing texts from one organization (ICC)--they're the main group I'm in contact with. I'm definitely interested in reading the other texts as well. Anyone know of more explicitly (class-struggle) anarchist critiques of unions?

Melmoth
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Oct 16 2009 08:36

Dear Steven

You've asked for specific recommendations....You could try the articles in the Liverpool group's -Workers Voice in the 1970's which has articles written from the reality of attempting to struggle up and against union opposition on the "shop-floor", also good on the Shop Stewards. Also, at the same time World Revolution and Revolutionary Perspectives have exellent critiques of the unions.

melmoth

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Steven.
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Oct 16 2009 09:28

Thanks for that, know where I could get hold of them?

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waslax
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Oct 17 2009 02:49

It seems melmoth is referring to the Workers Voice group (of Liverpool) before they joined with Revolutionary Perspectives to form the CWO (around 1975), now a section of the IBRP. World Revolution became the UK section of the ICC in '75. So you could try looking in the archives of the websites of those organisations, but they may not have anything by those early groups before they transformed into the larger organisations they became. Try googling "Workers Voice".

soyonstout
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Oct 21 2009 05:45

This isn't a coherent theoretical critique of the unions, but it's kind of my account of my experience with my union in the struggle I started a thread about here:
http://libcom.org/forums/organise/looking-advice-about-picket-line-stuff-where-i-work-01062009 (that's the thread about the struggle itself)
It's about my experience and my evolving perspective and what I saw the union doing--it's in the newest issue of Internationalism (US)

http://en.internationalism.org/inter/i52/letter

fort-da game
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Oct 23 2009 14:50

http://libcom.org/library/communication-workers-group-rank-file-critique-subversion

Beltov
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Oct 25 2009 19:49

The KAPD's 1920 programme contain's probably the earliest critique of the unions from a communist perspective -- not without ambiguities, but it was caertainly a break with the past:

Quote:
The counter-revolutionary character of the union organisations is so notorious that numerous bosses in Germany will only take on workers belonging to a union group. This reveals to the whole world that the union bureaucracy will take an active part in the maintenance of a capitalist system which is coming apart at the seams. The unions are thus, alongside the bourgeois substructure, one of the principal pillars of the capitalist state. Union history over these last 18 months has amply demonstrated that this counter-revolutionary formation cannot be transformed from the inside. The revolutionising of the unions is not a question of individuals: the counter-revolutionary character of these organisation is located in their structure and in their specific way of operating. From this it flows logically that only the destruction of the unions can clear the road for social revolution in Germany. The building of socialism needs something other than these fossilised organisations.

http://en.internationalism.org/ir/97_kapd.htm

Steven: why did you start this thread? Is it because of recent experiences of unions struggles, of an effort to make sense of them theoretically? How are your thoughts on the nature and role of the unions developing in the light of the stuff you've read recently? Just wondered...

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darren p
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Oct 26 2009 20:06

Try this pamphlet from 1980

http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/pdf/tu.pdf

Mike Harman
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Oct 27 2009 06:03

Steven. Have you read much Martin Glaberman stuff? I've only read his things on the '30s/'40s so far, but those are very good, and include theoretical views on the unions interspersed with the historical stuff.

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Steven.
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Oct 27 2009 09:44

Yeah, I like Glaberman. I was looking to see if there was one decent, clear introductory article to refer people to which explained it in everyday language. And if not I was thinking of trying to write one, using an existing text or two as a template.

Beltov
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Oct 27 2009 09:56

I've just finished read "Poor people's movements: Why they succeed, how they fail" by Piven and Cloward (1979) ISBN 0394726979. It has an interesting chapter on the US industrial workers movement in the 1930s, which shows how the workers won concessions from the government and employers before the CIO was formed, and then gradually lost them as the industrial unions became consolidated. Lots of lessons in there...

Just off to start on Brecher's Strike! now...

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Devrim
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Oct 27 2009 10:08
Beltov wrote:
I've just finished read "Poor people's movements: Why they succeed, how they fail" by Piven and Cloward (1979) ISBN 0394726979. It has an interesting chapter on the US industrial workers movement in the 1930s, which shows how the workers won concessions from the government and employers before the CIO was formed, and then gradually lost them as the industrial unions became consolidated. Lots of lessons in there...

Zinn also refers to this in his 'People's History of the United States'.

Devrim

Beltov
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Oct 27 2009 10:10

That's where I found it smile

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Steven.
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Oct 27 2009 10:32
Beltov wrote:

Just off to start on Brecher's Strike! now...

that is an amazing book - bear in mind that the first edition from the 1970s has better analysis than the more recent printing

Beltov
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Oct 27 2009 11:40

Bugger -- I bought the latest edition. What's changed?

Mike Harman
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Oct 27 2009 13:17

He turned into a pareconist in the 20-30 years between printings, and apparently most of the anti-union stuff was edited out.

posi
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Oct 27 2009 13:43

OK, in that case the first edition must have been incredibly harsh: the current version has hardly any examples of unions portrayed in a positive light - there might be one or two, but not much more than that. It's almost solid critique from beginning to end...

IMHO, one of the most interesting bits is when its talking about a general strike council of some sort (I think in one of the city wide general strikes), and every time new people are elected on to it, they start to compromise, then get chucked off, and then the new people do exactly the same... Beltov - if you come across that passage, I'd appreciate a page number...

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jesuithitsquad
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Oct 27 2009 14:19

just to third brecher's strike!

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Steven.
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Oct 27 2009 14:31
posi wrote:
OK, in that case the first edition must have been incredibly harsh: the current version has hardly any examples of unions portrayed in a positive light - there might be one or two, but not much more than that. It's almost solid critique from beginning to end...

IMHO, one of the most interesting bits is when its talking about a general strike council of some sort (I think in one of the city wide general strikes), and every time new people are elected on to it, they start to compromise, then get chucked off, and then the new people do exactly the same... Beltov - if you come across that passage, I'd appreciate a page number...

from what people have said on here previously, I think it was not the actual history but the introduction and conclusion sections which were edited.

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jesuithitsquad
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Oct 27 2009 17:28
Mike Harman wrote:
He turned into a pareconist in the 20-30 years between printings, and apparently most of the anti-union stuff was edited out.

I was disappointed to learn he was a staffer for then US Rep now US Senator Bernie Sanders, the only avowed "socialist" in the United States Congress. Though I think he did resign over something to do with Iraq or something.