I haven't argued that 'any ideological construction of individuality is inconsistent with communism' - on the contrary, I always stress the notion of the 'social individual'. But this is a sideline by you to avoid answering my reasonable question of 'who decides?'.
For the nth time, as far as guns go, I think everyone that is not a direct and imminent threat to the surrounding community should have access to arms, the direct and imminent threat part being a construction of the culture in a region construed along some basis of mutual aid and cooperation, reliance on relationships rather than institutions.
So who do you think should decide?
I don't really understand Birthday Pony's characterisation of (real) democracy reproducing class relations. What gives rise to class relations is, I think, chiefly, capitalist accumulation. Accumulation permits the formation of a power imbalance. Power imbalances give rise to classes, those with power and those without.
If democratic assemblies have the legitimized ability to guarantee privileges to some and not others while demanding work according from each equally, then you'll have to explain how that is not the beginning of the ideological construction of an underclass. Mere process is not going to be enough to get you out of this one.
If having a gun is a privilege then surely you have to ask yourself why people want it. Now if I decide I want a bicycle of my own then it is up to my community to decide if that's ok, depending on availability and need. The fact that I feel like wandering around with a deadly weapon is not something I would consider to be a privilege worth allowing. If there is a risk of attack then easy access to weapons, even to the point of carrying them is fine.
My main contention at this point is that a directly democratic, 100% participatory assembly can easily guarantee privileges to some, deny them to others, and still demand equal labor from those whom it does not grant the same standards. To use your wording, it could make decisions that effectively create haves and have-nots in regards to arms, luxury items, freedom to travel, quality of housing, even responsibilities and abilities within the process itself.
that is a possible problem, not sure what the argument here is though. We should all be allowed to have guns in case our commune makes a bad decision about them?
You couldn't be more wrong Lisa. If I didn't have this gun the King of England could just come in here and start pushing you around. Do you want that? Well do you?
The aim of post-revolutionary decision-making is to achieve the best life for everbody. So unless carrying a gun can be justified then it shouldn't really be allowed, this isn't authoritarianism though, it's simply expecting people to justify wanting something. I'm not necessarily advocating banning them, just that I don't think they're a good idea. Same as vulnerable people probably wouldn't have overdose levels of drugs in their homes if it could be avoided.
Definitions are not decided at democratic assemblies, and language is not constructed like one builds a car. With every use and abuse of words there's a continual process of definition and redefinition that continues indefinitely. This process is collective by nature, requiring a speaker and an audience, a reaction by the audience, and another by the speaker, interpretation and reinterpretation by various third, or fourth, or fifth parties, until you have an entire discourse to draw from.
This is how language forms but it isn't how we use it politically. We do defined terms so that we all know what we're talking about. For example if in my commune we were allowed guns for 'acceptable reasons' then we would have a list of those reasons and how they were come up with and how we could bypass them if necessary. (say if a freak migration of wolves were on our doorstep and we'd only put down bears as a reason).
One of the first things a good group needs to do is to have a meeting about meetings. What things mean and how they will be dicussed etc. The defintion of language is necessary to make it accurate and this is not a limit to freedom, it is a defence of it. Current laws are designed to be vague so that expensive lawyers can see people go free so the police can break laws when they feel free. So for example you are not allowed to kill someone unless there is a valid reason, and then we would define what valid meant and we would also define kill. The presence of rules is not authoritarian, the imposition of them for the benefit of the authorities is. So if my commune arms certain people and not others so that they can intimidate people then that is a problem. If it decides that Charlton Heston will have to make do with a water pistol unless he's actually out hunting food for us then that's fine as long as we're all under broadly the same rules. I'd make exceptions, for example I'd rather not have anyone having guns stored in the home, but I'd be especially concerned with children, teenagers, the depressed, people dealing with major problems etc. So for example if someone's partner had just died I'd probably think it best they didn't have a gun in case they get drunk and blow their head off. Small risk but as the benefits of having a gun aside from some notion of liberty aren't really clear it seems fine to me.



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This is probably where we disagree, actually. I believe that consciousness is about realizing and analyzing how historical processes have decided cultural shifts, but then acting consciously to change them. The individual realization of their social place and how they are empowered or disempowered to act is the beginning of consciousness. Self-awareness and cooperative praxis through direct action is the process. Whether or not that calls for a certain institution or not depends on the situation.