Is Terrorism Justified?

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So I've recently been reading Trotsky's "Terrorism and Communism". And while I disagree with a lot of what he says, I'm rather at a loss as to how to be coherent, on the particular issue of use of violence in extreme situations (I'm not thinking of propaganda-by-the-deed or anything, I mean revolutionary civil war, Red Terror vs. White Terror stuff).

On the one hand, non-violent ways of resolving disputes, organising the economy, etc. are the goal, but on the other hand, in the immediate context of civil war non-violence per se isn't an option. So I'm asking myself how that use of violence is regulated - who gets targeted, who does the targetting. On the one hand, Trotsky's idea that anyone is a legitimate target if 'the revolutionaries' (i.e. the Bolsheviks) judge that they pose a risk, seems unappealing, both for its callousness and for the fact that it seems to provide ample opportunities for groups to bump off their rivals and opponents on the pretext that they are 'counter-revolutionary'.

But at the same time, it feels somewhat utopian and liberal to say that due process should continue, with people presumed innocent until proven guilty by a public and impartial court. The old court system will probably have dissolved, and it won't be easy to conjure up a new one overnight. In a civil war, impartiality seems impossible. The proceedings of a rigourous justice system require more time and effort than may be available. And if people are presumed innocent until proven guilty, then revolutionary forces will be struggling (in whatever way) not just against declared opponents but against a powerful counter-revolutionary camp in their own midst. If the contest of forces is close, this might mean the difference between victory and defeat.

In sum: if there really are lurking counter-revolutionary saboteurs around, but we don't want to let Trotsky and his ilk pick them out, how do we identify them, and what do we do with them?

Tell me if I'm just tying myself in knots here.

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what has this got to do with terrorism? Terrorism is generally understood to be the targeting of civilians with violence, creating a climate of fear, to further political aims.

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do you post on another board as thunk? Mr. T

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Terrorism is the attempt to inspire terror in a population to make their leadership do something. That is entirely the opposite of anarchism, which aims to terrorise bosses by persuading the workers to do something.

In the specific context of a civil war I think that the act of fighting such a war will destroy any revolutionary movement. There will be times where self-defence is necessary but by and large the revolution will win because soldiers will ot fight against it. When we have white guard style enemies they will be heavily outnumbered and hopefully fight poorly.

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"what has this got to do with terrorism?"

Well, for example, taking the managers of AIG as hostages and threatening to execute them if the counter-revolution carries out some particular act (advances on a certain city, carries out massacres of our own supports in territory it controls, etc.). Or alternatively, using the threat of imprisonment or death to intimidate supporters of the counter-revolution out of publishing, speaking out, or organising within our own territory. Those would both be examples of 'revolutionary terrorism' in the sense that Trotsky is talking about.

"do you post on another board as thunk?"
No...

"the act of fighting such a war will destroy any revolutionary movement...by and large the revolution will win because soldiers will ot fight against it"

Ok, but this invites the question: if we're not in that sort of situation, if there is in fact a strong counter-revolution, and while we could defeat we could also be defeated by it, what should we do? If Russia 1917 rolls up on us, we can't call off the struggle because we're not confident enough of victory - if we let the baddies win, everyone remotely involved in left-wing organising will be shot. So how to do we proceed?

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"baddies"

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A curious thread...

You need to define terrorism rather than confining it to a certain historical scenario.

One terrorist is another's freedom fighter at the end of the day and it is relative to their particular struggle. My question is what relevance does it have to today's struggle?

The use of force is an unequivical necessity in modern struggle. Nonviolence in isolation is nothing more or less than an acceptance of the status quo. Force in isolation has long tainted the anarchist tradition. A biodiversity of tactics is thus necessary for modern struggle. Some of it is bound to be ugly.

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"You need to define terrorism"
Ok, how about 'use of violence not justified based on the immediate threat posed or crimes committed'. Where 'immediate' is strict enough to be very obvious (like, they had a gun and were marching towards you surrounded by tanks) and 'crimes' means something reasonable but not broad enough to include 'being rich' or 'disagreeing with communism'.

But really the whole point is I'm interested in how others define it - or how they draw whatever lines they think are important.

"A biodiversity of tactics is thus necessary for modern struggle. Some of it is bound to be ugly"
Right, but presumably some 'tactics' aren't part of that diversity. Nuclear weapons aren't. Shooting political rivals isn't. Making people shoot their own children isn't. So what is the dividing line, however rough and schematic?

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back2front wrote:
One terrorist is another's freedom fighter at the end of the day and it is relative to their particular struggle. My question is what relevance does it have to today's struggle?

None, assuming that by "today's struggle" you are talking about the class struggle. Terrorising a population to force their leaders to do something has nothing to do with increasing the self-activity of the working class. The "one man's terrorist is another's freedom fighter' thing is usually brought up in the context of national liberation struggles by their supporters, but such struggles are actually bourgeois faction fights and don't further the interests of the class, just fragment it. They leave us no more powerful, a lot of people dead, and in the rare event they succeed, with a different set of gangsters in power who rule in the interests of capital just as much as the last lot, albeit with different rhetoric. Prole-on-prole action has no relevance to anarchism/communism.

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biodiversity of tactics

whut?

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Captain Soap - The term "biodiversity of tactics" was first coined, to my knowledge, by the Indian acivist Arundhati Roy. Roy rightfully points out that to isolate tactics in struggle because some people may find them unacceptable is counter-productive. Specifically she is talking about the use of force in certain situations, often seen as anethema to supporters of pacifism. As we are a biodiversity of people it seems apt that this is reflected in struggle.

The 'one man's terrorist...' quote while it is often used by national liberationists is still relevant because the use of force by anyone other than the State and its minions is construed as terrorism, which is clearly not the case.

Alderson I'd say in such an immediate situation as you describe I would resort to all means necessary in a desperate situation. With respect I think it's profoundly daft to even consider discussing nuclear weapons within the context of class struggle but yes there are some things not worth considering, such as the shooting of children. The dividing line is entirely relative to the particular struggle with which you are engaged. Speculation on the issue isn't especiallly useful as there are so many possible scenarios, however looking to struggles in the past does offer a perspective.

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Alderson raises some interesting questions. I agree with Back that the bourgeoisie (increasingly) labels revolutionary elements as terrorist. But I think that it's necessary to be unambiguous on this question and I fully agree with the post of Captain.

Definitions are necessary as are explanations of definitions. I support the ICC's approach to this by placing the question in the framework of terror, terrorism and class violence.

First of all pacifism is an ideology at best and a weapon of the ruling class generally. It's not a question of terrorism v pacifism (or war against peace in other terms) but working class violence against both. The bourgeois state has perfected terror against the working class and against this the class responds with its violence.

At best terrorism is an expression of impotence and never an expression of revolutionary struggle. But generally (and again, increasingly) it's a weapon of the bourgeosie in its internal faction fights and a weapon of the nation state in its inter-imperialist rivalries, as well of course in a National Liberation that is no longer a possibility.

In reality, the acceptance of terrorism means support for one form or expression of nationalism or the other. It can play no role in the emancipation of the proletariat whose violence is mass based and conscious (it could be argued that in the past the working class has been too lenient with its violence). That is a class organised and conscious of its goals.

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back2front wrote:
Captain Soap - The term "biodiversity of tactics" was first coined, to my knowledge, by the Indian acivist Arundhati Roy. Roy rightfully points out that to isolate tactics in struggle because some people may find them unacceptable is counter-productive. Specifically she is talking about the use of force in certain situations, often seen as anethema to supporters of pacifism. As we are a biodiversity of people it seems apt that this is reflected in struggle.

Yeah I was more nit-picking, wondering what the "bio" part refers to (I am a biologist so don't really understand its purpose when we're not really talking about living things). It sounds like it means the same thing as "diversity of tactics". I don't really understand what "biodiversity of people" means either - we are all the same species after all. But as I said, this is just nitpicking and I agree that in struggle it can be necessary to use tactics without (or against) majority approval. We aren't democrats, after all wink

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Alderson, you can define terrorism for what it's not; it's not a positive step for the working class in any way whatsover. On the contrary, history has amply demonstrated its negativity at best and its incorporation into different states' "national interests" as is more generally the case.

The question of being against a majority approval, without or against, raised by Soap, is a question of the general dynamic of the struggle. And we're talking about the working class here not the whole population, not bourgeois democracy. There are certainly roles for minorities of the class that don't have to "go along with" certain majority views. The minority has a responsibility but the generalision of the dynamic of the struggle by the greater numbers of workers is the key.
On the question of practical actions there are some cases that need to be kept to a minority. This is a responsibility in any organisation of the working class. At the level of the struggle itself it's important in certain circumstances. A practical example I've used on other boards was the heroic and effective sabotage of a strikebreaking engineering factory, the details of which were necessarily confined to a small (organised) minority. Minority actions yes, but in the service of the struggle - not terrorism, nor terror.

Back above raises the question of killing children and, as he says, it's an unbearable thought. But capitalist society is rife with it, its armies and terrorists contribute greatly to the slaughter and there's also man-made famine and disease.
While it was extraordinary, I thought it a correct decision to kill the Russian royal family. It must have been difficult but the Bolsheviks offered them safe passage to England and it was turned down because of the risk of inflaming the already widespread unrest taking place in Britain. A difficult decision but a rallying point of the royal family, particularly with the White Armies massing, would have have meant a great deal of death and destruction on the working class.

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This being a libertarian communist community, I'm surprised that no one has pointed out that the use of terrorism, i.e. the use of violence other than as punishment for intolerable behaviour or in self-defence, is fundamentally anti-libertarian. Libertarian socialism is not just "Marxism/Leninism Light", it differs from Marxism/Leninism in that it is inherently individualist, whereas Marxism/Leninism is inherently collectivist. Yes, an individual's rights ARE inviolable; no, the ends DO NOT justify the means! If that sounds bourgeoisie to you, you might be in the wrong place: libertarian socialism has it's roots in anarchism, not in Marxism.

Apart from this being a question of principle, the use of non-constitutional violence is counterproductive in the long run, anyway. The more a movement relies on violence to deal with opposition, the less support it will have from the population, leading to more opposition that in turn calls for more violence. This vicious circle helps more ruthless elements to gain influence and thus helps establish mechanisms of terrorism that are very hard to get back out of the system, as opposition may be suppressed at times, but never disappears completely. How I see it, the libertarian socialist answer would be to meet violent opposition with self-defense and non-violent opposition with integration in the decision-making process, like it or not.

As for those democracy-being-bourgeoisie comments, direct democracy always has been a key mechanism of anarchism/libertarian socialism. I also think there seems to be some misunderstanding about "class struggle", the term itself an unfortunate relict of Marx's historicism. The goal is not to kick a certain class of people off the face of the earth, but to fuse all classes into one in a society where personal gain and fulfillment are achieved by work and innovation, not by owning capital.

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moismyname wrote:
Libertarian socialism is not just "Marxism/Leninism Light", it differs from Marxism/Leninism in that it is inherently individualist, whereas Marxism/Leninism is inherently collectivist.

That is a very original definition of libertarian socialism. In reality, libertarian socialism (or just socialism, actual socialism) involves the abolition of private property and the collective management of the means of production. Whatever philosophical individualism some people might subscribe to has nothing to do with how a libertarian society would actually function.

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Yes, an individual's rights ARE inviolable

Rights are fundamentally based on a conception of liberty that is guaranteed and enforced by a state. In the absence of a state, there are no rights.

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non-constitutional violence

??

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As for those democracy-being-bourgeoisie comments, direct democracy always has been a key mechanism of anarchism/libertarian socialism.

Bourgeois representative democracy and direct democracy based on workers' councils, are two very different things. No one here is arguing against the latter.

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I also think there seems to be some misunderstanding about "class struggle", the term itself an unfortunate relict of Marx's historicism. The goal is not to kick a certain class of people off the face of the earth, but to fuse all classes into one

The abolition of capital means the abolition of all classes. Classes are economic categories which describe a person's relationship to the means of production. In capitalism, they are produced and enforced by capital. Therefore the abolition of classes does not mean annihilating large groups of people for no reason.
I think you should do some reading on Marx, before you pass further judgement on his thought.

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Vlad336 wrote:
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Yes, an individual's rights ARE inviolable

Rights are fundamentally based on a conception of liberty that is guaranteed and enforced by a state. In the absence of a state, there are no rights.

Excuse my bourgeoisie way of expressing myself, but if no one has the authority to inflict violence on anyone else, we needn't be having this discussion. If, on the other hand, there is any kind of executive body that is willing to inflict violence in the interest of the community, then rights need to be considered, whether you call that body a state or not.

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moismyname wrote:
Libertarian socialism is not just "Marxism/Leninism Light", it differs from Marxism/Leninism in that it is inherently individualist, whereas Marxism/Leninism is inherently collectivist.

That is a very original definition of libertarian socialism. In reality, libertarian socialism (or just socialism, actual socialism) involves the abolition of private property and the collective management of the means of production. Whatever philosophical individualism some people might subscribe to has nothing to do with how a libertarian society would actually function.

That wasn't a definition, it was a differentiation. The point is, in an ideal anarchist (libertarian) society, nobody has the authority to impose their will on anyone else. That is the epitome of individualism. In a collectivist society (or more precise: a society with a collectivist mindset) such as Bolshevism, the interests of the collective are valued higher than the interests of the individual. That implies that the collective or their representative have the right and/or authority to impose their will on the individual. Neither of these mindsets have anything to do with the economy being collectivist or not, that's a completely different ball game. For a comparison of the different combinations of individualist/collectivist policies and economies, I recommend Government in th Future, an essay by Noam Chomsky.

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As for those democracy-being-bourgeoisie comments, direct democracy always has been a key mechanism of anarchism/libertarian socialism.

Bourgeois representative democracy and direct democracy based on workers' councils, are two very different things. No one here is arguing against the latter.

There were people arguing against democracy in general.

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[...]I agree that in struggle it can be necessary to use tactics without (or against) majority approval. We aren't democrats, after all

And the following quote in reference to the use of violence doesn't seem to me to be in accordance with libertarian democratic standards, either:

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There are certainly roles for minorities of the class that don't have to "go along with" certain majority views.

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I also think there seems to be some misunderstanding about "class struggle", the term itself an unfortunate relict of Marx's historicism. The goal is not to kick a certain class of people off the face of the earth, but to fuse all classes into one

The abolition of capital means the abolition of all classes. Classes are economic categories which describe a person's relationship to the means of production. In capitalism, they are produced and enforced by capital. Therefore the abolition of classes does not mean annihilating large groups of people for no reason.
I think you should do some reading on Marx, before you pass further judgement on his thought.

I didn't say Marx wanted to annihilate large groups of people, I said that a lot of people seem to misunderstand Marx's concept of class struggle, implying that it's all about proletariat vs. bourgeoisie, them or us. Yes, public ownership of means of production will lead to a single class society - call it a classless society, same thing.

Btw, I'm quite well read in Marx, well enough to recognize his subtle dialectics and historicism rooted in the philosophy of Hegel, a philosopher I have little consensus with.

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Despite the wishes and propaganda of the bourgeoisie, Marx's concept of the class struggle is continually being validated in real life, ie, the bourgeoisie v the proletariat.
One of the points about terrorism and its use, is that first it is now clearly a method of bourgeois faction fighting and inter-imperialist rivalries and secondly, the aim of the class struggle, the revolutionary perspective, is to bring all the other oppressed elements of society behind the struggle of the working class. Terrorism is inimical to this.

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Excuse my bourgeoisie way of expressing myself, but if no one has the authority to inflict violence on anyone else, we needn't be having this discussion.

Have you ever tried 'inflicting violence'? It really is tremendous fun, I'd reccomend it to anyone.

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if, on the other hand, there is any kind of executive body that is willing to inflict violence in the interest of the community, then rights need to be considered, whether you call that body a state or not.

"Rights need to be considered." Why? Surely if said executive is under absolute democratic control, the violence it inflicts will naturally cause the greatest pleasure for the greatest number. "Rights" don't enter into it. It's a question of costs and benefits for the community, considered in terms of sheer human fulfillment, not some list of rights. Now, possibly by 'rights' you mean simply 'human pleasure', but that's not the usual meaning of the term.

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In a collectivist society (or more precise: a society with a collectivist mindset) such as Bolshevism, the interests of the collective are valued higher than the interests of the individual.

How can you have an 'interests of the collective' that is seperate from the interests of the individual people in the collective? If what you're actually saying is that the interests of one individual are subordinated to the interests of many individuals, then I'm behind that 100%. I can't see why anyone wouldn't be, "individualist" or otherwise. Otherwise, I have no idea what you are talking about.

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the following quote in reference to the use of violence doesn't seem to me to be in accordance with libertarian democratic standards, either:
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There are certainly roles for minorities of the class that don't have to "go along with" certain majority views.

The majority aren't libertarian. Therefore, according to libertarianism, we shouldn't be libertarians until everyone esle is. We should clearly go along with the majority. Except without subordinating the individual to the collective.

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I also think there seems to be some misunderstanding about "class struggle", the term itself an unfortunate relict of Marx's historicism. The goal is not to kick a certain class of people off the face of the earth, but to fuse all classes into one

The abolition of capital means the abolition of all classes. Classes are economic categories which describe a person's relationship to the means of production. In capitalism, they are produced and enforced by capital. Therefore the abolition of classes does not mean annihilating large groups of people for no reason.
I think you should do some reading on Marx, before you pass further judgement on his thought.

I didn't say Marx wanted to annihilate large groups of people, I said that a lot of people seem to misunderstand Marx's concept of class struggle, implying that it's all about proletariat vs. bourgeoisie, them or us. Yes, public ownership of means of production will lead to a single class society - call it a classless society, same thing.

Btw, I'm quite well read in Marx, well enough to recognize his subtle dialectics and historicism rooted in the philosophy of Hegel, a philosopher I have little consensus with.

Clearly the class struggle is just a misunderstanding based on Marx's historicism. After all, he invented it. And it's amazing that you've worked out that Marx's dialectics are rooted in Hegel - you should tell people about this, it seems like something the world needs to know.

Tan murkh hos.

~J.

PS: I missed a spot...

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the collective or their representative have the right and/or authority to impose their will on the individual. Neither of these mindsets have anything to do with the economy being collectivist or not, that's a completely different ball game.

No, it isn't. Without reproduction, you die. We can't live without a constant supply of the means of life. Do you really imagine that people's mindsets have nothing to do with the way in which those minds are sustained? That people's ideas really do float above the material world like that? Sounds pretty ridiculous to me.

~J.

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Also,

jef costello wrote:
Terrorism is the attempt to inspire terror in a population to make their leadership do something. That is entirely the opposite of anarchism, which aims to terrorise bosses by persuading the workers to do something.

this.

~J.

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BigLittleJ wrote:
Surely if said executive is under absolute democratic control, the violence it inflicts will naturally cause the greatest pleasure for the greatest number.

I see several flaws in that theory. I disagree that you can trade off harm and pleasure in absolute quantities regardless of qualities. Vote equals vote, but interest does not equal interest. Also, an individual is not free if she is exposed to the caprice of any given majority. A majority's impression of will on a minority is still an act of authority, no matter if the majorities and minorities chance every time. The closest we can get to freedom is by guaranteeing her the right of inviolacy in all her actions that are not in conflict with justified interests of others.

If, for example, a philosopher spends his time teaching any free, male citizen who asks to question tradition and the free, male citizens of the community decide via direct democracy to sentence him to death for "corrupting the youth", then I don't see how the sum of satisfaction achieved by those who wanted him dead weighs more than the harm done to him. You might argue that we can trust people to be reasonable, but a quick look on history tells me that relying on the people to be reasonable would be the Achilles' heel of any system. (Btw, the example above is the true story of Socrates.)

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How can you have an 'interests of the collective' that is separate from the interests of the individual people in the collective?

"The interests of one individual are subordinated to the interests of many individuals" = collectivism
"Inviolacy in all actions that are not in conflict with justified interests of others" = individualism

These two concepts conflict in that according to the former, an individual's freedom, well-being and even life may be sacrificed as pawns for some "greater good", according to the latter they may not. One could argue that (despite an atmosphere of fear of unjustly becoming a victim of the system) such "greater goods" weigh more than whatever would be sacrificed, but again history shows that such greater goods rarely turn out as hoped. Our moral responsibility towards every single individual is a bird in the hand, the ultimately just society is two birds in the bush. That's not to say we shouldn't reach out for those two birds, but while doing so we mustn't let go of the one we have (is that not dripping with rhetoric? smile ). And that brings us back to why the use of terrorism shouldn't be an option.

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The majority aren't libertarian. Therefore, according to libertarianism, we shouldn't be libertarians until everyone esle is.

That is by no means in accordance with libertarianism, if you ask me. According to libertarianism, leave people to be the way they want to be and don't impose your will on them. (Of course, there is nothing to be said against educating those willing to listen.)

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Clearly the class struggle is just a misunderstanding based on Marx's historicism. After all, he invented it. And it's amazing that you've worked out that Marx's dialectics are rooted in Hegel - you should tell people about this, it seems like something the world needs to know.

I don't see what here gives cause for sarcasm. Marx's collectivist view on what society's priorities should be are based on his historicism, which he inherits from Hegel's historicism, which is highly problematic from an epistemological point of view. Read Karl Popper: The Poverty of Historicism (Popper being the authority in philosophy of science).

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the collective or their representative have the right and/or authority to impose their will on the individual. Neither of these mindsets have anything to do with the economy being collectivist or not, that's a completely different ball game.

No, it isn't. Without reproduction, you die. We can't live without a constant supply of the means of life. Do you really imagine that people's mindsets have nothing to do with the way in which those minds are sustained? That people's ideas really do float above the material world like that? Sounds pretty ridiculous to me.

I guess I was asking for it, someone was bound to come up with "life is economy, economy is life" argument. Yes, that is true to a wide extent, but we must account for the fact that the word collectivism gets used in two different senses: in an economical sense where it means sharing the means of production (see Merriam-Webster) and in an socio-idealistic sense where it (more or less) has the definition I gave (actually, you gave - the Encyclopædia Britannica gives a similar one) above. Both authoritarian socialists and liberal capitalists like to pretend that the one consequently leads to the other and that both are the same thing, usually using the "life is economy, economy is life" argument, but in reality they are not: economic collectivism (sharing the means of production) IS compatible with idealistic individualism (inviolacy in all actions that are not in conflict with justified interests of others), whereas idealistic collectivism is not, as argued above.

But if you don't believe me, read the essay by Noam Chomsky I recommended last post, he's a renowned and leading libertarian socialist, in case you didn't know. In the essay he compares four forms of government: economic liberalism with socio-idealistic individualism (classic liberalism), economic liberalism with socio-idealistic collectivism (state capitalism), economic collectivism with socio-idealistic collectivism (Bolshevism and other form of authoritarian socialism) and economic collectivism with socio-idealistic individualism (libertarian socialism) - coming to the conclusion the libertarian socialism is best (of course).

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I'll just sum up what speaks to me out of what people have been saying so far.

Some people are saying that there's no point in drawing lines or framing definitions now in advance, we should leave it to struggling masses in future mass struggles. I think that's connected to some extent with the claim that:

"Surely if said executive is under absolute democratic control, the violence it inflicts will naturally cause the greatest pleasure for the greatest number."

This doesn't seem right to me. I don't think I'd express it in the language of individualism vs. collectivism, because the terms have so many meanings and because I don't accept that there really is a conflict (rather, I think what's typically called individualism lets some individuals harm others, and what's called collectivism often lets some individuals substitute themselves for the collective).

Rather, it's that collective irrationality seems a very reasonable possibility, indeed to some extent and inevitability (research on 'groupthink', the bystander effect, the inefficiency of brainstorming, etc.). The whole group, even expressing itself with the most perfect democracy, can do things which inflict serious harm on some of its members for no justifying reason.

The execution of Socrates is a good example that's been mentioned. Mill's "On Liberty" is also a good case, justified on entirely 'collectivist' utilitarian grounds, for why majorities should refrain from certain forms of interference with minorities, because they would shoot themselves in the foot.

So I do feel as though some sort of 'restraint' on the part of society is liable to be generally a good idea: some doctrine or principle or charter or whatnot that made widespread unpopularity insufficient for being the target of violence.

But what lines should that 'charter' draw? *shrug* that's what interests me.

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BigLittleJ wrote:
Surely if said executive is under absolute democratic control, the violence it inflicts will naturally cause the greatest pleasure for the greatest number.

I see several flaws in that theory. I disagree that you can trade off harm and pleasure in absolute quantities regardless of qualities. Vote equals vote, but interest does not equal interest.

Of course you can't. That would be a perfect, utopian society. I am arguing for a society that is somewhat closer to this than what we currently have: where violence, as well as all other human abilities, are collectively controlled by all (and therefore deployed for the good of all).

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Also, an individual is not free if she is exposed to the caprice of any given majority. A majority's impression of will on a minority is still an act of authority, no matter if the majorities and minorities chance every time.

So you in fact agree with the views you are reading into the earlier posts on this thread: by your definition of oppression, democracy is oppressive.

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The closest we can get to freedom is by guaranteeing her the right of inviolacy in all her actions that are not in conflict with justified interests of others.

And who will keep the lists of justified and unjustified interests, and how will they be determined, updated and, most importantly, enforced? Who will be our shield against the 'violation' of those actions which are 'justified'? Whose watchful gaze will keep lookout for the violators and whose wrathful justice deal out punishment to them?

Your 'right of inviolacy' is a hollow freedom - a freedom from that leaves us with freedom to nothing at all. It is absolutely identical with the self-ownership rights which the liberal far-right bleat about in their impotent utopias. Your anarchism is little better than Murray Rothbard's.

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How can you have an 'interests of the collective' that is separate from the interests of the individual people in the collective?

"The interests of one individual are subordinated to the interests of many individuals" = collectivism
"Inviolacy in all actions that are not in conflict with justified interests of others" = individualism

So in fact, individualism has nothing do with being in favor of individuals, of their pleasure, of their development, their flowering and self-expression. Individualism actually means the iron rule of 'justified interest' over the right of individuals to associate for their own interests, whether they are justified or not. Indeed, only one thing seems missing in your perfect world - the invincible, all-seeing knower and enforcer of justice. For he cannot be democracy, which has already been heartily denounced. God, perhaps? Buddha? Vishnu? Or you yourself?

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These two concepts conflict in that according to the former, an individual's freedom, well-being and even life may be sacrificed as pawns for some "greater good"

I did not say 'some greater good' I said the maximum pleasure for all the individuals concerned. It's by no means a vague or shadowy concept, it's quite clearly stated.

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One could argue that (despite an atmosphere of fear of unjustly becoming a victim of the system) such "greater goods" weigh more than whatever would be sacrificed, but again history shows that such greater goods rarely turn out as hoped.

Once could, and I would argue that greater pleasure (let's not use good, 'tis a vague term) is greater than lesser pleasure. That is, I would argue that if I did not want to get weird looks and a sympathetic 'are you feeling all right, son?' from whoever I was arguing with. Granted, there will be mistakes; granted, sometimes it won't work out as planned; but surely if human beings are even slightly rational it will work out more often than not.

I should add that plenty of harm has been dealt by those arguing for the 'inviolacy' of others too. It was 'self determination' that justified the Falklands war - indeed, almost every war in recent history has begun with someone or other claiming that such-and-such a person or persons is having their 'sovreignty', 'self-determination', 'justified interests' or some such meaningless term infringed upon.

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Our moral responsibility towards every single individual is a bird in the hand, the ultimately just society is two birds in the bush.

If it is 'morality' that motivates us, we surely have a 'moral responsibility' to bring about a 'moral' society. Even accepting your own moralistic framework, it would be impossible for me to agree to your claim that moral responsibility and the pursuit of justice are two quite distinct things. The only difference you can put between them is that 'history shows' that the pursuit of justice oft ends in disaster, and that 'no system is perfect'. But this is equally true of our own morality: many people have done barbaric things motivated by morals, and no body is so perfect that they can be perfectly moral and never 'violate' anyone's 'just interests' even supposing that these were real concepts rather than abstract nonsense.

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The majority aren't libertarian. Therefore, according to libertarianism, we shouldn't be libertarians until everyone else is.

That is by no means in accordance with libertarianism, if you ask me. According to libertarianism, leave people to be the way they want to be and don't impose your will on them. (Of course, there is nothing to be said against educating those willing to listen.)

Or, as someone put it earlier in the thread, there's room for minorities which don't go along with what the majority want.

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Clearly the class struggle is just a misunderstanding based on Marx's historicism. After all, he invented it. And it's amazing that you've worked out that Marx's dialectics are rooted in Hegel - you should tell people about this, it seems like something the world needs to know.

I don't see what here gives cause for sarcasm.

But it's so much fun.

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Marx's collectivist view on what society's priorities should be are based on his historicism, which he inherits from Hegel's historicism, which is highly problematic from an epistemological point of view. Read Karl Popper: The Poverty of Historicism (Popper being the authority in philosophy of science).

I am myself an amateur student of the philosophy and history of science, and Karl Popper is by no means the authority on either. (Not that it matters, because as you said earlier in the same post, authority = bad.)

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we must account for the fact that the word collectivism gets used in two different senses: in an economical sense where it means sharing the means of production (see Merriam-Webster) and in an socio-idealistic sense where it (more or less) has the definition I gave (actually, you gave - the Encyclopædia Britannica gives a similar one) above.

The democratic management of the means of production - collectivism, to use you term - is not separable from their 'sharing'. Sharing means using together, using together means everyone having a say, means democracy. What is shared? The physical, concrete means of production are not to be broken up into chunks and actually handed around to everyone - that would be preposterous. What is shared is control. Sharing control means democracy.

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Both authoritarian socialists and liberal capitalists like to pretend that the one consequently leads to the other and that both are the same thing, usually using the "life is economy, economy is life" argument, but in reality they are not: economic collectivism (sharing the means of production) IS compatible with idealistic individualism (inviolacy in all actions that are not in conflict with justified interests of others), whereas idealistic collectivism is not, as argued above.

Only where 'sharing' means something other than 'sharing control'. I am at a loss as to what else it reasonably could mean.

It seems to me that when you say 'share the means of production' you in fact mean simply that private property as it exists now should be done away with in favor of anyone controlling the means of production whenever they feel like it - but, 'only when it is in their justified interests'. Once again, the problem of who justifies comes to the fore. But this aside, what you describe is not sharing. Sharing is when I give some of my lunch to my friend at work because he slept in this morning and forgot to pack his - we distribute it according to a mutual agreement. What you're advocating isn't sharing, it's just a free-for-all moderated by 'justified interests'.

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But if you don't believe me, read the essay by Noam Chomsky I recommended last post, he's a renowned and leading libertarian socialist, in case you didn't know.

Actually, he really isn't. He's a leading academic, and a renowned libertarian socialist. However, his ideas aren't that important within libertarian socialism itself. Most anarchists I know don't regard his political thought as all that important or unusual. He's certainly on the far moderate side of the anarchist spectrum.

And if you don't believe me then I doubt referring you to some Great Leader's book will make any difference, no matter how renowned they may be. If I can't persuade you, then I doubt that my bibliography can.

~J.

(Sorry, that was fucking long. I really need to edit more...)

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Quote:

Actually, he really isn't. He's a leading academic, and a renowned libertarian socialist. However, his ideas aren't that important within libertarian socialism itself. Most anarchists I know don't regard his political thought as all that important or unusual. He's certainly on the far moderate side of the anarchist spectrum.

And if you don't believe me then I doubt referring you to some Great Leader's book will make any difference, no matter how renowned they may be. If I can't persuade you, then I doubt that my bibliography can.

~J.

(Sorry, that was fucking long. I really need to edit more...)

I use his books to help me sleep at night, hes a clever guy but his voice and way of writing sends me to sleep.

Joined: 24-12-08

"Granted, there will be mistakes; granted, sometimes it won't work out as planned; but surely if human beings are even slightly rational it will work out more often than not."

I'd suggest that, when associating in certain structures, people collectively are often less rational than people individually, even to the point of 'not as planned' becoming more common than 'as planned'. I'd further suggest that this is borne out by research in social psychology (which I'd be happy to elaborate on) as well as by ample historical and anecdotal evidence.

Given that, it's a reasonable idea that people should arrange the structures in which they associate in the ways that will best avoid or moderate these risks. One concrete example of that might be to establish the 'inviolacy' of, say, freedom of expression, and personal sexual choices, on the basis that people are often very irrational in dealing with other people's opinions and sexualities, and that such irrationality is often magnified in groups.

That doesn't suggest setting up some separate undemocratic body as a 'defender of liberty', just having a general principle or 'law' that constrains particular decisions (despite of course being open to revision if enough people say so).

I think that's the kind of thing that's being suggested by moismyname (?)

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Quote:
it's a reasonable idea that people should arrange the structures in which they associate in the ways that will best avoid or moderate these risks. One concrete example of that might be to establish the 'inviolacy' of, say, freedom of expression, and personal sexual choices, on the basis that people are often very irrational in dealing with other people's opinions and sexualities, and that such irrationality is often magnified in groups.

That doesn't suggest setting up some separate undemocratic body as a 'defender of liberty', just having a general principle or 'law' that constrains particular decisions (despite of course being open to revision if enough people say so).

I think that's the kind of thing that's being suggested by moismyname (?)

Seems reasonable to me, but I don't think that that's what moismyname is suggesting. In this example, the 'inviolacy' of these specific activities is determined democratically (by the majority - collectively) in order to ensure the proper functioning of democracy, for the purpose of securing the greatest possible human pleasure. The 'rights' are only 'inviolable' in as much as the democracy says they are inviolable - they are a product of collective decision making, and can be revised or repealed as necessary; say, if they become a burden on the functioning of democracy rather than an aid to it.

Now, I would agree that such rules or 'rights' could be useful in a libertarian communist society. But I would not place them above and beyond majority rule - they cannot be completely 'inviolable' as moismyname suggests. This is, firstly, because I don't think they should be - they would almost certainly become obstacles to securing the greatest pleasure for the greatest number in some circumstances, since no one set of rules is perfect for all conceivable eventualities. But secondly, I don't see how this set of inviolable principles could be maintained, devised, audited and enforced without the intervention of some immensely powerful and knowledgeable external force: if pretty much everyone agrees that it's stupid to follow this rule just right now, then who is actually going to stop them breaking it? In a democracy, those who go against the majority have to deal with the majority. Who will deal with those who go against the inviolable right to justified interests?

~J.

Joined: 24-12-08

"I don't think that that's what moismyname is suggesting"
Fair enough.

"they would almost certainly become obstacles to securing the greatest pleasure for the greatest number in some circumstances, since no one set of rules is perfect for all conceivable eventualities."

Right, but if we can't always get the perfect answer...

"if pretty much everyone agrees that it's stupid to follow this rule just right now"
Nobody stops them - they can do what they like. But the way I see it, if the idea of, say, sexual freedom is an established and widely accepted principle, then the 'traditional' value of that principle, the weight people attach to it, will often be enough to stop people, say, trying to cure the bisexuals, where respect for bisexuality per se might not (if, for example, everyone thinks it's disgusting and hence no homos or heteros put themselves in bisexuals' shoes).

By analogy - if I'm about to go into some situation where I'll have to rapidly formulate responses to unpredictable circumstances, I might be aware that I'm liable to certain biases, and hence before starting, lay down for myself some simple maxim like "always say 'no comment' until you've seen a solicitor". I'm not setting up an external authority that controls me, and it's not at all absolute, but I'm trying to constrain my momentary decisions by means of more reliable considered decisions.

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BigLittleJ wrote:
I don't think that that's what moismyname is suggesting

Alderson's post is precisely what I was suggesting. Thank you, Alderson, for your more elaborate account of that position (although I honestly don't see what else I could have been suggesting).

Let me clarify what I'm mean by "Inviolacy in all actions that are not in conflict with justified interests of others". A person A likes to exercise an action X, i.e. exercising action X contributes to person A's self-fulfilment. Persons B and C have a distaste for action X (for whatever reasons), but neither B nor C can plausibly exhibit how anyone performing action X limits their own freedom or hinders their own self-fulfilment. Then according to an individualist mindset, B and C have no legitimation to prevent A from exercising X, despite their being a majority and despite their conflicting interests, simply because B and Cs' interests are not justified. (This differs from BigLittleJ's standpoint in that he believes that their being a majority is per se sufficient legitimation to prevent A from exercising X.) If, however, persons B or C can plausibly exhibit how anyone performing action X does limit their own freedom or hinder their own self-fulfilment, THEN we have a conflict with justified interests and a democratic decision-making process may begin.

To stick with the examples given, such an individualist maxim would prevent a majority from violating a minority's freedom of personal sexual choices, as neither heterosexuals nor homosexuals are limited in their freedom or hindered in their self-fulfilment by what bisexuals do behind closed doors; it would prevent a majority from violating a minority's general freedom of expression, as people are not usually limited in their freedom or hindered in their self-fulfilment by what other people say (although I do see defamation as a conflict with justified interests); it would have prevented Socrates's execution, as neither those that hadn't listened to him, nor those that had, regarded themselves as corrupted, therefore no one was limited in their freedom or hindered in their self-fulfilment by his teachings. Beyond that, such a maxim could not become an obstacle to society's interests (whatever they may be, but "securing the greatest pleasure for the greatest number" still seems to me like a cheap excuse to exploit minorities), because if it were, it would be possible to plausibly exhibit in what way it is hindering people in their self-fulfilment or limiting their freedom.

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secondly, I don't see how this set of inviolable principles could be maintained, devised, audited and enforced without the intervention of some immensely powerful and knowledgeable external force: if pretty much everyone agrees that it's stupid to follow this rule just right now, then who is actually going to stop them breaking it? In a democracy, those who go against the majority have to deal with the majority. Who will deal with those who go against the inviolable right to justified interests?

That's a good point, and classical liberalist societies (i.e. capitalist pseudo-democratic plutocracies) have used and still use similar arguments to uphold police forces and armies and wage wars. But this maxim is designed to uphold the freedom and right to self-fulfilment of minorities without conflicting with the freedom and right to self-fulfilment of others. Everyone is part of one minority or other, therefore it is (almost) in everyone's interest to uphold this maxim. It shouldn't have to be enforced, it should rather be inherent to peoples understanding of society, which is more or less what Alderson has suggested. To achieve that, I think it would be helpful to formulate it in a constitution (yes, that's that evil bourgeoisie thing most western states have).

A few comments to BigLittleJ's reponse to (or rather "attack on") my last post:

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I am arguing for a society that is somewhat closer to this than what we currently have: where violence, as well as all other human abilities, are collectively controlled by all (and therefore deployed for the good of all).

No, you're not. You're arguing for a society where violence, as well as all other human abilities, are collectively controlled by any given majority (and therefore deployed for the good of said majority)

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by your definition of oppression, democracy is oppressive.

By my definition of oppression, untamed, absolute power of any given majority regarding any matter at hand may well be misused for oppression. Of course I see that putting a minority in charge of checking such majorities would be potentially even more oppressive, that's why I advocate a voluntary adoption of individualist rights.

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Your anarchism is little better than Murray Rothbard's.

Wow. I never claimed to be a full-blooded anarchist, I consider myself a moderate libertarian socialist, the emphasis on the abolishment of capitalism rather than the abolishment of the state (although of course I do advocate a strong decentralization of public institutions). The right I possibly advocate most is the right to access means of production. Nothing I have said in this thread is anywhere near Rothbard.

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I am myself an amateur student of the philosophy and history of science, and Karl Popper is by no means the authority on either. (Not that it matters, because as you said earlier in the same post, authority = bad.)

Karl Popper's The Logic of Scientific Discovery embodies the foundation of modern philosophy of science and it and others of his works remain compulsory reading for anyone involved in that field - if you've missed that fact you're a poor amateur student of the philosophy and history of science. As for your equalization of "authority" in a field of knowledge and political "authority", you can't be serious... (if that's your method of scientific discourse, I'm not surprised you haven't come across Popper)

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I don't think that that's what moismyname is suggesting

Alderson's post is precisely what I was suggesting. Thank you, Alderson, for your more elaborate account of that position (although I honestly don't see what else I could have been suggesting).

Actually, I don't see what you could possibly be suggesting either - unfortunately, you have directly contradicted what AWF actually said he thought you were suggesting:

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having a general principle or 'law' that constrains particular decisions ... being open to revision if enough people say so.
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an individual's rights ARE inviolable

(emphasis mine)

The two concepts are not reconcilable: either something is inviolable, or it is open to revision. Which is it? If the latter, laws are subservient to the needs of the collective. If the former, they are not subservient to the needs of the many, but would therefore require an external enforcer. You can have a or you can have b, but not both. If what was said by AWF was what you meant, why did you not say that instead of saying something which directly contradicts it?

I really am going to be pissed off if it turns out that this whole tedious exchange was simply based on your inability to communicate...

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Let me clarify what I'm mean by "Inviolacy in all actions that are not in conflict with justified interests of others". A person A likes to exercise an action X, i.e. exercising action X contributes to person A's self-fulfilment. Persons B and C have a distaste for action X (for whatever reasons), but neither B nor C can plausibly exhibit how anyone performing action X limits their own freedom or hinders their own self-fulfilment.

But if it makes them unhappy, then it clearly does.

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Then according to an individualist mindset, B and C have no legitimation to prevent A from exercising X, despite their being a majority and despite their conflicting interests, simply because B and Cs' interests are not justified.
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If, however, persons B or C can plausibly exhibit how anyone performing action X does limit their own freedom or hinder their own self-fulfilment, THEN we have a conflict with justified interests and a democratic decision-making process may begin.

I see - until then the democratic decision-making process is held in check by Merlin and his magic stick: in this fairy tale, democracy exists only within the scope allowed by justified interests. If the majority are defending justified interests, all to the good. If not, democracy is promptly suspended. Somehow.

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Beyond that, such a maxim could not become an obstacle to society's interests (whatever they may be, but "securing the greatest pleasure for the greatest number" still seems to me like a cheap excuse to exploit minorities), because if it were, it would be possible to plausibly exhibit in what way it is hindering people in their self-fulfillment or limiting their freedom.

Self-fulfillment and pleasure being utterly different, of course - one is a "cheap excuse" for the exploitation of minorities, the other the highest principle of human social life. Thank you for making your position so much clearer.

That aside, there is the issue of freedom. Now, your freedom is not simply the freedom to do what you want, because any rules or prohibitions or rights would limit that. Yours is the freedom to do what you want so long as it does not violate the justified interests of others. But lo and behold, the justification or otherwise of these interests can only be determined with reference to rights in the first place! In actual fact, it is impossible for any 'right' to limit freedom (your definition of it) since they are built in to the definition of freedom, and any right is, de facto, not a limit to freedom.

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It shouldn't have to be enforced, it should rather be inherent to peoples understanding of society, which is more or less what Alderson has suggested. To achieve that, I think it would be helpful to formulate it in a constitution

Right, so your basic response to the single biggest gaping hole in your vision of a free society - the problem that it depends on people consistently not doing what it would give them pleasure to do - is that, err, people just won't do it is all. It'll just be 'inherent'. You then suggest that it could be formulated in a constitution. Formulated by who? For whom? Even supposing it could be done democratically, by everyone in the whole world, which would result in the 'rights' and 'justified interests' corresponding roughly to people's needs and pleasures at the specific point in time at which it is formulated, it would invariably become more and more outdated as time wore on and conditions changed. Perhaps it could be updated - but then it would not be inviolable, or more specifically it would be violable by whoever made the decision to change it. Presumably democratically, presumably by the majority. In which case you have the majority able to 'violate' the 'rights' of the minority, in which case you don't really disagree with me, you just like to say you do.

Now, I respect the fact that you're ridiculing the way 'bourgeois' is used as a smear word by certain people on the left who don't really know what it means, or who know what it means but find it convenient to have curse words to throw at people.

But there is a reason that bourgeois states often have a constitution: life in modern society is built on people acting against their own interests much of the time. Particularly the proletariat, but also the bourgeois themselves - who after all have to subordinate their own subjectivity to ensure their reproduction. 'Rights' exist partly to stop people from doing things that would result in pleasure for them, but which undermine the rules of the system of private property, on which the power of the state (which came up with the constitution) is founded.

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BigLittleJ's reponse to (or rather "attack on") my last post:

Look buddy, if you can't stand the heat...

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No, you're not. You're arguing for a society where violence, as well as all other human abilities, are collectively controlled by any given majority (and therefore deployed for the good of said majority)

Not according to either of our definitions of collective control, I'm not: I already said that our abilities would be collectively controlled. Means democracy, means majority. Nice try, but you have to be thorough to be pedantic.

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By my definition of oppression, untamed, absolute power of any given majority regarding any matter at hand may well be misused for oppression. Of course I see that putting a minority in charge of checking such majorities would be potentially even more oppressive, that's why I advocate a voluntary adoption of individualist rights.

"Untamed" "absolute" democracy is bad, you mean. As opposed to a tame (tamed by who?) semi-democracy kow-towing before the holy 'individualist rights' which come from nothing and need no enforcing, and will be adopted voluntarily despite being different from human pleasure (what people want).

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Nothing I have said in this thread is anywhere near Rothbard.

Rothbard's anarchism is founded on the inviolability of a person's individual rights. So is yours. The only difference is that the two of you disagree on what those rights are. Neither of you really know how those rights could be upheld, exhibiting only a vague optimism that they would be. In fact, the only real difference between you is that Rothbard includes homesteading private property rights in his scheme and you don't. You are both closer to one another than you are to my own libertarianism.

That said, I apologize for using the word 'anarchism' too freely. It would indeed have been more correct to say 'your libertarianism'.

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As for your equalization of "authority" in a field of knowledge and political "authority", you can't be serious.

I can't be serious, and I obviously wasn't. I was (not very) subtly pointing out that equating the authority of state power to the authority of a democracy to make collective decisions is preposterous, by alluding to another use of the term authority which is obviously not equatable with either.

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if that's your method of scientific discourse

No, that's just a little humor. It wasn't very funny, but it brightened my day. Your deadpan response to it, however, is hilarious.

Resigned to another lengthy reply tomorrow,

~J.

Joined: 24-12-08

I'd agree that there's a difference in the language moismyname and I are using, suggesting a difference in the order of principles, what comes first and what derives from what. But I'm not sure it would come to anything in practice. It is worth being clear on though - I don't think a sharp line can be drawn between pleasure/whim/justified interest/self-fulfilment/etc., so the line has to be drawn roughly according to social benefit. So I think it's an important idea, distinguishing 'core needs' or something from 'peripheral desires', but I think it's a secondary principle based on others, not a bedrock.

It might be useful if BigLittleJ said something about some of the examples that have come up, about bisexuals and Socrates. If 60% of people wanted Socrates dead or bisexuals in psychiatric institutions, how would you respond? Would such a situation arise in the framework you are envisaging?

Do you really believe that such a policy would either A) actually promote the greatest pleasure/good for the greatest number - that each of the 60% of biphobes is made so happy by the thought that it matters more than people's freedom, or B) unlikely to happen at all often?

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Those are interesting questions, BigLittleJ, please don't let this post distract you in answering them. Nonetheless, I do feel inclined to respond to some of your allegations (not that I feel that it's leading anywhere).

BigLittleJ wrote:
The two concepts are not reconcilable: either something is inviolable, or it is open to revision. Which is it?

It's a matter of perspective. Every form of social organization is convention and not set in stone. A majority can always use it's sheer numbers to alter or overthrow any system. In some systems the ruling elite would use force to try and prevent this, but apart from the fact that there is no ruling elite in a libertarian socialist society, the use of force would obviously contradict every aspect of the individualist principles I have been advocating! So, is a majority capable of overthrowing an individualist maxim? Yes. Is it legitimized to do so? In my eyes, no. As I've already stated, dropping such a maxim would not be to the advantage of a society (I am not willing to count an increase of personal interference as an increase of overall pleasure), it can only be to the disadvantage of it's minorities, and therefore to the disadvantage of all individuals, as the individual is the smallest minority. I personally think that society has a moral obligation to protect its minorities (from itself), but that, of course, is an individualist standpoint. I always saw anarchism as being inherently individualist, as it's goal is to maximize the individual's freedom, and a non-individualist approach would inevitably lead to tyranny of the majority. That given (an inherent "live and let live" maxim within anarchism, and I said that just before the line you quoted), then individualist rights that are deductible from that maxim ARE inviolable within a libertarian socialist society, because if the society decides to violate them, it is no longer libertarian, and anarchism has failed in my eyes.

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Let me clarify what I'm mean by "Inviolacy in all actions that are not in conflict with justified interests of others". A person A likes to exercise an action X, i.e. exercising action X contributes to person A's self-fulfilment. Persons B and C have a distaste for action X (for whatever reasons), but neither B nor C can plausibly exhibit how anyone performing action X limits their own freedom or hinders their own self-fulfilment.

But if it makes them unhappy, then it clearly does.

So if A is Hindu and B and C are Christians, and it makes B and C unhappy that A will burn in hell for worshipping idols, how is this situation limiting their freedom or hindering their own self-fulfilment, and do you really think B and C are, as a majority, legitimized to prevent A from worshipping his gods?

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until then the democratic decision-making process is held in check by Merlin and his magic stick: in this fairy tale, democracy exists only within the scope allowed by justified interests. If the majority are defending justified interests, all to the good. If not, democracy is promptly suspended. Somehow.

Quit the polemics, if B or C can't plausibly exhibit how action X limits their freedom or hinders their self-fulfilment, the appropriate council would simply dismiss the case.

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Beyond that, such a maxim could not become an obstacle to society's interests (whatever they may be, but "securing the greatest pleasure for the greatest number" still seems to me like a cheap excuse to exploit minorities), because if it were, it would be possible to plausibly exhibit in what way it is hindering people in their self-fulfillment or limiting their freedom.
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Self-fulfillment and pleasure being utterly different, of course - one is a "cheap excuse" for the exploitation of minorities, the other the highest principle of human social life.

I didn't say pleasure is a cheap excuse for the exploitation of minorities, I said the concept of "securing the greatest pleasure for the greatest number" seems to me to be a cheap excuse for the exploitation of minorities. But if pleasure can be gained by prohibiting other people to do things that don't need to bother me, then yes, self-fulfillment and pleasure are utterly different.

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your freedom is not simply the freedom to do what you want, because any rules or prohibitions or rights would limit that. Yours is the freedom to do what you want so long as it does not violate the justified interests of others. But lo and behold, the justification or otherwise of these interests can only be determined with reference to rights in the first place! In actual fact, it is impossible for any 'right' to limit freedom (your definition of it) since they are built in to the definition of freedom, and any right is, de facto, not a limit to freedom.

What exactly are you criticising? I hadn't actually defined freedom at all, but granted, I said freedom and meant freedom to do what you want so long as it does not violate the justified interests of others. I would argue that that is the maximum amount of freedom that can be achieved in a society. Freedoms conflict. The pedophile's freedom do what he desires conflicts with children's freedom to be without fear of rape. A mob's freedom to lynch everyone they don't like conflicts with everyone's freedom to express unpopular opinions (and this is still true if the mob uses democratic decision-making processes).

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Right, so your basic response to the single biggest gaping hole in your vision of a free society - the problem that it depends on people consistently not doing what it would give them pleasure to do - is that, err, people just won't do it is all. It'll just be 'inherent'.

I don't see what the fuss is about, what I am purposing is a lot more like what we know from the societies we live in right now than what you are. Swap representative democracy with direct democracy, alter property rights (on the basis that as they are, they allow capitalists to accumulate economic power via capital, which is in conflict with justified interests of those whom that power is exercised on), add access to means of production rights (on the basis that without them, the proletariat are hindered in their self-fulfilment), a few other adjustments to the constitution and decentralization of other state institutions, and hey presto, you have a individualist libertarian socialist society! We already know it will sustain itself, as it is most people wouldn't even change their current constitution even though they were never asked if they wanted it in the first place.

What about your system? What regulating mechanism will prevent your society from voting itself straight back to capitalism and class struggle, or worse? What's to stop majorities from excluding minorities from the decision-making process, thus creating a new elite?

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You then suggest that it could be formulated in a constitution. Formulated by who? For whom? Even supposing it could be done democratically, by everyone in the whole world, which would result in the 'rights' and 'justified interests' corresponding roughly to people's needs and pleasures at the specific point in time at which it is formulated, it would invariably become more and more outdated as time wore on and conditions changed. Perhaps it could be updated - but then it would not be inviolable, or more specifically it would be violable by whoever made the decision to change it. Presumably democratically, presumably by the majority. In which case you have the majority able to 'violate' the 'rights' of the minority, in which case you don't really disagree with me, you just like to say you do.

As I've said, I hold the maxim that every individual should be free of interference in all actions that are not in conflict with justified interests of others to be inviolable, with it stands and falls any truly libertarian society. From that maxim can be derived basic principles, e.g. that everyone can choose their own religion or set of beliefs, that everyone can define their own sexuality, that everyone can participate in the democratic decision-making process, etc., as these are things that are not going to conflict with anyone's freedom or self-fulfilment. I don't see a future where such principles would be "outdated", although I can well imagine a future where populist demagogues claim that such principles are outdated in order to oppress or exploit minorities.

If these principles are to be established as rights, then yes, they would have to be legitimized and they would have to be adjustable (along the lines of the individualist maxm), and none other than the people of the society itself would have the authority to do so. Of course it's unrealistic to expect that all the people agree on these rights, but I strongly suggest that legitimizing and adjusting them should require more that a simple 50% majority.

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But there is a reason that bourgeois states often have a constitution: life in modern society is built on people acting against their own interests much of the time. Particularly the proletariat, but also the bourgeois themselves - who after all have to subordinate their own subjectivity to ensure their reproduction. 'Rights' exist partly to stop people from doing things that would result in pleasure for them, but which undermine the rules of the system of private property, on which the power of the state (which came up with the constitution) is founded.

I won't argue that constitutions haven't been misused to secure unjustified interests of capital holders (although I am rather inclined to believe that the limition of freedom and hinderence in self-fulfilment of people without capital that resulted from the property and trading rights was simply overlooked at first). But that doesn't mean a constitution can't be used as an instrument to stabilize an otherwise fluctuating democracy. Democracy itself has been misused in the past, that doesn't mean it's a worthless mechanism.

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No, you're not. You're arguing for a society where violence, as well as all other human abilities, are collectively controlled by any given majority (and therefore deployed for the good of said majority)

Not according to either of our definitions of collective control, I'm not: I already said that our abilities would be collectively controlled. Means democracy, means majority. Nice try, but you have to be thorough to be pedantic.

If something is being controlled collectively, then it is being controlled by a collective, but that collective certainly doesn't include those that were outvoted. Rather, if those that were outvoted are obligated to participate despite their reluctance, then they are being controlled and certainly not doing any controlling, themselves. And that human abilities are not neccessarily deployed for the good of all in this system is easily shown when the collective decides to direct its abilities against its own minorities. Thorough enough?

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Rothbard's anarchism is founded on the inviolability of a person's individual rights. So is yours. The only difference is that the two of you disagree on what those rights are.

I admit, I don't really know much about Rothbard. If your description is accurate, I don't see what distinguishes his stance from classical liberalism. In any case, if he allows for people to accumulate economical power through capital, then he's not libertarian (whoever that power is exercised on is limited in their freedom and/or hindered in their self-fulfilment - I've said that before, but it can't be said enough).

BigLittleJ's picture
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Joined: 29-03-09
Alderson Warm-Fork wrote:
I'd agree that there's a difference in the language moismyname and I are using, suggesting a difference in the order of principles, what comes first and what derives from what. But I'm not sure it would come to anything in practice.

Maybe not, between you and him. However, there is a clear difference between my practice and his practice - I am swinging for the greatest pleasure possible, all other criteria are secondary. He believes (maybe) in inviolable rights. This must cause us to have different practices.

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It is worth being clear on though - I don't think a sharp line can be drawn between pleasure/whim/justified interest/self-fulfilment/etc., so the line has to be drawn roughly according to social benefit. So I think it's an important idea, distinguishing 'core needs' or something from 'peripheral desires', but I think it's a secondary principle based on others, not a bedrock.

I would agree completely.

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It might be useful if BigLittleJ said something about some of the examples that have come up, about bisexuals and Socrates.

Right, sorry - I didn't address these earlier because I had already taken ages to post. However...

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If 60% of people wanted Socrates dead or bisexuals in psychiatric institutions, how would you respond? Would such a situation arise in the framework you are envisaging?

These problems contain two issues: 1) the problem that pleasure for the greatest number isn't necessarily the greatest pleasure, and 2) the problem that people don't always know what gives them pleasure/pain. Obviously 2) is not ultimately soluble unless there is some being that does know what gives people pleasure/pain and has the power to make them act accordingly, whether rights are set in stone or not. 1) Is simply the difference between what I advocate and perfection. I just think communism would be better, not perfect, so I don't deny that communal decision making could run in to these kinds of problems. But I don't see how having a set of inviolable rights solves it: if the rights are decided democratically, you have the same problems. If you are not, you have really serious problems, so what do you do?