Chris Knight's Ideas

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baboon wrote:
I didn't think he was a trot. He seemed to regard himself as a marxist, though I would have put him on its loony wing well before his present antics.
He has a theory that what could be called the "cultural explosion" some 60 thousand years ago in prehistory, is closely related to some belief system around menstuation and the moon. I haven't read his book on this question and can't do his position justice, but argued with him at a meeting, where he had outlined his position. I don't doubt that menstruation and the moon were symbolic in belief systems throughout pre-history. There's a 3D, almost 4D, larger than life depiction of menstruation and surrounding symbolism in Chauvet Cave constructed some 30 odd thousand years ago.
But my argument with him was that, if he considered himself a marxist, how could he believe that any belief system, important though these were, could be a motor force of society. This is to turn materialism on its head. Only production can maintain and develop any society (and the belief systems within the case of prehistory). It's the development of the means of production that underline the whole of pre-history including the so-called cultural explosion.
He concluded the discussion with talk about the revolution being a street party, with jesters and the like. I thought his position half-crazy then but he had obviously done a great deal of research into prehistory.

Split from http://libcom.org/forums/news/chris-knight-suspended-university-27032009

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Baboon,
I think you've got the gist of what he's arguing but lost some of it. He certainly considers himself a materialist BTW.
The point about the symbolism of menstruation is that it is universal. Every society has some sort of mythology attached to it, usually along the lines of some sort of duality. Knight argues that this is key to understanding human societies and evolution and, furthermore, that it is a testable hypothesis.
He thinks the symbolic, ritual importance of it to humans (and the links between menstruation and the moon go beyond simple etymology) evolved as a response to females' need for males to help provision their needy, big brained children. No other ape does this - male chimpanzees might share food in return for sex, but don't provision their offspring. He and his co-thinkers argue that menstruation was one element of that early evolutionary contract, that followed from voulation being concealed, and also involved kin groups supporting each other, and a right and a wrong time for sex; menstruation's part in this was as a visible signal of when sex was possible and when it wasn't and that in order for it to work it would have to be collective.
They argue that if they are right, certain things would happen: firstly, menstruation would be collective - which is seen by women who spend time together having their cycles align.
Secondly, the elements of this myth or cultural symbolism would recur throughout all the different societies that are recorded and do so consistently. Knight argues that it does and that most myths (and indeed fairy stories when they are not the sanitised versions bequeathed by Disney or the Victorians) rely on the duality of blood/not bleeding; raw/cooked; light/dark; and so on, going back to the rituals explored by Levi Strauss.

It is the ability of ancient women to act together in this way that is being referred to as presaging the revolution ins human behaviour that saw symbolic culture arise. Why is ther no record of any symbolic culture beyond much earlier than 100,000 years ago when humans have been around for a lot longer?

There's more at http://www.radicalanthropologygroup.org/pub_wikipedia_entry.pdf as I'm tired and not putting this across well,

Regards,

Martin

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Martinh, I thought that the idea of synchronising cycles had been largely debunked.

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Jef,
I'm not sure that it has - not being a woman I can't speak from direct experience but I've had plenty of anecdotal evidence. I suspect it only happens in certain circumstances and they are unlikely to include a controlled experiment wink

Regards,

martin

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Chris Knight's ideas on 'the world's first picket line' have had a quiet currency in anthropological/archaeological circles, prior to his walking on the credit crisis/G20 stage - (any quotes here don't signify approval for anarcho-stuntism and banker-scapegoating, any more than we should take any pleasure in any public 'breakdown').

I've dug out some stuff elaborating on Engels' characterisation of the contemporary family, in which the husband 'is the bourgeois' and the wife 'the proletariat', drawing on some of Chris Knight's material:

The Alawa Aborigines of western-central Arnhem Land say that certain 'Mungamunga girls', when they go into the water, become merged in the corporate identity of their 'Mother', the 'Kadjari'. This mother-figure emerges from the water 'as one person, but...manifested as a Kadjari with a group of Mungamunga girls'. Chris Knight finds an elaborate connection, in Aboriginal women's rituals and narratives, between synchronous menstruation, the immersion in waterholes as being 'swallowed by a snake' personifying the mother's uterus, and the making of cat's cradles with string, the latter representing...'menstrual blood of three women' (Knight 1986: 1)

...Recognisable are the elements that make up the 'Swan Maiden' narrative as a form of counterpower to masculine authority, evident in the two ways the Mungamunga girls avoid sex with a man: diving into the water, and menstruating (Knight 1986: 8). A Yolngu myth describes how two sisters 'decided to go into the waterhole and become a rainbow', as they 'wanted to be a snake like the rainbow, when she is standing up in the waterhole and makes lightning (ibid.)...in the women's submergence in the larger whole of the snake there is nothing to suggest that they would have welcomed the arrival of a monster-slayer to 'rescue' them from this fate (ibid.). Cue the seizure of a young woman by a would-be suitor, her escape back to the water, and his subsequent drowning by the Rainbow Snake when he tries to fetch her back[b]

[i]Knight, C. 1986. 'Menstruation and the Australian Rainbow-Snake', in [i][i]World Archaeological Congress, [i]Cultural [i][i]to Animals, including Birds, Fish and Invertebrates[i] Vol 2. London and Southampton: Allen and Unwin, 1-26[/i][/i][/i][/i][/i]][/i][/b] [/i]

Apologies for the dodgy layout - I don't seem to have mastered the italics option.

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martinh wrote:
Knight argues that it does and that most myths (and indeed fairy stories when they are not the sanitised versions bequeathed by Disney or the Victorians) rely on the duality of blood/not bleeding

I'm sorry but I don't see how this is at all possible; even if you follow the most narrowly structuralist reading, it's a far stretch to say that most myths are about bleeding/not bleeding (and specifically about menstruation).
Also, it is important to mention that menopause played just as important a role in the evolution of parenting (and consequently of the species as a whole) as menstruation (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grandmother_hypothesis)

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Knight's anthropological views are as wild as recent his political announcements. They are all based on unverifiable speculation. Or as a review of a similar theory in the Skeptic No 2, 2004 put it on "soaring assumptions based on a paucity of evidence". See Tim Callahan's review of Sex, Time and Power : How Women's Sexuality Shaped Human Evolution by Leonard Shlain here.
I have to say (reluctant as I am to agree with anything from the SWP) that Chris Harman's 1994 refutation of Kinght's views is good.

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Chris Knight is I belive ex-SWP, though when I came across him, around May Day 2000, he was calling himself a libertarian communist. He wasn't though.

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At the meeting I was at he opened with a good analysis of the economic crisis within a marxist framework. From this I was quite surprised at the turn he took and the conclusion he drew from it. If he's having a breakdown (or it may be that the position he wants to put forward is gibberish) then I don't think that's amusing. He came across as a sincere anti-capitalist and maybe his lack of framework has driven him too far.

Thanks for the outline Martin, I must read his book first, it certainly looks interesting.
My position is that of the defence of Engel's "The part played by labour....". Knight said he supported this text but I can't see how from his dismissal of the means of production. I also had the impression that he was something of a feminist.
Martin you ask why there is no evidence of symbolic culture before 100,000 years ago. Firstly steel will decay to nothing in 20,000 years. Secondly, from my point of view there is. The first hearth, the first deliberate use of fire is to found at a Neaderthal site, Terra Amata, near Nice. It's been dated to 300Kya. Also at this side red ochre has been prepared, burnt and rounded possibly for body adornment. The use of red ochre is something that Knight, at the meeting, restricted to Homo sapiens. There is also evidence, if not of clear symbolic culture, of organisation and sophisticated tools at Boxgrove, 500Kya, and even earlier on the European continent.

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baboon wrote:
The use of red ochre is something that Knight, at the meeting, restricted to Homo sapiens.

At the risk of sounding pedantic and elitist, how did this guy come to formulate his theories? Did he come across a nicely illustrated article in National Geographic one day and felt inspired? Because it sure sounds like he knows fuck all about human prehistory.
Red ochre was not only heavily used by neanderthals but also by Homo heidelbergensis, their ancestors. Evidence for this was found at the site of Tera Amata (Lower Paleolithic). Also, they very likely had a primitive sort of language as the morphology of their middle and outer ear suggests.
Several remains of these same proto-Neanderthals have been uncovered at Atapuerca in Spain (dated to at least 350,000 y.a.) buried with an unusual biface made of red quartzite, something that strongly suggests ritual behaviour.

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Vlad336 wrote:
martinh wrote:
Knight argues that it does and that most myths (and indeed fairy stories when they are not the sanitised versions bequeathed by Disney or the Victorians) rely on the duality of blood/not bleeding

I'm sorry but I don't see how this is at all possible; even if you follow the most narrowly structuralist reading, it's a far stretch to say that most myths are about bleeding/not bleeding (and specifically about menstruation).
Also, it is important to mention that menopause played just as important a role in the evolution of parenting (and consequently of the species as a whole) as menstruation (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grandmother_hypothesis)

Reminds me of Levi Strauss, the categorisation is so vague that it really doesn't mean very much.

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This, as I understand it, is the persuasive rational core of Knight's theory (from memory).

1) Women's menstrual cycles do tend to synchronise (I think that's pretty much universally agreed upon), and they are also average at exactly the same length as a lunar cycle (there are references to very large N statistical studies in the book, which put the similarity to accurate within 0.2 of a day or something like that). This must have been adaptive for some reason - i.e. selected for by evolution; can't just be a coincidence.

2) The big challenge for child bearing women at a certain point in prehistory was to secure male fidelity, and commitment to providing the high protein food necessary for newly born children, at a time of expansion in human brain size. Males would tend to seek any opportunity to get their end away and have children by other women. Therefore, women faced a collective action problem - how to make sure that no other women were sleeping with the father of their children? The monthly synchronicity, with each other and the lunar the cycle, appears to provide an answer to this: a monthly sex strike; female solidarity against male philandering. The killer for me is that I have never heard another explanation for why 1) should be the case, and it seems to be too crazy a fact, and too crazy a coincidence, to simply shrug it off and refuse to explain it. If anyone has another explanation, I would be very interested.

3) In 'tribal' behaviour, ritual, legend and custom, there are what appear to be numerous traces which look like the legacy of the sorts of events Knight describes. The most important among these is the combination of classifcatory kinship and the 'Hunter's Own Kill Taboo' (or rather the particular forms it adopts), which (like many other examples Knight drags up) persists still in Asia, Australia, Africa and Latin America (which does tend to make you think that it must be accounted for by some structural bias, not just coincidence). He explains how these things weave in, my memory's fuzzy, and I don't have the time to work it out again now. There are also loads of myths and legends, customs etc, which he describes in detail, which seem to bare the stamp of the 'cultural revolution' he describes, and which are too similar from Africa to Australia just to explain away as coincidence - they must reflect some deeper logic. Perhaps, again, there are other explanations for the similarities he identifies - but I would defy anyone to read the book and not think there's a strong case to answer.

Stuff about ochre, cave paintings, layout of dwellings, etc, is icing on the cake - the above is basically what it is about. I'll try and read the ICC critique at some point; I remember thinking that his major problem is that beyond the rational core, he tries to add in too much, and overstates the direct 'game theory' effect, distinct from the cultural effect.

I've got no anthropological training, but I am pretty fucking sceptical. But Blood Relations is well worth a read; it's seriously readable, and generally fascinating.

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posi wrote:
Therefore, women faced a collective action problem - how to make sure that no other women were sleeping with the father of their children? The monthly synchronicity, with each other and the lunar the cycle, appears to provide an answer to this: a monthly sex strike

Or, you could look at it this way: it is very likely that the ones responsible for enforcing the rules on what women should do during their "sacred" period were often the males themselves. Many hunter-gatherer societies are relatively patriarchal (and polygamous), and just because women can freely associate and have their own rituals and stuff, that does not mean that there is any evidence for a "sex strike."
There are of course examples of societies where a menstruating woman has absolute matriarchal powers, but these are largely symbolic and last only for the period of her menstruation. Such powers are more relatable to cults of fertility, as a mystical force of nature, or with the magical properties of blood in general, than with actual woman-empowerment.
Several prehistoric cultures (Indic, Mesoamerican) had in fact relatively negative views of menstruation (cultures that unlike Christianity were not at all squeamish about bloodletting), which in my mind supports the view that perceptions of menstruation in prehistoric settings are not necessarily dictated or imposed by a united women's front.
As you go back in time, into really early prehistory, there is even less evidence, imo. Sure you have the Venus of Dusseldorf and whatnot, and even explicit depictions of vulvas, but to infer from this an ideology based on menstruation cycles is spurious. You can't even say that these are evidence for a matriarchal society (unless you're willing to accept that softcore pornography is always evidence for women's empowerment).
That said, the possibility of menstruation having been used by females in early prehistory as a way to condition males is not necessarily implausible, but to say that it is responsible for all symbolic thought, is kind of far-fetched, at the least.
I will have to read this book just to see what specific examples he brings in to support his theory, but right now it looks like one of those "origin of consciousness in the breakdown of the bicameral mind"-type theories (i.e. sensational but not very scientific).

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The thought is that the menstrual synchronicity represents a sort of sex strike de facto - there is seperate evidence for sex strikes as intentional withdrawals of favours, presumably based on the same solidarity.

Vlad336 wrote:
Or, you could look at it this way: it is very likely that the ones responsible for enforcing the rules on what women should do during their "sacred" period were often the males themselves. Many hunter-gatherer societies are relatively patriarchal (and polygamous), and just because women can freely associate and have their own rituals and stuff, that does not mean that there is any evidence for a "sex strike."

But that wouldn't explain why the period would be sacred, or why it would benefit men to so act. It wouldn't explain why menstrual cycles would synchronise with each other, or why their average length would be that of a lunar cycle. It's also a fairly... I dunno, patronising account - I don't think there are many cases where subordinate classes (or genders, races, etc.) sit tight and don't respond to oppression. I don't see why prehistoric women should be an exception to the normal pattern of subaltern groups finding ways to resist.

And organised sex strikes still happen in certain 'tribal' cultures, it's an observable fact. The only question is whether they're related to a (pre)historically significant and widely spread trope of sex strikes.

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Several prehistoric cultures (Indic, Mesoamerican) had in fact relatively negative views of menstruation (cultures that unlike Christianity were not at all squeamish about bloodletting), which in my mind supports the view that perceptions of menstruation in prehistoric settings are not necessarily dictated or imposed by a united women's front.

Knight deals with this very elegantly, in two ways. First, there is a sub narrative about the patriarchal counter-revolution, associated iirc with the rise of the nuclear (non-classificatory kinship based) family, associated itself with the transition to agrarian culture (and, therefore, the transition from a moon regulated to a sun regulated society). I can't remember the details, but part of it is that a symbolic inversion takes place, with respect to the significance of menstrual blood and other symbols, and what were real powers become ritualised as means of containing and neutralising them. This fits with your statement that "there are of course examples of societies where a menstruating woman has absolute matriarchal powers, but these are largely symbolic and last only for the period of her menstruation".

Secondly - and perhaps more relevantly, now I see you specify prehistoric cultures - the thought is not as crude as "menstruation good". It's more like menstruation is powerful, dangerous, risky, associated with the blood of a freshly killed animals, magic, the dark. It isn't supposed to be nice, and its associations - the associations of blood - are different depending on the phase of the moon.

... you should read the book, basically. It's complicated, not something you can just dismiss in a few paragraphs. (Again, from memory, so apologies if I'm getting something wrong.)

EDIT: Capricorn - the article you linked to doesn't deal with Knight directly, he's only referred to by name in two footnotes. The first refers to another article by Harman, which isn't online, but what there is hardly deals with Knight's arguments. If anything, on what I can see there, it's Harman who has a Just So story...

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I think that it's clear that menstruation and the moon, the "symbolism" of which lasted well into the Neolithic, played some role in society and ritual. I wouldn't say that Knight "knows fuck all about prehistory" - that's clearly not the case.

I disagree with posi about cave paintings, ochre and layouts being "the icing on the cake". This is good, well-dated archeology. There's nothing the matter with speculation in the right framework, but archeology is evidence. The record left by the European cave paintings (and portable, carved art, which came first) is amazing. In the main, certainly, litteraly in their depths, these are clear expressions of a belief system(s) that appears to be universal. The use of red ochre possibly goes back to the Oldavi Flats in Africa over a million years ago but as pointed out above it's use was widespread among Neanderthal and before. It's use is significant in the cave paintings (along with manganese, black ochre and charcoal) as is where it is put, in relation to what, and the signs surrounding them. There's another world being contacted - one in the mind.

There's no doubt that we have evidence of some sort of "cultural explosion" some time after the final development of Anatomically Modern Humans. But this should in no way underestimate the developments towards this point (and this was only a point). This speculation of Knight is interesting but for me to understand prehistory the basis has to be the development of the means of production and I think, though the evidence gets scantier and scantier the further back we go, there is confirmation of "society", "symbolism" and "culture" (all these terms need to be clarified) at a very early date.

We (our ancestors) wouldn't have survived if we hadn't been social and then organised. Martin above, emphasises the lack of "finds" prior to a 100kya. But in addition to the finds of red ochre (generally agreed to imply some form of society) there are the Acheulean "axes". The Acheulean dates from 1.65 to half a million years ago and these axes were refined around 700kya. The core is modified and shaped into a "tear drop" and many were unused (like the greenstone "axes" of the Neolithic). Many of these axes are too big for use, the blades too thin. They are symmetrical to a fault and some with a centre piece that adds to its aesthetic quality. They would have needed to have been struck with "soft" hammers, wood, bone or antler. These tools for me represent some form of society already. I would further propose that stone tools were both a part of, and symbolic of the transition of Homo from Australopithicus.

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When I said that ochre etc. is 'icing on the cake', I did not mean that it was not 'solid archaeology', rather that it is not uniquely supportive of Knight's theory as opposed to other theories in the way that the the menstruation specific stuff is.

There's a reference in Knight's book to a study which shows that early humans went to greater efforts to find and transport red pigments than pigments of other colours. This fits with Knight's theory, but it could also fit with other, much simpler theories.

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Posi wrote:

Quote:
There's a reference in Knight's book to a study which shows that early humans went to greater efforts to find and transport red pigments than pigments of other colours. This fits with Knight's theory, but it could also fit with other, much simpler theories.

Did a google search on red ochre and ruddle/reddle (as red ochre was known in English rural culture) a few weeks back, knowing that a 'Reddleman' is a central character in Hardy's The Return of the Native, and that there's a place somewhere in the Fareham area on a 1970s ordnance map (probably obliterated by an executive housing estate now) called Ruddler's Dell (ie possibly a place where ruddle was extracted). The Reddleman in Hardy was permanently covered head to foot in the red dye (I haven't reddit, so I might be wrong), which he extracted and sold to farmers. To this day, surprisingly, there are agricultural wholesalers who supply tubs of multicoloured powder - red, green, yellow,etc. - to farmers. They use it to daub on ewes to show that they've been 'tupped' (ie 'serviced' by the ram). Hope this helps...

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I haven't read Blood Relations. Knight's theories were mentioned by Clive Gamble in his 'Human Origins' lectures when he was at Southampton, and not in a dismissive way - he certainly recommended we read it. From a distance it seems to put 'flesh and blood' on ideas of 'primitive communism'...almost inviting puns on the red flag.

Posi wrote:

there is a sub narrative about the patriarchal counter-revolution, associated iirc with the rise of the nuclear (non-classificatory kinship based) family, associated itself with the transition to agrarian culture (and, therefore, the transition from a moon regulated to a sun regulated society). I can't remember the details, but part of it is that a symbolic inversion takes place, with respect to the significance of menstrual blood and other symbols, and what were real powers become ritualised as means of containing and neutralising them.

I think there's interesting research to be done on this process of 'nucleation' in land-holding and kinship relations, which Knight's theories seem to gel with. Take the legends of supernatural female founders of certain aristocratic family lines - a typical example being Melusine, the wife of the first Duke of Luxembourg, or someone like that. He was injuncted not to gaze on her on a certain day of the week or month. He did so, finding out that she had a serpent's or fish's tail, so she upped and left, diving into the River Alzette. Her apparition would appear every time the current Duke was due to die - very much on a par with the Irish banshee, who was attached to particular 'old' families. A variant of this figure is 'The Washer at the Ford', seen washing bloody laundry in the river, understood as a portent of the death of the lord. The name of the River Clyde is derived from Celtic Clota, 'the Washer', giving a more transhistoric slant on the phrase, 'Red Clyde'.

In Mongol shamanism, M-D Even identifies the shadow of a universal provider of prosperity , reduced spatially to the territory the group occupies, and conceived through the ancestral spectrum. Appropriated by a group, 'the provider of the game' is 'ancestralised and divided into many localised figures' containing 'within one territorial group the potential prosperity of the place' based on 'a permanent fear that strangers may steal it or turn it away'. This seems to correlate with the whole feudal 'Melusine'-type set-up and the transition to private property - a 'founding myth of patriarchy' seen by some feminists in the dismemberment of the chaos-dragon goddess, Tiamat, in Babylonian mythology.

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Take the legends of supernatural female founders of certain aristocratic family lines - a typical example being Melusine, the wife of the first Duke of Luxembourg, or someone like that. He was injuncted not to gaze on her on a certain day of the week or month. He did so, finding out that she had a serpent's or fish's tail, so she upped and left, diving into the River Alzette. Her apparition would appear every time the current Duke was due to die - very much on a par with the Irish banshee, who was attached to particular 'old' families. A variant of this figure is 'The Washer at the Ford', seen washing bloody laundry in the river, understood as a portent of the death of the lord. The name of the River Clyde is derived from Celtic Clota, 'the Washer', giving a more transhistoric slant on the phrase, 'Red Clyde'.

Again - talking about the thing with the Duke - though this isn't an example Knight uses, it fits his theory - and I'd like to see another explanation for htis trope. The fact that it is a serpent's or fish's tail, specificaly, is particularly significant, and would be predicted by his theory (and why else would anyone connect fishes and snakes - why wouldn't these legends specify eagles or lizards?). This is because menstrual power is identified with snakes, and with the sea (or to a lesser extent water more generally), and often the idea therefore of a waterborn snake even in areas where there are no real 'sea snakes'. He goes into great detail about this in relation to depictions of snakes in early African and Aboriginal culture. The bloody laundry is suggestive as well.

Another example which fits but he doesn't mention is the village rituals described in Things Fall Apart by Chinua Achebe.

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posi, the serpent or fish's tail makes logical sense when she is connected to the water and bloody linen can easily be connected to death and in terms of members of the aristocracy getting bumped off wasn't unlikely. Again calling a river a washer hardly makes a strong connection to menses as generally all washing would be done in the river.
I'd be interested to hear about the connection of menstruation to snakes though. I might see if I can track down a free copy of the book.

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The Mermaid Ritual of the Bakweri of Mount Cameroon may somehow fit into this, though the menstrual motif isn't evident. All women are 'outside', but the mermaids (liengu) are more outside than all the others. If an ordinary woman is possessed by such a spirit being, and this may happen not only to a young girl, but also to an older woman, then she needs to leave the world of culture, within the fence. A signal of this possession, her initial protest against female domesticity, is recognised when she symbolically kicks over a hearthstone. The possessed woman is given a liengu name and learns the language of the mermaids. She enjoys with her fellow mermaids a life from which all male interests are excluded. After some months, at dusk, she is finally thrown into a deep waterhole by a medicine man or medicine woman. The woman has now turned into a mermaid; she lets her hair grow long and matted, and rubs her entire body with a mixture of charcoal and palm oil. However, hers is 'a ritually defused wildness' in which the man hopes to reclaim his mortal wife from the otherworld, tolerating her visit there and her pretence that it is her true realm because 'allowing her to enact such a fantasy may be the only way to get her back'. Duly 'rescued from the wild', the world beyond the confines of village life, she is now 'fitted for marriage with men'.

Info from:
Peter Hans Duerr (1985) Dreamtime: Concerning the Boundary between Wilderness and Civilisation, Oxford: Blackwell
BF Leavy (1994) In Search of the Swan Maiden, New York: NY Uni Press

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jef - a serpent's tale has no obvious connection to water (no does a worm - or 'wyrm' - but crops up in the same capacity sometimes), and there is no reason why the wife of the first Duke of Luxemburg should have any connection to water at all - the motif of water (in this case a particular river) is as much a part of the myth as the animal from which the Queen's tale comes, and is just as much in need of explanation. I'm sure you can think of a large number of hypothetical portents of death which don't involve women, water, and blood. In any case - of course looking at just a few examples means that it's easy to dismiss. In the book, each claim based on myth or tradition is accompanied by pages and pages of examples, often of remarkable cross-continental similarity.

I'm coming across a bit strong for Knight here, mostly because I think most critiques are pretty shallow. He does overplay his hand a few times.

I had a quick glance over the 'Hunter's Moon' chapter again this morning. It strikes me that the best alternative theory to Knight's would argue that menstrual cycles were synchronised (with each other, with the moon), to maximise fertility when alpha males returned from the hunt (at or just after full moon); i.e. that this was male led rather than female led, that the facts Knight points to are all significant, but the causality runs in reverse.

I can't remember if he addresses this specifically (he probably does), but I think part of his argument is that the symbolic representation of menstruation as powerful etc. (inc male imitations, gashing their own legs 'til the blood flows at the same time) indicate female power and agency. And he'd probably also point to the phenomenon of organised female sex strikes as suggesting associatd agency.

I guess he'd also say that women have more stake in a system that tends to monogamy than men...

But I can't see how anyone can ignore a theory which explains the synchronicity/cycle length phenomemon without some sort of plausible alternative.

In truth, I suspect it would have been a bit of both - the causality would have run dynamically, both ways, as the physical/cultural evolution developed. Whatever, I thoroughly reccomend the book.

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posi wrote:
But that wouldn't explain why the period would be sacred, or why it would benefit men to so act.

Sacred because it involves blood (the loss of), which already embodies all the (super)natural properties of a person, and because it involves the female genitalia, the perceived place of origin for all of humanity. Why would it benefit men to use women's sexuality? I think there are many possible answers for the type of society we're talking about, from notions of marrigeability (a girl's first period is usually loudly proclaimed) to religious notions about purity etc.

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It wouldn't explain why menstrual cycles would synchronise with each other, or why their average length would be that of a lunar cycle.

I don't get this. Why must there be a sensational explanation for that? The average length of the human menstruation cycle is not in itself meaningful. Just because it is apparently syncronized with the lunar month, that doesn't mean its length is anymore than a coincidence. Humans are not the only primates who experience overt menstruation; chimps do too for example, and in their case the cycle lasts slightly more than a lunar month; other primates' cycle is roughly similar to the human one (orangutans I think).
As for cycles synchronizing with each other, that is hardly a fact. Here's one very recent study that argues, using hard data not popular superstition, that women's cycles do not in fact synchronize with each other:
http://www.springerlink.com/content/6v72apa1y5955ya7/

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It's also a fairly... I dunno, patronising account - I don't think there are many cases where subordinate classes (or genders, races, etc.) sit tight and don't respond to oppression. I don't see why prehistoric women should be an exception to the normal pattern of subaltern groups finding ways to resist.

Patriarchal structures are not maintained just through "oppression." The women might not even regard themselves as "oppressed" (and certainly some of the rituals surrounding menstruation seem to suggest that they enjoy a high degree of power, if only largely symbolic). Also, in (relatively) mobile societies, these structures are not really defined, first because the nature of the society does not require it, but also because there is the real possibility that if you really piss all the women off, they will run off to another group.
In any case, I'm not saying that women have not historically been able to assert their own interests, but there is hardly any evidence for this occurring in prehistoric times. There is hardly any evidence throughout history even, given that historical accounts have for the greatest part been dominated by males and male activity, so how can anyone postulate that 100,000 years ago women got together to assert their group interests by redefining menstruation?
Again, I'll have to read the book to see what material evidence Knight brings in.

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And organised sex strikes still happen in certain 'tribal' cultures, it's an observable fact. The only question is whether they're related to a (pre)historically significant and widely spread trope of sex strikes.

Yes, that would be one of the questions.

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First, there is a sub narrative about the patriarchal counter-revolution, associated iirc with the rise of the nuclear (non-classificatory kinship based) family, associated itself with the transition to agrarian culture (and, therefore, the transition from a moon regulated to a sun regulated society). I can't remember the details, but part of it is that a symbolic inversion takes place, with respect to the significance of menstrual blood and other symbols, and what were real powers become ritualised as means of containing and neutralising them.

Yes only both the Mesoamerican and the Indic calendars were not exclusively solar. But that is a minor fact; what strikes me as surprising is the claim that the agricultural "revolution" of later periods (Neolithic) occurred in response to the women's liberation? So basically farming technology was a device arrived at consciously by men (all men?) in an attempt to reassert their patriarchal interests? I find that impossible to believe.

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the thought is not as crude as "menstruation good". It's more like menstruation is powerful, dangerous, risky, associated with the blood of a freshly killed animals, magic, the dark.

That's what I said earlier; blood itself is magical; the fact that it comes out of a woman's vagina only adds to its importance. I don't wish to dispute that. But what is debatable is inferring from that a singular event where women consciously decided it would be like that. Most likely these attitudes gradually developed through a long interaction with the natural world, which led early human beings to speculate about certain forces "magic, and dark."

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... you should read the book, basically.

I would really like to; I hope my uni library has it.

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A variant of this figure is 'The Washer at the Ford', seen washing bloody laundry in the river, understood as a portent of the death of the lord. The name of the River Clyde is derived from Celtic Clota, 'the Washer', giving a more transhistoric slant on the phrase, 'Red Clyde'.
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and bloody linen can easily be connected to death and in terms of members of the aristocracy getting bumped off wasn't unlikely. Again calling a river a washer hardly makes a strong connection to menses as generally all washing would be done in the river.

You're quite right. My understanding of the Washer at the Ford motif is that she's washing the clothes of warriors due to be killed in a forthcoming battle, which isn't to say that there wasn't originally a menstrual dimension far back in the mists of time...just using Knight's ideas as a jumping-off point for further speculation.

Long Meg of Westminster was a figure in folklore, a whore who followed the king's armies as a laundress. She also crops up as the name of a prehistoric monolith at the perimeter of a stone circle in Cumbria - Long Meg and her Daughters. It's a red sandstone block with circle and spiral engravings on it. It was probably quarried from a fast-flowing stretch of the River Eden - so more redness, rivers, laundry connections...but that's kind of getting off the point of Chris Knight's ideas, so I'll leave it there.

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Thanks for the clarification on red ochre posi - I think it could have well been associated with both birth and death. The latter confirmed from buried human remains.
I know it's got little to do with Knight's theory, but I want to underline the importance of cave art. It's a record from 30 to ten thousand years ago and it's the next best thing to writing.

On the question of the domination of males in prehistory - just like evidence for any form of prehistoric hierarchy - there is no evidence. A division of labour certainly, but barbarian society well into agriculture, showed a definite egalitarianism
The big change in the relationship between man and woman came in the first Home species to establish itself following australopithicus. Over that period, and this period is defined by the development of stone tools, the sexual diamorphism (the relative man/woman size) of women increased massively (including the brain) at an even greater rate than man (it would seem to me looking at the figures). It's been around the same ever since.

Finally, I don't think that "Neolithic agriculture" was in response to women's liberation. There might have been a conspiracy somewhere but the development of agriculture took many thousands of years and was predicated on a world wide development of sendentism. Agriculture itself, the result of sedentism, appeared in about 8 different regions of the globe at different times, but independently. To me that implies a deeper sense of consciousness that should have resulted in stronger ties and the development of the means of production.

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Neolithic agriculture wasn't in response to women's liberation. The case outlined by Knight basically applies to hunter-gatherer societies and was changed by the move to sedentary living. (Though there were sedentary hunter-gatherers, conditions tend to be against it).

IIRC from discussions with him, his view on agriculture was that it was something that did indeed happen in response to material conditions. Certain plants and animals were domesticated before sedentary agriculture - as you'd expect. Often these were luxury items - I read somewhere that the first domesticates in the new world were chillies, cocoa and avocado, not the staples that would be expected. The move to agriculture happened when the game that had been hunted was all wiped out. There are a lot of extinctions related to humans first arriving somewhere and then wiping out the easily killed game. (This happened for sure in Australia and the Americas, and was observed in historic time in New Zealand).

Africa retains more large mammals in greater numbers in part because they evolved alongside humans and had evolved defences. And the move to settled agriculture is mythologised in many cultures, usually as some sort of departure from the Garden of Eden. This makes perfect sense in that hunter gatherers effectively don't/didn't work and do a few hours each week in provisioning themselves, whereas agriculture takes a lot more graft.

Regards,

Martin

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And where did people get this idea that he was SWP? He was in Militant in the 60s then I think Socialist Outlook or something like it (most likely that as he was associated with Labour Briefing, which they were big in). He cleaves to selfish gene Darwinism a la Dawkins which was banned by the SWP and may still be as far as I know.

He describes himself as a revolutionary Marxist, but it is from a Trot background. I think libertarian communist in the sense of being a communist and not agreeing with the authoritarian versions, but not in the sense of most people on this board.

Regards,

Martin

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martinh wrote:
The move to agriculture happened when the game that had been hunted was all wiped out.

This is really problematic. The mammoths and most other big game were not for example hunted out of existence for the most part.

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his happened for sure in ...the Americas

http://dsc.discovery.com/news/2008/12/31/woolly-mammoth.html

Plus, the move to agriculture did not really happen everywhere in the same way as some outdated models suggest (V.Gordon Childe). In South America, some cultures practiced industrial-scale fishing way before agriculture, and grew plant crops only to the extent that they were useful to other activities like making fishnets or intricately designed clothing fabrics.

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his view on agriculture was that it was something that did indeed happen in response to material conditions.

how does he reconcile that with the whole "patriarchal counter-revolution" stuff then?

baboon wrote:
just like evidence for any form of prehistoric hierarchy - there is no evidence.

little but not necessarily none at all; burial sites are usually extremely useful for obtaining information regarding social stratification.

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I think it's fair enough that some animals died out as a combination of effects - this is normal. What can't be denied is that a lot of large animals in North and South America died out around the time that humans arrived. It's not just mammoths (which lived across the northern hemisphere) - there's the giant ground sloths, glyptodonts, dire wolf, various horses, mastodon, various camels, toxodon and macrauchenia. While there may be other factors, most of thes animals were either hunted out or died out from habitat change, quite possibly driven by human activity (as was the case in Australia). Most of the skeletons of these animals that are found are found with arrow heads nearby.

The "patriarchal counter-revolution" isn't linked to the adoption of agriculture. The most obvious patriarchal counter-revolution is that in aboriginal Australia (where the male ceremonies to imitate menstruation are most likely to happen) where there was no agricutlture. It's also very strong in PNG, though there has been horticulture there for a very long time.

Industrial scale fishing is still hunting and gathering - even if you do it from a sedentary base as was the case with the Pacific NW cultures based on the abundance of salmon. It becomes something else when you are farming the fish - as has been done in countless cultures. I don't think a culture that is doing this can be said to have adopted agriculture. Hunters and gatherers even now will sow some seed from favoured plants, they just won't do it on the scale that agriculture requires.

Regards,

Martin

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And actually something from the link Vlad posted just caught my eye:

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"This whole business of man causing the demise of these animals is way overstated," Richard Firestone of Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory in California said. "Man co-existed with these animals for 100,000 years before the Younger Dryas."

Yes, man did co-exist with these animals for 100,000 years, in the same way that the ancient Romans co-existed with the Australian aboriginals. The article talks about mammoths on the tundra - where humans reached about 35000 years ago, though they were probably mainly sticking to the coasts (which is why Australia was poulated around the same time or even before Europe). Interestingly, recent DNA research suggests that lack of genetic diversity may have contributed when there were environmental stresses associated with climate change.
http://www.biologynews.net/archives/2008/06/11/woollymammoth_gene_study_changes_extinction_theory.html

That article says that there were 2 distinct groups, one of which went extinct before humans arrived in the area. I don't think there is any contradiction in the other group having trouble holding it together and human hunting being only one factor that drove them to extiniction. If it ain't humans that led to so many large animals dying out at the same time, the question has to be why didn't it happen in Africa?

Regards,

Martin

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martinh wrote:
Industrial scale fishing is still hunting and gathering - even if you do it from a sedentary base as was the case with the Pacific NW cultures based on the abundance of salmon.

yes but it's not just hunting and gathering as it existed in other places, because the richness of resources on the coast allowed for early sedentism and pre-adaptation for complex culture and later agriculture. What was I trying to emphasize is that where it happened, agriculture did not follow the same unilinear pattern that a theory of universal "agricultural revolution" implies.

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What can't be denied is that a lot of large animals in North and South America died out around the time that humans arrived.

This may be besides the point, but I don't agree that humans were in any way the principal reason for most of these Pleistocene extinctions (although there is certainly a case to be made for the largely human-driven extinction of Holocene species); they were just one reason, and as recent scholarship points out, had it now been for the dramatic climatic and environmental changes, said species would probably not be extinct.

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the question has to be why didn't it happen in Africa?

well there were several species of African mammals that went extinct during this time, although obviously not as many as in the Americas; the reason for this is perhaps because the climatic changes were not as intense.