Left Communism?

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meerov21
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Dec 30 2013 11:59
Left Communism?

Left communists are sometimes referred to as a variety of movements that criticize Bolshevism from the left. That is, being supporters of communism themselves, they blame the Bolsheviks for that they were either not consistent supporters of communism or even opponents of true communism.

The term "left communism" embraces all sorts of currents of left Marxist thought, first of all, the German-Dutch council communists and Bordigists (Italian left communists). In fact, these movements are very different.

Council Communists (Germany)

German council communists were in fact the most radical revolutionary force in Germany and, perhaps, in all modern European history. Their associations during the German Revolution (1918-1923) totaled up to 300 thousand people in the aggregate. Their ideas were close to anarchism, but more radical: they unequivocally rejected the unions and strongly supported worker’s self-organization in the form of councils. At the same time, there were some authoritarian currents among them. However, it is, in general, an anti-Leninist radical communism current, close to anarchism. It unites the advocates of self-government, councils, direct workers' democracy, opponents of the market, property and state. I should add that most of the historical council communists did not deny the organization and the role it plays. The organization, however, was understood as the inspirer of social revolution or the association of all social-revolutionary workers rather than the force destined to govern by command methods, like the Bolshevik Party. Otto Rühle, one of the council communists’ leaders once said to the Mensheviks subjected to repressions under Lenin that he did not agree with their ideas at all, but he would shake hands with them, not with the "Bolshevik scoundrels."

Bordigists (Italy)

Bordigists are very different. They are the supporters of Amadeo Bordiga in the Italian Communist Party. They were also very influential in those years in Italy. Bordigists supported the authoritarian centralized party and trade unions. They were not opposed to councils, but, like the Leninist Bolsheviks, were in favor of a command centralized control system of the councils which had to be carried out by their party, that is, the power of the minority party and not the workers themselves. At the same time, Bordigists argued that the Communist Party was the bearer of absolute proletarian communist truth and better than other workers knew what the working class needed, even if the Communist Party united a minority of workers. That is, they did not much differ from Leninism (although among them there were some non-authoritarian currents, close to the German- Dutch council communism – followers of Onorato Damena, for example).

In other words, the term "left communism" is quite pointless and unsystematic, representing completely different ideological currents with opposing views.

Socialism or Barbarism

Once they all were mighty (at least, when applied to Germany) political movements. Then, with the slowing down of the revolutionary mass movement, they turned into tiny sects. The last of the interesting groups of council communists that provided some intellectual influence on mass social processes were the French organization ‘Socialism or Barbarism’ (1948-1956), and situationists. Although the former had no more than 100 people, it had among its members such outstanding representatives of socio- revolutionary thought, as Cornelius Castoriadis ( the adversary of historical materialism), Guy Debord, leading situationsit theorist and the author of ‘The Society of the Spectacle’, a social thinker Claude Lefort, and others. The ideas of this group, especially those of Debord, influenced the French May, 1968. The ideas of the councils, workers’ autonomy, their independence from the parties, direct proletarian democracy, the rejection of the trade unions and the state – such were the foundation stones of the group.

Another important thing. Council communists and Bordigists were Marxists. But already Rühle began to depart from pure Marxism. He believed that the victory of Nazism in Germany could not be explained by economic factors alone, and became one of the first proponents of Freudian Marxism, Marxism and psychoanalysis compound. "Socialism or Barbarism" went even further. Although there were also followers of pure Marxist philosophy, Castoriadis and Debord went quite far away from the Marxist orthodoxy. The former rejected historical materialism, claiming that economic and political relations represent not the basis and the superstructure, but a continuously interacting chain of events in which it is impossible to distinguish the primary element. The latter was carried away by the idea of the "society of the spectacle", describing capitalism as a system of attractive fetishes, small and large spectacles (from the brand of soap and its advertising to modern warfare) that are worshiped by mankind .

Crisis

Since then, no influential groups of council communism (not to mention left communism) appeared. There were smaller sects, trying, for example, to combine Bordigism with council communism (which in fact are totally incompatible), or create something of their own. In my opinion, they are not interesting to consider because of their small size and lack of any real social impact, the isolation of their ideas from real life and their scandalous behavior. The latter is probably the result of their abode in the narrow and musty sectarian little world.

Future

I’d see the future in an attempt to create a movement or group, or an organization such as ‘Socialism or Barbarism’. That is, the synthesis of a wide variety of anti-authoritarian currents of socialist thought (from Isaac Steinberg to Carl Roth), council communism and anarchism. Such a group could try to play a role similar to that of ‘Socialism or Barbarism’. Today, nothing like this exists. But it certainly will not be left communism. Like I say, the very term "left communism" is meaningless.

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ocelot
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Dec 30 2013 12:37

A couple of previous threads on this perennial favourite

The differences if any between Left-Communism, Council Communism and Bordigism. (2009)

Left Communism and Bolshevism (2006)

meerov21
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Dec 30 2013 12:58

Thank you!

meerov21
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Dec 30 2013 13:04

This is also:
Council communism: the need for organization
http://libcom.org/forums/theory/council-communism-need-organization-11102013

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Dec 30 2013 13:12

meerov21 how do you explain the KAPD in your narrow definitions? They believed in a party that was "hard as steel, clear as glass".

Spikymike
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Dec 30 2013 16:49

There is also the discussion thread 'Left Communism & Its Ideology Now Online' which includes my last post 61 linking a relevant Internationalist Perspectives text.

meerov21
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Dec 30 2013 17:59

meerov21 how do you explain the KAPD in your narrow definitions? They believed in a party that was "hard as steel, clear as glass".

That is good and intresting point.
Have you rad this text? This is about it.
http://www.libcom.org/history/councilist-movement-germany-1914-1935-history-aaud-e-tendency-grupo-de-comunistas-de-con
I thnk part of an answer is: KAPD was a transition fenomenon from autoritarian vangardist party to libertarian social-revolutionary organisation. The reason was the strong self-orgernised strugle of german proletariat (or big part of it) wich more and more liberated himself from leaders and partys. That was the same transition fenomenon of revolutionary time as Party of Left-Social-Revolutinarys (PLSR) in russian revolution. Even such an ugly bustards as Lenin and his party allmoust became lebertarians in 1917 becouse of the big number of revolutionary workers made counsiles themselvs without party vangardist control. Sorry for my english.

meerov21
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Dec 30 2013 18:07

Spikymike, Thank you!

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klas batalo
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Dec 31 2013 06:00
Theft wrote:
meerov21 how do you explain the KAPD in your narrow definitions? They believed in a party that was "hard as steel, clear as glass".

The KAPD were Left Communists, not Council Communists.

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Theft
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Dec 31 2013 10:05
klas batalo wrote:
Theft wrote:
meerov21 how do you explain the KAPD in your narrow definitions? They believed in a party that was "hard as steel, clear as glass".

The KAPD were Left Communists, not Council Communists.

Yes, that was my point. The Council Communist tradition came out of the KAPD when Rühle was expelled and setup the AAUD-E at the earliest, but council communism didn't really exist as we know the term today until the mid 20's.

Likewise Damon wasn't a councilist by any stretch of the imagination.

Basically I disagree with the OP's narrow history and classification of what is left communism and council communism.

jojo
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Jan 1 2014 06:56

meerov21 wrote: "Left communists are sometimes referred to as a variety of movements that criticize Bolshevism from the left. That is, being supporters of communism themselves, they blame the Bolsheviks for that they were either not consistent supporters of communism or even opponents of true communism."

A communist is someone actively trying to better understand what communism is while, at the same time, trying to do whatever he or she can to bring it about. But understandings of communism change. In the Communist Manifesto Marx and Engels appear (up to a point) to equate it with what we'd now call State Capitalism: and they advocated mass nationalizations of industry, only later to discover that this was Bismarck's path for furthering the interests of capitalism. So their views changed. After the Commune in 1871, understandings of how communism might be achieved also changed, on the basis of experience gained from working class practice. So an important note was added to the Manifesto explaining that the working class can't just grab hold of the bourgeois state and use it for working class purposes; but has to work out something new. As communists we live and we must learn.

So to criticize the Bolsheviks for being inconsistent, or for not being proper supporters of "true communism" doesn't take us far, because it doesn't really say anything. For what exactly is meant by "true communism"? Are there tablets in a heaven that lay down for ever what "true" communism is?

One of the most exciting things about communism, for us mere humans, mere mortals, is that communism is there waiting for us to create it on the basis of hints we have as to what it might be. And we have the clue that it's the negation of capitalism to point us on the way. So we know that communism isn't just an improved and tarted up version of capitalism as leftists would have us believe.

So rather than blaming the Bolsheviks for not knowing the "truth"about communism, or for being inconsistent in the application of what they didn't in fact know, we should rather take a critical look at what they did and reach conclusions, and learn from their mistakes as the Communist left in the Comintern and afterwards tried to do.

For instance, they shouldn't as a party have substituted themselves for the class and seized state power. There are two mistakes here. (1) They substituted themselves for the class as if they thought they knew better what to do and (2) they ignored the lesson of the Commune (elaborated by Lenin himself in State and Revolution) that the class can't use the bourgeois state for its own purposes. Yet this is what they did. They also were led eventually to perpetrate the Kronstadt crime.

But we live and learn don't we? So I find myself I think in agreement with Theft; that the original article is not without some faults in its understanding of what communism is; the history of communist struggles and communist thought; and the lessons learned historically by the working class and its revolutionaries since 1848.

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Jan 3 2014 07:27

I think it was Gilles Dauve that discusses communism as a social current that flows through history. Left-wing communism is a current that or a theory that attempts to understand that flow through history and in struggle, an attempt to actualize and realize how to practically rid ourselves of capitalism once and for all. Throughout theoretical develops in understanding ongoing struggles and actively partaking in struggles, left-communist currents and workers have effectively fought against capitalism, been subsumed, and re-materialized to fight again. Left communism is an active process with many difference tendencies along the way. Today its all about communization.

meerov21
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Jan 9 2014 21:36

Left communism is an active process with many difference tendencies along the way.

But after the autoritarian bolshevist state we can not belive in the party vangardist avtoritarian communism include bordigism.

meerov21
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Jan 10 2014 11:04

Gilles Dauve that discusses communism as a social current that flows through history.

Yes and as Kamatt said it flows not only through the history of capitalism. Communism is the idea of some peoples uprisings in the Middle Ages (in Franse, Itally, Germany, Turky, Persian Gulf...)

mciver
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Jan 10 2014 11:47

"Throughout theoretical develops in understanding ongoing struggles and actively partaking in struggles, left-communist currents and workers have effectively fought against capitalism, been subsumed, and re-materialized to fight again. Left communism is an active process with many difference tendencies along the way. Today its all about communization." (post 12)

Quite. Just like the phoenix bird myth. These generalisations, especially: "... left-communist currents and workers have effectively fought against capitalism,..." are delusional, lacking any evidence.

But the opposite -- an effective struggle against the working class -- is more likely. For example, before their final dispersal, the Russian Left Communists actively supported the Kronstadt massacre in 1921, as did the Workers' Opposition and most other 'oppositional' groupings in the Russian Bolshevik Party. Even the KAPD's spokesmen ('classical' left communists, like poetaster Hermann Gorter) "...hastened to dissociate themselves ... from the Kronstadt Aufrührer (mutineers)." (Israel Getzler, Kronstadt 1917-1921, Cambridge 1983, p. 257). Similarly, there is no evidence that Amadeo Bordiga, another famous left communist, ever opposed this massacre. Even if Western left communists criticised the crushing of Kronstadt, it was 10 or 50 years later, and always under the mendacious apologia of 'mistakes'.

For this reason it could be said, with much more justice, that the left communists, certainly those who identified with the Lenin-Trotsky-Dzerzhinsky Triad of 1917, relentlessly helped dupe and repress the class they claimed to represent. Or, later ones, having no power to do this in society, resorted instead to witch-hunts against own member-zeks, like Marc Chirik, founder of the ICC.

The 'theoretical developments' of left communism reinforce the ideology of the labour republic, of 1848-71 vintage, so in this sense they are true heirs of Leninist state capitalism. 'Communisation' is not an innovation of left communism. Certainly not of the ICC or the ICT, or the various senile Bordigist rackets, who would more likely favour a 'Red Terror' or renewed raids against 'parasites' rather than communising anything.

The various 'communisation' proposals of cults deriving from left communism or May '68, refer nostalgically to a 'collective worker' (in the Zamyatin sense) or to fevered 'communist theories' where the proletariat affirms itself only to negate itself in the next hour (this transubstantiation could happen in any Walmart, Tesco or Carrefour hypermarket).

meerov21
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Jan 11 2014 16:45

Russian Left Communists actively supported the Kronstadt massacre in 1921

This story is much more complicated.
Big part of left communists supported the Kronstadt massacre.
From another side Kronstadt uprising itself (to a certain extent) is the result of activity of the left bolshevik anti-leninist opposition. In fact the majority of the Kronstadt bolsheviks took the side of rebellion or remaining neutral. And you have to rememder that sailors of Kronstadt have been a reliable support of the Bolshevik regime in 1919 than they suppressed worker rebellion in Petersburg.

rooieravotr
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Jan 15 2014 18:08
Quote:
For example, before their final dispersal, the Russian Left Communists actively supported the Kronstadt massacre in 1921

At least one Left Communist, Myasnikov, did not.

Quote:
n early 1921, the working class of Petrograd was in ferment. In February, factory after factory went out on strike, and party spokesmen were often barred from workers' meetings. By the end of the month, the city was on the verge of a general strike. Then, in March, came the Kronstadt rebellion. Miasnikov was deeply affected. Unlike the Democratic Centralists and Workers' Opposition, he refused to denounce the insurgents. Nor would he have participated in their suppression had he been called upon to do so.

Source: Paul Avrich

Intifada1988
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Jan 21 2014 18:54

Thanks rooieravotr for pointing that out about G.Myasnikov and his "Workers Group", that opposed among many other things, the NEP. He and his group even had ties to the KAPD in the years following the Russian Revolution.

I really think that OP should consider his sources, because the information he is giving is very shotty, and really just unhelpful for everyone. Left communists probably don't view OP points as accurate, and people not familiar with the left communist tradition (including OP) are being misinformed. For example, while related, I see council communism as being very much distinct from the left communist tradition.

In the link above if you forward to 16 min and after, you get a pretty good idea of what left communism is and it's basic history/positions straight from the horse's mouth.

mciver
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Apr 23 2014 12:37
Quote:
At least one Left Communist, Myasnikov, did not.

(post 17)

When it's said that Russian Left Communists joined in the destruction and slander campaign against Kronstadt in 1921, usually the only case mentioned 'correcting' this historical truth, is ... Myasnikov's. This is how left communist homeopathy works -- Bolshevism, possessed by the alien 'state spirit', is saved for the world revolution, by the presence of one Bolshevik molecule, Myasnikov.

Yet it's meaningless to label Myasnikov a Left Communist in 1921. By then this Bolshevik opposition had dissolved. The 1918 Left Communist faction was formed by top bureaucrats Bukharin, Osinsky, Piatakov, Radek, etc, who edited the journal Kommunist and were against certain ruling practices and signing the Brest-Litovsk Treaty. Although Myasnikov was a supporter of this faction in 1918, he was not a leading member and was not based in Petrograd or Moscow. In the summer of 1918, the Left Communist opposition ceased, their leaders returning to the fold.

The truth stands -- the ex-leaders of the Left Communists, the leaders and members of the Workers' Opposition and Democratic Centralists, supported the crushing of Kronstadt in March 1921. This includes every single apparatchik mentioned above, plus Alexandra Kollontai, a founder of the Workers' Opposition and future top Stalinist diplomat. Possessed by both the 'party and state spirits', around 360 delegates at the 10th Party Congress trooped from Moscow, like slavering baboons, to charge the garrison. It's not known if, at the head of the storm troopers, Kollontai herself was seen dashing across the ice, high heels and all.

The Bolshevik Party encircling Kronsradt stood solidly behind the Red Army/Cheka in this atrocity. Factoids that 'not all' Bolsheviks supported the repression, or that Bolsheviks inside Kronstadt joined the rebellion, are irrelevant. These factoids are presented to whitewash Bolshevism, providing left communism with pedigree and historical validation – you see, we had our Myasnikov in there, defending the Kronstadters! But this is mythology, Russian left communism expressed no solidarity whatsoever with Kronstadt during the uprising, which lasted over two weeks, ending in a gruesome Chekist desangre.

Of course there always seem to be exceptions confirming the rule (assuming, without any evidence, that Myasnikov opposed the crushing when it happened). But how many apart from Myasnikov can be cited, two, three, twenty? What is this supposed to prove? That Lenin's totalitarian apparatus remained 'communist' because some Bolsheviks didn't support obliterating Kronstadt? Was there a referendum or a head-count of the more than 700,000 RCP members before the assault? Even with that charade, even if most Party members had sympathy for Kronstadt, the Cheka/military repression would have occurred.

And how many European left communists defended the uprising? Most ignored it (they were already paid or unpaid evangelists of the 'Soviet bastion'), or malignantly claimed Kronstadt represented the 'peasant counter-revolution' (thus supporting its defeat). This applies to future rivals of Stalinism, like Andrés Nin of the POUM, who supported the repression, as did Antonio Gramsci, the pope of factory councils and Georg Lukács, the Jesuit of class consciousness (and a hanging-Commissar during the 'Hungarian Revolution') – all aficionados of mass murder. Had Luxemburg, Liebknecht and Jogiches of the KPD avoided their murders in 1919, they would have probably supported the crushing.

It's noteworthy that most of the KAPD avatars, apart from misrepresenting Kronstadt, did not oppose the Red Terror and the Cheka's extermination of 'anarchist bandits' in 1918-22, even when these brutalities were widely known in the 'revolutionary movement', mostly through Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman (1). After 1918, the future left communists in Europe and North America knew precisely what the Bolsheviks were up to against the Russian population (including 'their class'). Yet they chose a voluntary blindness, not seeing what they didn't want to see, turning themselves into accomplices of a terroristic régime. This includes luminaries like Pannekoek, Gorter, Bordiga, Pankhurst, Souvarine, Luxemburg and Liebknecht (murdered in Berlin in 1919, apparently due to the betrayal of Karl Radek, as cited by historian Yuri Felshtinsky in Lenin and his Comrades, Enigma, 2011). (2)

Playing the mediator, Victor Serge fretted about the Kronstadt massacre. But this didn't stop his devotion to Bolshevik ruthlessness, thus supporting the mopping up of the insurrection. Trotsky gilded his own turd about Kronstad: 'a tragic necessity' (3). Trotskyism (including 'dissident' mutants from Shachtman's USA racket) has always maligned Kronstadt, repeating ad nauseam the slanders and lies of Lenin and Trotsky. Even today cultured Trotskyists (invariably Serge fans) like Ian Birchall justify the massacre in Kronstadt, as do the chronically disturbed ICL, aka 'Spartacists'.

The 'Italian Fraction of the Communist Left' in 1938, Munis of the FOR and the ICC changed the tune to one of 'regret'. Feigning remorse for Kronstadt, they piled on the adjectives about the crushing -- 'terrible mistake', 'terrible decision', 'profound error', 'colossal error', 'senseless repression', etc. Nouns too: a 'tragedy within the proletarian camp', even 'crimes' describe the repression, followed by the hoary pledge of a 'ruthless critique of all the errors of the movement!' This is in keeping with the left communist unconditional (but don't forget, ruthless) support for Bolshevism, as terror becomes error.

This is the essence of the left Bolshevik (or left communist) sects: they are PR outfits for early Bolshevism. Apart from the obligatory Lenin panegyrics, these retro political rackets exist to devour their members and compete with rivals.

It's true that Myasnikov didn't approve the repression of Kronstadt, but there is no evidence that he opposed it when it happened. This is what mattered. He didn't join the insurgents or helped distribute their leaflets or the Kronstadt Izvestiia (Myasnikov was in Petrograd at the time). Had he done so, and carelessly, he would have been more than deeply affected by the Cheka -- indeed, liquidated as a Menshevik traitor and Entente spy (maybe a sleeper of Grand Romanov Duke Michael Alexandrovich, whom Myasnikov met briefly in 1918?). It's more credible that Myasnikov, a brutal assassin himself (supply-Chekist in Perm), didn't identify with the Kronstadt insurgents. He feared, however, that such bloody operations led the 'ruling circles to the abyss'.

That is what most deeply troubled this fanatic -- the Untergang of his sacrosanct Heimat, the Bolshevik Party. Myasnikov's Soviet patriotism was such that in 1945 he was lured back to his Fatherland by NKGB operatives, only to be murdered in the Butyrka prison by his captors. The fate of his three sons was also tragic -- it seems that they perished as cannon fodder in the 'Great Patriotic War' between Nazi and Stalinist imperialisms, and his wife died in utter despair, never recovering from her mental breakdown.

In 1921 the NEP gave the Bolshevik régime a respite, although Red Army/Cheka operations against labour resistance and the extermination of starving peasant communities increased in Tambov, Siberia, the Ukraine, the Caucasus, etc. In Tambov, the Bolsheviks used poison gas against the population: "...total losses among the population of Tambov region in 1920-1922 resulting from the war, executions, and imprisonment in concentration camps have been estimated as at least 240,000." http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tambov_Rebellion

It's remarkable that the Bolshevik 'class-cide' against the Russian peasantry (target name: 'kulaks'), unleashed from 1918, is seldom mentioned by left communists in their 'ruthless critiques' of Ur-Leninism. To them, the really decisive proofs of Bolshevik 'degeneration' aren't exterminatory atrocities, but treaties like Rapallo (1922) and doctrinaire joustings among rackets at RCP and Comintern congresses. They also mention Stalin's defence of 'socialism in one country' (1924) as another key betrayal (as if the Marxian labour republic, or 'transition bastion', wasn't a 'socialism in one country'), and the Stalinist suppression of rival oppositions (1926-28).

Bolshevism's cynical manipulation of Middle East nationalists, and their dealings with the genocidal Turkish régime (1920-21) are crimes reluctantly admitted. Even Nicolas Werth's horrifying account of the 'veritable orgy of violence' of Lenin's Bolshevism is cited, in shocked dismay, but never to sever the Bolshevik roots: http://internationalist-perspective.org/IP/ip-archive/ip_41_bolsheviks-civil-war.html This almost-heretical piece in Internationalist Perspective, published 11 years ago, sank into oblivion.

Fables about Bolshevik 'degeneration' entertain left communists, above all because they extend the 'sell-by-date' of the Lenin-Trotsky cult. The implication is that had the world revolution unfolded, all would have been fine, crimes forgiven, the murdered resurrected and comrades Lenin & Co would have become 'born-again internationalists'. Idiot ideologies, no matter how irrational, die hard because they justify domination.

This obsession with the 'degeneration of the last revolutionary wave', is unique to left communists. 'Lessons' are supposed to be distilled, but it's unclear what they really are and why the nitpicking. After all, nearly 50 years of this suggests a terminal decomposition ... of the lying pedagogy, or whatever it may be called.

But to return to Myasnikov. In late 1921, or 1922, Myasnikov's complaints about Kronstadt were that the "... ruling circles, the non-party masses and the rank-and-file communists so much misunderstand one another [here 'misunderstandings' is a variant of 'mistakes'] that they reach for their weapons." (4) This is ludicrous, no misunderstanding there, on either side. Lenin's government knew quite well what the Kronstadt rebellion meant, so only the utmost violence could stamp out 'the third revolution'. And so did the sailors, workers and their families understand the true nature of their cruel executioners.

At best, Myasnikov's was a position of dubious 'neutrality', ignoring that the relentless terror of the Bolshevik Party-State against the isolated garrison didn't allow for neutrality. Particularly sardonic was the claim that the 'non-party masses' were armed -- 'reach for the weapons' embroiders Myasnikov (in 1922!). Although Kronstadt was a naval base, most of the insurgent areas in Russia were factories, mines and villages. What were their weapons -- wet towels, sharpened broomsticks? Against the Red Army's Maxims, field artillery, air raids, poison gas, bayonets, plus the Cheka's Nagant and Mauser guns, torture chambers and hostage-taking of defenceless families? Against Lenin's lies?

When historian Paul Avrich's asserts that Myasnikov refused to denounce the insurgents, he doesn't mention if Myasnikov was asked by the Party or the Cheka (Comrade Gav, joining us for the Two Minutes Hate?). Without that evidence, Avrich should have just stated: 'Myasnikov didn't denounce the insurgents.' Also playing the psychic, Avrich claimed that Myasnikov would not "...have participated in their supression had he been called to do so." (5) This is Avrich's lazy speculation. It should be mentioned that Avrich justified the crushing of Kronstadt, so much for friendly anarcho-historians.

Myasnikov, a murderous and contradictory individual, remained a staunch Bolshevik to the end, at no point did he reach the critical self-reflection of an Ante Ciliga in the 30s. His late advocacy for a free press in Bolshevik Russia was brave but delirious, when addressed to sociopathic dictators like Lenin and Zinoviev. Nevertheless, his value as eternal voucher for Bolshevik credentials, is now classic -- 'yes, but how about the left communist Myasnikov?...'

Difficult to see where this goes:

Quote:
Russian Left Communists actively supported the Kronstadt massacre in 1921

This story is much more complicated.

Big part of left communists supported the Kronstadt massacre.

[But where's the little part?]

Quote:
From another side Kronstadt uprising itself (to a certain extent) is the result of activity of the left bolshevik anti-leninist opposition. In fact the majority of the Kronstadt bolsheviks took the side of rebellion or remaining neutral. And you have to rememder that sailors of Kronstadt have been a reliable support of the Bolshevik regime in 1919 than they suppressed worker rebellion in Petersburg.

(post 16)

Although a barbarous dictator, Lenin didn't regroup his faction around his name, either in the Party or in Sovnarkom. Therefore the label 'anti-Leninist opposition' inside the Bolshevik Party in 1921 makes little sense. Like in the Mafia, there were factions and turfs, but all apparently loyal to the Bolshevik apparatus. In 1918, the Left Communists addressed Lenin as 'comrade Lenin', hardly a sign of 'anti-Leninism'. The claim that the activity of this unknown 'anti-Leninist' opposition influenced the Kronstadt rebellion is spurious. At that time, just after the end of the gruesome Civil War, the partiinost was in tip-top form.

Insofar as a third of the Bolshevik members in Kronstadt resigned during the uprising, they were probably aware of the Workers' Opposition and other reform views. But these views weren't those of the Kronstadt rebels, the vast majority in the naval base and town, who wanted free soviet elections, and, for their desperate survival, the overthrow of the Bolshevik oligarchy. SRs (left and right), Mensheviks (right and internationalists) and anarchist influence may have had some echo, as in the Petrograd strikes of February. But more than the influence of political rackets, the deciding factor was that the garrison and town of Kronstadt rejected Bolshevik despotism and wanted a return to the soviet democracy of 1917. In the narcissist view of left communists, people cannot reach their own conclusions from their life experiences – even in sieges or in gulags, the ignorant masses require left communist drilling – if only 'to a certain extent'.

That the majority of the Kronstadt Bolsheviks sided with the rebellion or remained neutral didn't transform them into left communistst. These ex-Bolsheviks broke with their Party to join the ranks of the insurgents, ceasing to be Bolsheviks.(6) Bolsheviks like hangman Kuzmin or those that remained neutral were arrested in Kronstadt, or should have been. Left communism played no role whatsover in the Kronstadt uprising. If anything, they sided and crossed the ice with the butchers. Using their own trite jargon, they 'crossed the class line'.

What left communists (like the ICC) are saying is that butchering working people was an 'open question' for 'proletarian avant-gardes' in 1917-21, and that only now can left communists be 'against the Red Terror' (not a 'class line' however). Even future Chekas are an 'open question'. Left communist warnings against violence 'within the class' are stupid and deceitful. Like at Kronstadt, criticism of great leaders becomes 'counter-revolutionary' and part of 'imperialist plots'. Modern scapegoating in rackets confirms that yesterday's 'comrades' can become 'provocateurs' or 'parasites' at a finger's snap. After all, who codifies these 'class lines'? Needless to say, the self-serving racketeers.

Quote:
And you have to rememder that sailors of Kronstadt have been a reliable support of the Bolshevik regime in 1919 than they suppressed worker rebellion in Petersburg.

What does this have to do with the fact that Russian Left Communists supported the crushing of Kronstadt?

This non-sequitur aside, perhaps this a reference to the Kronstadt 'Red Eagles', sailors used by the Bolsheviks during the Civil War against striking workers in Petrograd? Evidently, domination means the perennial divide et imperas – sections of the subjects are used to repress the majority. Does that make the 23,000 sailors and soldiers, their families, community networks in Kronstadt and their links in rural villages, responsible for the repressive acts of a few? Did the whole population of Kronstadt get their comeuppance in March 1921?

The assumption is that the Bolsheviks executioners and their victims were in the 'same camp', so the repression, though a 'mistake', doesn't reveal the Bolsheviks as criminal despots. This is a main left communist mystification. Instead of their imaginary community, there was a parasitical apparatus armed to the teeth run by cynical Marxist warlords, and an isolated garrison of soldiers, workers and their communities, resisting them. But never mind, they are all of 'the same class' for left communists. Although 'tragic', it's still a family quarrel, but their hearts remain with the despots, not their victims. These victims, we are reminded, were not that innocent -- after all, didn't 'they' once support their executioners? Even the children, the old and infirm, the housewives? Indeed, the Bolshevik Leviathan considered them all as enemies. The town was bombed by the Bolshevik air force, an inspiration for future Guernicas. The mindset is truly Chekist -- one rebellious peasant in one village meant the destruction of the whole village, just like the pacificaciones of Pizarro's Spanish predators against Andean communities in the 16C.

Israel Getzler deals with what happened in Kronstadt from 1918 with facts, not left communist myths. In his excellent Kronstadt 1917-21, chapters 5 & 6, pp 189-216, he explains the background of the insurrection, detailing every step of the tightening of the Bolshevik noose around the Kronstadt garrison.

In the summer of 1918, as the bloodthirsty Red Terror was unleashed against civil society, 300 naval officers in Kronstadt were summarily executed, apparently under Zinoviev's direct orders. The Red Terror was also let loose on Kronstadt and the nearby forts following the mutiny of the nearby Krasnaia Gorka garrison, where 1,300 sailors defected as Yudenich's White North-Western Army advanced towards Petrograd in May-June 1919. After Yudenich's defeat, the revengeful Red Terror – unleashed by Trotsky – fell fully on the naval garrisons.

The arrests, tortures and murders began furiously on 15 June 1919,

Quote:
... when Alexander Baranov, a member of the Revolutionary-Military Council of the Baltic Fleet, instructed the commissars Iakov Ilyin and Ivan Sladkov to purge the forts and batteries of 'all counter-revolutionary elements'. Next day, a drumhead court martial was set up, consisting of the chief of the Petrograd Cheka, F. D. Medved (chairman), the commissar of the Petropavlovsk, Nikolai (Kolka) Razin, and the chairman of the agitation-propaganda section of the Politotdel, Ivan Zhdanov. Hardly any information is available on the 'radical purge' which this high-powered troika conducted, but Lazar Bregman did report laconically to the Politotdel on the 'Investigation, shootings and replacement' of the garrison of Obruchev Fort. The cynical brutality behind that event was only fully revealed during the uprising of March 1921 when Kronstadt learned how on 16 June 1919 Nikolai Razin had lined up the garrison and ordered every fifth man, altogether fifty-five, to fall out ready to go on leave and how these men were then shot by Razin's detachment of Communist stalwarts in full view of their comrades.

Quote:
In Kronstadt itself, the Cheka uncovered [probably fabricated] and liquidated a conspiratorial anti-Soviet organization of officers, including Captain Alexander Rybaltovsky, chief-of-staff of the Kronstadt naval base, and the senior artillery officers Iuvenalii Budkevich and Kuprianov, and some members of the intelligentsia, while the families of these 'traitors' were arrested. 'Any form of sympathy for the arrested is tantamount to sympathy for treason!' declared the Appeal of the Defence Committee to the garrison and population of Kronstadt on 17 June 1919. The Kronstadt Izvestiia's editorial of 20 June, 'We Shall Square Accounts', openly espoused 'The Red Terror against the White Terror': 'No more magnanimity for the reptiles and their families!. . . we must teach them a lesson!

(pp 199-200)

Thus were all counter-revolutionary reptiles (and their families) liquidated in Kronstadt, but not quite, as 1921 showed.

As the Kronstadt insurrection gained momentum in March 1921, this extraordinary exchange occurred between the sailors/their families and their executioners:

Quote:
The meeting of 1 March 1921 was larger: some fifteen to sixteen thousand sailors, soldiers and civilians (all reptiles!] reportedly assembled, huddled together in wintry, wind-swept Anchor Square. But this time, though convened by the authorities, the crowd was not controlled by them. There were no ovations, and no singing of the Internationale. True, when Kalinin arrived, accompanied by Nikolai Kuzmin and Pavel Vasiliev, chairman of the Kronstadt Soviet, he was welcomed with military honours; yet the meeting started on the wrong foot when Kalinin, having correctly gauged the crowd's hostile mood, complained that he had lost his voice and requested an adjournment to the Naval Manege so that he could address an indoor meeting limited to sailors and Red Army soldiers. He was promptly told by the protesting crowd: 'If you cannot speak, there's no need anyhow, for you won't say anything new, and during the last three years we've become so fed up with all that you've had to say that it will be just sickening to listen to you.' Whereupon, Kuzmin rose to face a barrage of fierce condemnation of the Communist regime: 'roadblocks, hunger, cold, the war is over yet order has not returned. Commissars and functionaries are cosy, but we have been forgotten.' Calling for 'calm' Kalinin mounted the rostrum. He assured the audience that he too was a 'simple worker' and pleaded with them to give 'the people's government' a chance to repair the economy and not to believe the tales of'whisperers behind whose backs hide the SRs, the compromisers and the tsarist generals with their nagaikas. Then the heckling began: 'Drop it, Kalinyich, you keep cosy all right' - the calls went up from all sides. 'Look at all the jobs you have got, and you surely take rations for each of them!' a bearded soldier shouted from the crowd. Then came hostile slogans, a little speech: 'We have had enough of that life - prisons and executions without trial', and catcalls. There was so much shouting that Kalinin had to give up and leave the rostrum. At that point members of the Kronstadt delegation regaled the crowd with descriptions of the 'horrors' perpetrated by the authorities in Petrograd.

Undeterred, Kuzmin tried again, first warning the crowd that 'Kronstadt is not the whole of Russia and we therefore shall not take account of it', and then in almost the same breath, he reminded them of Kronstadt's 'glorious pages'. But this time flattery did not work and a sharp voice cut in reminding Kuzmin of his ruthless past as a member of the Revolutionary-Military Council of the Sixth Army in the north: 'Have you forgotten how you had every tenth man shot on the northern front?!' 'Down with him! Down!'. . . the cries seethed all around. Kuzmin tried to outshout them: 'We shot those who betrayed the workers' cause and shoot them we shall. As for you, you [we?] would have shot every fifth and not every tenth.' 'That's enough!', the shout went up, 'He gunned them down! You can't frighten us. We have seen it all. . . run him out of here!'

(page 216)
http://libcom.org/files/Israel_Getzler_Kronstadt_1917-1921_The_Fate_of_a_Soviet_Democracy_Cambridge_Russian,_Soviet_and_Post-Soviet_Studies__1983.pdf

And so unfolded this 'family quarrel' (as the ICC and fellow left communists would have it) between a new totalitarian oligarchy and their subjects, ending in the crushing of the latter. As stated above, this was an atrocity supported by Lenin's Left Communist entourage. Today's left communists re-enact the same, but armed with sophistries. To claim that Bolshevism and left communism represented a working humanity or were its emanation in 1921, is an absurdity, it is to support crimes against the Russian population. Feeling empathy for the Kronstadters today means imagining them overthrowing the Bolshevik Leviathan and its Comintern in 1921, if not in 1917, when the bloody usurpation started.

But there will never be again anything remotely similar to October 1917, and thus no further Kronstadts. The vision of the 'labour republic', which animated Marxism from its origins, is a totally spent ideology.

NOTES

1) http://libcom.org/history/bolsheviks-shooting-anarchists-emma-goldman-alexander-berkman

(2) Below, a starry gem by Anton Pannekoek, fully supporting 'bourgeois revolutionaries' carrying out a 'bourgeois revolution' in 'feudal Russia' (and stamping out lippy muzhiks in Kronstadt). This was written in March 1921, as the Kronstadt rebels were being slaughtered. The ICC commends Pannekoek's 'farsighted' response to the anarchist Erich Mühsam. As the future guru of 'workers' councils' kowtows to the Galliffets of Moscow and Petrograd, the hostility of early Western left communism towards anarchism couldn't be starker. This disproves the recent ICC charm-marketing, about the first love between Bolshevism and anarchism. At the time Western left communists showed their fervent (albeit 'critical') solidarity with the Bolshevik hangmen, knowing full well that anarchists and other socialists were being hounded and liquidated by the Cheka:

Quote:
You want to form a league of all the revolutionary groups excluded by Moscow. We do not want to because such a league must itself become the declared enemy of Moscow [perish the thought!]. We feel, despite the exclusion of our tendency by the Moscow Congress, complete solidarity with the Russian Bolsheviks... We remain solid not only with the Russian proletariat but also with the Bolshevik leaders, although we must criticise in the firmest way [hear, hear!] their conduct within international communism.

ICC, The Dutch and German Communist Left, London (no date), page 175

(3) Leon Trotsky, Stalin, London 1947, page 337

(4) Cited approvingly by the ICC: The Russian Communist Left, London 2005, page 87. For Avrich's essay: http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/russia/bol_opp_lenin_avrich.html. The ICC (and its simian remora) cite Avrich and leftist pundit Hal Draper when suitable, in defence of the Lenin cult. Sooner or later Lars Lih, another Leninoid penpusher, may be added, to prop up left communism's veneration for What is to be Done? Every now and then, when leftist rackets feel the fatal member attrition that will ultimately extinguish them, a re-re-embalmed Lenin glows. Slavoj Žižek is one of the latest peddlers of the Vladimir cult, confiming the synergy between Stalinoid leftism and left communism – see Lenin Reloaded: Toward a Politics of Truth, Sic 7, Duke, 2007

(5) Ibid, page 87

(6) This is from ex-Bolsheviks in Kronstadt:

Quote:
Having discussed the current situation, we, members of the R.C.P., are disgusted by the shameless actions of the little bunch of Communist bureaucrats who strive to protect their power with arms, and to build prosperity for themselves on others' misfortune. We openly declare that we did not enter the party in order to drown the world of laborers in blood, but to give all our strength and knowledge for the good of the laborers. This gang used our trust and wove itself a wasps' nest. We consider such oppressors to be outside the law, and we will, equally with the toilers of the town of Kronstadt, defend the true path on which the revolutionary seamen, soldiers and workers stand. As of this date, we do not consider ourselves to be members of the party, and give ourselves entirely into the command of the Revolutionary Committee.

http://www.marxists.org/history/ussr/events/kronstadt/izvestia/index.htm

Quite different from left communists, including Trotskyists, who remained loyal, even in gulags, to the Party that was butchering the proletariat and peasantry (and them, as well). This servility attracted sycophants (still does!), whose life aim was to harass and dominate others. Thus, their Stalinist ex-comrades became 'traitors and renegades of the working class', but the shared vision and practice of Bolshevism, to rule through usurpation and terror, was rarely questioned.

This is the complete Kronstadt Izvestiia of March 1921 (14 issues). See also Frans Kool, Erwin Oberländer, Arbeiterdemokratie oder Parteidiktatur, Kronstadt, Büchergilde Gutenberg, Frankfurt 1968, preface by Oskar Anweiler.

In addition, the works by Voline, Ida Mett, Robert Daniels, Gregory Maximoff, Alexandre Skirda, Maurice Brinton, Oskar Anweiler, Emilio Olcina, Nick Heath and many others show that by 1921 many Russian workers and peasants understood profoundly what had happened to them after 1917, and this tragic awareness owed nothing to left communism.

Not surprising, here is an insidious, covert justification for the downfall of Kronstadt: "The programme [sic] of the Kronstadt insurgents was not sufficiently clear to grasp the attention of left communists.... it simply [!!] supported – in a confused way – a dictatorship of the councils without parties of any sort, and not a dictatorship exercised by a single party." This sounds clear enough to anyone except left communists. It gets better: "... the call for a 'third revolution' by the 'Kronstadters' remained very vague and offered no perspective." ICC, ibid, pp 169-8

But the proclamation below, for example, confirms that there was a very clear perspective, from a garrison and town that had been pushed to the limits of endurance:

Quote:
... To all... to all... to all... to the Workers of the world!

The airborn Communist predators have begun to envy Wilhelm's laurels. They hover over Kronstadt like kestrels, throwing bombs and killing the peaceful populace, our wives and children. But this will not stop us from fighting to the end for the holy interests of the laboring masses. May the workers of the world know that we are struggling for the true power of the laboring people, while bloody Trotsky and well fed Zinoviev with their champions are struggling for the power of the Communist oppressor Party.

May the workers of the world know that these criminals are hiding the truth from the people, and letting out the slanderous lie that tsarist generals lead us. It has been twelve days now since this handful of true hero proletarians, these workers, sailors and soldiers, isolated from the whole world, took on themselves the whole weight of the blow struck by the Communist Party butchers. But we are cheerful. We will bring the cause which we have begun to a victorious end, or die with the cry, "Long live freely elected Soviets."

May the workers of the world know this....

http://www.marxists.org/history/ussr/events/kronstadt/izvestia/11.htm

Despite the ignorant claim of the ICC's savants, the Kronstadt insurgents had no 'programme'. Who would care but pedantic apparatchiks? Even with this uncouth omission, Kronstadt distributed resolutions, broadcasts, appeals and exposés of the criminality of Bolshevik rule, still nothing like the Bolshevik ABC of Communism or the ICC Platform. However, not having a scintillating programme makes people expendable, not a safe bet like the conquistador racket in Moscow. By instinct the left communists identified with the programme of Bolshevism, with its brazen support for the Red Terror. Undoubtedly, a 'third revolution' by crude sailor-muzhiks 'offered no perspective', not like the 'March Action' in Germany and other examples of internationalist perspective orchestrated by the Comintern (Bulgaria 1923, China 1926-27, etc). Blood flowed copiously in these adventures of the world revolution, like in disassembly lines in abattoirs.

For the Cheka and Lenin-Trotsky, the Kronstadt insurrection threatened the safe jobs of Lenin's boys, the whole edifice of Red Fascism. This was equally clear to left communists, the specialists in the fine print of 'programmes'. This fear insulated them from the clamour of battle, the screams of children and wounded, drowning troops, the staccato of Maxims, the explosions of shells in homes and streets, the smell of body parts and cordite, the cruelty of Chekists executing surrendered sailors... no, not 'a sufficiently clear programme'!

In this sinister dismissal, left communists appear as custodians of a Bolshevik tendering process -- the 'programme' from Kronstadt: not clear enough, confusionist, vague, without perspective. Sorry, don't call us, we'll call you in 50 years. Next? other 'mistakes' in March, let's see, the crushing of the Tambov region and the Makhno insurrection, the unleashing of putsches in Germany by KPD-KAPD gangs (Bolsheviks and left communists together!), which deflected attention from Lenin's reign of terror at Kronstadt and Petrograd ... all mistakes, but nothing that undermines the invariant loyalty to Bolshevism.

proletarian.
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Mar 31 2014 11:21
Quote:
This is the essence of the left Bolshevik (or left communist) sects: they are PR outfits for early Bolshevism.

Checking the definition of 'essence' in a dictionary confirms my thinking that this is not the case. It seems to me modern Left Communists like the ICC are based upon their political positions and practical lessons learned from past struggles. Their 'essence' or fundamental thing for me is their rejection of all sides in war, anti-parliamentarism, and their rejection and explanation along with others of course the myriad of false and harmful methods and tactics of the left. Their commitment to believing in the extension of struggle by workers independent of unions and all bourgeois factions is very important also. There's a lot more you could say about them, but I don't think their 'essence' is historical as you suggest. Would like to hear what others think though.

Spikymike
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Mar 31 2014 15:58

proletarian,
Some of today's self-described Left Communist groups and others with their origins in Left Communism have sought to move on from a simple defense of 'early Bolshevism' but have still struggled to come to terms with, and honestly acknowledge, the shear anti-working class, indeed anti-human, practice of the Bolshevik regime under both Lenin and Trotsky that cannot be dismissed as mere 'errors of the movement'. I am not one of those that would right off all political groups in our milieu, for all their faults, as simple 'rackets'. It is by no means inevitable that todays Left Communist derived groups should reproduced the degenerate practices of the Bolshevik party-state in microcosm, but there is certainly evidence, stornger in some groups than others, that such practices have been periodically regenerated to the detriment of their other more worthwhile political contributions.