Who's interested in Professor Fucking No-one's reading of Butler's reading of Derrida's reading of Heidegger's reading of Nietszche? Not me.
What does it mean to say that the workers are united.
Who's interested in Professor Fucking No-one's reading of Butler's reading of Derrida's reading of Heidegger's reading of Nietszche? Not me.
What does it mean to say that the workers are united.
What does it mean to say that the workers are united.
It can mean a lot of things. If it means, "the workers are united in that they all want the same thing, " that would be false. If it means, "the workers are united in that they have certain interests in common, " it would be true.
Post-structuralism is pure fucking poison - it's the ideology of defeat and it is no coincidence that it's main proponants are all people who watched the 68 uprising fall apart. Post-structuralism takes you straight to Baudrillard and the 'celebration' of the carnival of capitalism and the tyranny of images. It is reactionary as fuck because it denies solidarity any basis or reality, it denies agency to people and grants it to the discourses that, supposedly, create us.
hmmm, i always thought 68 failed because there was too much factionalism, not enough support from outside and nastiness from the french state and its tentacles. still, whatever you say...
also, you realise that not every poststructuralist agrees with baudrillard...
also poststructuralism prevented feminism and marxism from dying a very nasty and painful death, and both have now advanced way way way beyond anarchist thought...
also it doesn't deny any basis for solidarity, it just reassesses the site of contestation into less one-dimensional terms and says, let's try and deal with the complexity of reality and stop living in the 19th century...
also it says nothing about discourses 'creating us'- it says identity is discursively negotiated (very very different), and anyway, remember that it has disagreements within it like any other school of thought anyway...
also it has brought about new methods of participatory research that has broken ooodles of boundaries, particularly in vastly reducing hierarchy in academia and bringing it more into real life, as well as opening up new avenues where there is struggle and bringing new analyses of that struggle to the fore...
some poison 8)
is historical consciousness not a attribute that the proletariat shares?
if so, i must be bourgeois cause i don't know what that is...
is this related to the proletariat's "historic mission"?
i'll be less confused if you can define historical consciousness without any words over 3 syllables long.
if i chat to someone else about work, or being a student or whatever, i rarely find that the phrase "historical consciousness of the proletariat, the negation of capital" comes up in conversation. work is boring, being a student is stressful and frequently not very educational, there are lots of problems that we share and which we can work together on, but historical proletarian consciousness is not one of them.
What does it mean to say that the workers are united.
you tell me.
which workers? all of us? what are we united on? did we agree to be united for the smashing of capitalism?
now saying that the workers in the fast-food stores in New Zealand are united is at least slightly meaningful, but only with reference to the context. (http://www.supersizemypay.com/) and even then its a tenuous statement to make.
has broken ooodles of boundaries, particularly in vastly reducing hierarchy in academia and bringing it more into real life,
Stuff like Deleuze & Guattari - maybe not arch-poststructuralists but IME the most quoted of their ilk, by no means reduces hierarchy in academia - rhizomatic lines of flight deterritorialisation etc. etc. etc. on and on and on.
They're responsibly for a massive pile of shit writing found on the walls of many art galleries and press releases. Arts Council loves all that crap.
D & G invite the reader to become a rhizome, for only the rhizome can defeat the tree. The rhizome deterritorializes strata, subverts hierarchies. The rhizome can be "novel." It can create "strange new uses" for the trees that it infiltrates. Most importantly, though, the rhizome engenders "lines of flight." It allows for the re-opening of flows that the tree shuts down. The rhizome restores desiring-production.
http://www.uta.edu/english/apt/d&g/arhizome.html
and in their own words:
Principle of multiplicity: it is only when the multiple is effectively treated as a substantive, "multiplicity," that it ceases to have any relation to the One as subject or object, natural or spiritual reality, image and world. Multiplicities are rhizomatic, and expose arborescent pseudomultiplicities for what they are. There is no unity to serve as a pivot in the object, or to divide in the subject. There is not even the unity to abort in the object or "return" in the subject. A multiplicity has neither subject nor object, only determinations, magnitudes, and dimensions that cannot increase in number without the multiplicity changing in nature (the laws of combination therefore increase in number as the multiplicity grows). Puppet strings, as a rhizome or multiplicity, are tied not to the supposed will of an artist or puppeteer but to a multiplicity of nerve fibers, which form another puppet in other dimensions connected to the first: "Call the strings or rods that move the puppet the weave. It might be objected that ITS MULTIPLICITY resides in the person of the actor, who projects it into the text. Granted; but the actor's nerve fibers in turn form a weave. And they fall through the gray matter, the grid, into the undifferentiated...The interplay approximates the pure activity of weavers attributed in myth to the Fates or Norns."
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What does it mean to say that the workers are united.you tell me.
which workers? all of us? what are we united on? did we agree to be united for the smashing of capitalism?
now saying that the workers in the fast-food stores in New Zealand are united is at least slightly meaningful, but only with reference to the context. (http://www.supersizemypay.com/) and even then its a tenuous statement to make.
The material conditions of class society are pretty much universal (remnants of feudalism and other systems are around, but rapidly disappearing) - as such these material conditions - exploitation, capital accumulation affect just about everyone.
However, the cultural reflections of this differ widely - consumerism, exurbs, manual vs. clerical vs. 'creative', more fundamental stuff like ethnicity, gender which both affect and reflect class relationships - these aren't universal experiences. Poststructuralism, from what I've seen of it, seems to locate itself almost entirely in the cultural domain - if everything's determined by language then material conditions become secondary.
Stuff like Deleuze & Guattari - maybe not arch-poststructuralists but IME the most quoted of their ilk, by no means reduces hierarchy in academia - rhizomatic lines of flight deterritorialisation etc. etc. etc. on and on and on.They're responsibly for a massive pile of shit writing found on the walls of many art galleries and press releases. Arts Council loves all that crap.
i don't know much about all that so i will take your word for it. i was just talking about the 'little guys' (e.g. Dyck or Grosz. oh crap they're both feminists but you get the picture) who just do normal researchy stuff but tend to apply more embodied/reflexive/participatory methodologies to their normal work, leading from the daddies like deleuze but not being farty about it.
i'm not a big social theory man myself so i will plead ignorance on deleuze et al
i don't know much about all that so i will take your word for it. i was just talking about the 'little guys' (e.g. Dyck or Grosz. oh crap they're both feminists but you get the picture) who just do normal researchy stuff but tend to apply more embodied/reflexive/participatory methodologies to their normal work, leading from the daddies like deleuze but not being farty about it.
i'm not a big social theory man myself so i will plead ignorance on deleuze et al
I'm pretty ignorant on Deleuze et al as well - tried to read A Thousand Plateaus and got fucked off with it. Haven't read any foucalt etc. The research stuff you mentioned sounds interesting, but it also sounds like it could've been done without recourse to D&G.
I'm sure the button or revol will be along shortly to tell me that D&G aren't post-structuralists anyway.
There are lots of problems that we share and which we can work together on, but historical proletarian consciousness is not one of them... We (will not) agree to be united for the smashing of capitalism
Is everyone in agreement with this, is a proletarian revolution of material conditions as I understand it - a general strike, mass siezing of the workplace, smashing the state, not in our interests. Or if it is, does it not unite us? It would not seem very poststructuralist to say that it did.
i think you quoted me more than a little disingenuously there. and your suggestion that poststructuralist thought makes unity impossible is a bit of a misreading as well.
and your suggestion that poststructuralist thought makes unity impossible is a bit of a misreading as well.
Maybe. How then would you describe unity to a post structuralist? Like I said before, I didn't really undersatnd the book, but to say that they have certain interests that they all have in common seems kinda strategic. Likewise the importance (above local spaces of freedom) of a revolution (which is transgressive, not the "experimentation" poststructuralists ask for) in material conditions.
to say that they have certain interests that they all have in common seems kinda strategic.
i think a post structuralist would argue that the discursive production of a revolutionary subject is problematic, that in this case, the discourse that is intended to be liberatory ends up creating the subject it claims to represent. Surely the most radical attacks on capital are not carried out by people grouped together around the identity of proletariat but around a common struggle against a common oppression. I can't imagine that anyone says "let us unite my proletarian sibling!" when looking to unite with other workers.
Struggle arises from the contradictions that power creates, although the basic contradiction of capital is universal, it is manifested in particular circumstances and resistance is surely likewise rooted in these particular circumstances.
Surely the most radical attacks on capital are not carried out by people grouped together around the identity of proletariat but around a common struggle against a common oppression. I can't imagine that anyone says "let us unite my proletarian sibling!" when looking to unite with other workers.Struggle arises from the contradictions that power creates, although the basic contradiction of capital is universal, it is manifested in particular circumstances and resistance is surely likewise rooted in these particular circumstances.
I don't know what I'm talking about. But is the worker a proletarian a worker either at the micro or macro level. Do you believe that control and management of the means of production is going to happen without class consciousness (self awareness as a proletarian) or despite not being a proletarian?
If common struggle is what unites the worlers I would have thought that a revolution in control of production would necesitate a common struggle against a common oppression beyond that of a local level. Is this (what you are arguing for) what poststructuralism argues for? What does it leave for a revolution in relations of production?
Hi
I can't imagine that anyone says "let us unite my proletarian sibling!" when looking to unite with other workers.
An advocate of Left Anarchist Working Class Autonomy might, if they'd been drinking and came over a bit sentimental. Imagine that.
I’d have said your position was distinctly structuralist, defining the working class as a helpless phenomenon within capital’s framework rather than master of its own destiny, the most awesome creative force ever to walk on this sorry planet. But hey, what do I know? I’m posting on Introductory Thought again. Sorry.
Love
LR
There is a really good short piece by Deleuze called "Many Politics" in Dialogues it is like anti-Oedipus reduced to ten pages. A good intro. Also his piece Postscript on The Society of Control rules ...
cheers
Dave
I have no problems with poststructuralism, in my opinion it's just an application of historicism to new fields, most of Foucaults analyses don't seem incompatible with Anarchism or even Marxism, saying that mechanisms of control have changed over time due to conscious effort on the part of rulers seems fairly accurate. And poststructuralism scores over marxism in that it includes power structures in its analysis as well as economics.
Foucault thought anarchism was racist, in that class struggle is a historical adaption of earlier race struggles, like Saxon peasantry versus Norman aristocracy in the English revolution. But, he didn't seem to think this racism a terribly bad thing, as far as class struggle goes.
A Marxist viewpoint can be extended into post-structuralism. Take Raymond Williams, he saw language as a means of production, just like Marx, so all cultural productions are part of the means of production, all ways of changing the way the world is reproduced. So therefore, all cultural productions are part of the class struggle, or individual struggles, while not neccessarily aligning themselves with any extant class. This seems to me very post-modernist, if I've got post-modernism right. He applied this to modern forms of communication, but I reckon it can be applied historically, to all forms of culture, which may be anti-historicist, but may be more realistic.
If you take the point of view that anarchism has argued for a redistribution of power, rather than an abolition of power, then poststructuralism is entirely compatible with it. It's just an extension of materialism into analysis of the state. The state creates and recreates human nature, rather than human nature being essentially good or bad. This mutability is what Kropotkin argued.
However, this would all mean there is nothing beyond struggle, whether on an individual or general level, the only hope would be to change the situation that struggles occur in so that they become meaningless or less destructive. Or compassion.
Do you believe that control and management of the means of production is going to happen without class consciousness (self awareness as a proletarian) or despite not being a proletarian?
does unity in a struggle presuppose a unified subjectivity?
i'm not quite sure what being conscious as a proletarian means. i think most people are aware that capitalism is a system that does not serve their needs or desires, they are aware of alienation, they are aware of selling their labour etc. What we are frequently not aware of is that it is the working class (as in those that sell their labour) who maintain and reproduce this system and it is thus within their ability to change it.
What is it to be aware as a proletarian? I think a revolution in terms of the means of production comes through a realisation of collective power through cooperation.
>hmmm, i always thought 68 failed because there was too much
>factionalism, not enough support from outside and nastiness from the >french state and its tentacles. still, whatever you say...
Not what I said. The post-structuralists are a product of that defeat, not the cause of it.
>also, you realise that not every poststructuralist agrees with >baudrillard...
That's where it all ends up. Once the rug is gone there's nothing left to stop you slipping all the way down the slope. The logic of relativism always leads to quiessence or seperatism and the logic of post-structuralism is the logic of relativism.
>also poststructuralism prevented feminism and marxism from dying a
>very nasty and painful death, and both have now advanced way way
<way beyond anarchist thought...
Disagree. It may have stopped them disappearing from academia, but academia is largely irrelevant (and I work there).
>also it says nothing about discourses 'creating us'- it says identity is
>discursively negotiated (very very different), and anyway, remember
>that it has disagreements within it like any other school of thought
>anyway...
But like any school of thought it has an internal logic that can be abstracted. If you read 19th century eugenicists and social Darwinists they're constantly fighting amongst themselves, but I don't think anyone would have any trouble with dismissing all of them as racist fucks. Besides which, Foucault and Derrida are quite keen on seeing us as the products of discourse and their influence is probably greater than any other post-structuralist thinker.
>particularly in vastly reducing hierarchy in academia and bringing it
>more into real life,
You're fucking joking aren't you? I teach this shit to first year students (as an english tutor) and it is completely inaccessable to anyone who hasn't first been trained in it. The language used is designed from the ground up to exclude the layperson; I spend half my time in class translating the stuff into something approaching plain english. I can't see how developing an entirely unnecessary technical language which is deliberately and willfully obscure reduces hierarchy in academia.
It's fun as an intellectual game and it's fun seeing if you can twist your brain into thinking in different ways, but as any kind of basis for your politics or as a description of reality it's pure bullshit.
does unity in a struggle presuppose a unified subjectivity?
It would be nice if it did.
I think a revolution in terms of the means of production comes through a realisation of collective power through cooperation.
Co-operateion rather than unity? The difference I see is that co-operation implies a local level.
If anyone is interested what Todd May thinks of my original question (probably not, but I would like to know what anyone made of his response)
What do post-structuralists make of the working class/bourgeois distinction, of working class unity, and of siezing the means of production. Are these meaningful to post-structuralists, and if so what do they mean?
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I suppose the short version of an answer would be that the distinction holds, and that there can be working class unity, but that we cannot reduce politics to these. Working class exploitation is among the oppressions that people suffer, but it is neither the only one nor the one whose key unlocks all the others. The social/political field is multifarious and infused by power in a number of ways, each of which must be analyzed in its specificity and in its relations with others.
Hi
That sucks really badly. Economics is the basis, not just another item on the shopping list of "oppressions".
Love
LR
HiThat sucks really badly. Economics is the basis, not just another item on the shopping list of "oppressions".
Love
LR
Economics is a form of power relation, it doesn't override all other relations, unless you take all forms of possession to be economics, in which case you're right.
okayokay here's another go then...
That's where it all ends up. Once the rug is gone there's nothing left to stop you slipping all the way down the slope. The logic of relativism always leads to quiessence or seperatism and the logic of post-structuralism is the logic of relativism.
i'm not sure- there's a difference between 'relativism' and 'baudrillard-ism'. and without an element of relativism there would be no class struggle anyway. struggle is situated and contextual. the drawing of absolutes from real life is bollocks because the world simply doesn't work that way, and as long as anarchism holds onto the high modernist metanarrative absolutes it will go no further than a trusting few. political ideology is like religion in that sense- truth claims are fine, so long as they accept their social/historical/cultural/etc position. It's not about selling out, it's about honesty
The idea that the logic of poststructuralism boils down to baudrillard is like saying the logic of anarchism boils down to the old pastoral romantics. it's just not true.
But like any school of thought it has an internal logic that can be abstracted. If you read 19th century eugenicists and social Darwinists they're constantly fighting amongst themselves, but I don't think anyone would have any trouble with dismissing all of them as racist fucks. Besides which, Foucault and Derrida are quite keen on seeing us as the products of discourse and their influence is probably greater than any other post-structuralist thinker.
That was because their logic is fundamentally flawed, but i take your point.
so even if foucault says we are products of discourse (which i'm still unsure about, but let's say...) how does this affect the whole revolutionary project? not much at all. there are still classes, there is still a necessity for change. as products of discursive construction, our agency is only mildly affected, since there would be less impetus for revolt perhaps. still, challenging and transgressing such discourse can be done, and is particularly useful as a basis on which new forms of participation and reclaiming social space can be made.
You're fucking joking aren't you? I teach this shit to first year students (as an english tutor) and it is completely inaccessable to anyone who hasn't first been trained in it. The language used is designed from the ground up to exclude the layperson; I spend half my time in class translating the stuff into something approaching plain english. I can't see how developing an entirely unnecessary technical language which is deliberately and willfully obscure reduces hierarchy in academia.
you misunderstand me- i am talking about real research, not fartsy theory. i acknowledge, from first hand experience that the theory is pretty heavy stuff to read (although have you ever tried to read hegel? he was one of those high modernists you seem to idolise), but in creating a far more embodied, far more self-aware research base, it has massively reduced this sort of twatty language in real research (certainly in geography). the boundaries being pushed by some of these people, both in more accesible language and greater subject participation through techniques like participatory action research, the influence of poststructuralism has brought a lot of academia out of bullshit showy word-flexing. academic research is moving more and more away from this sort of lexicon, thanks to a background in poststructuralist thought, which can't be a bad thing at all.
i guess there's not much opportunity to read and engage with social research when you're an english lecturer who specialises in sci-fi
... sorry that sounded like a snipe- it wasn't meant to be
The problem with traditional anarchism in academia is that modernism in academia has been pretty much blown out of the water- it's like cutting the grass with a scythe.
This has things exactly the wrong way around. The rise of post-structuralism, or more generally post-modernism, in academia doesn't signify (see what I did there?) that Marxism has been transcended, but instead that many radical academics have retreated politically.
A good book to read is Dom Mitchell's 'Cultural Geographies: a Critical Introduction' it's geography, and he's a post-marxist, but it gives a flavour for the potential of all this stuff. also anything by Ed Soja is good too: he's a 'radical cultural geographer', not really defining himself much, but is poststructuralist and very interesting (although a bit airy-fairy sometimes)
It's been a while since I had to deal much with the works of Soja and the rest of the post-whatever geographers, but at the time the main thing that struck me was how much less their ideas amounted to in the end than those contained in the single volume of David Harvey's "Social Justice and the City", essentially the founding text of radical geography. In the context of this thread, Harvey's "Condition of Postmodernity" is of some significance too.
>You're fucking joking aren't you? I teach this shit to first year students (as an english tutor) and it is completely inaccessable to anyone who hasn't first been trained in it. The language used is designed from the ground up to exclude the layperson; I spend half my time in class translating the stuff into something approaching plain english. I can't see how developing an entirely unnecessary technical language which is deliberately and willfully obscure reduces hierarchy in academia.
surely any new ideas are difficult to understand? don't you think Marx, Kropotkin, Chomsky, Debord are all difficult to understand at first - this doesn't mean they're responsible for upholding hierarchies - does it?
the drawing of absolutes from real life is bollocks because the world simply doesn't work that way, and as long as anarchism holds onto the high modernist metanarrative absolutes it will go no further than a trusting few. political ideology is like religion in that sense- truth claims are fine, so long as they accept their social/historical/cultural/etc position. It's not about selling out, it's about honesty
Anarchism is cock in that sense. When I hear or read Chomsky yattering away about some kind of fundamentally good human nature and creativity being oppressed by the capitalist system, and its true expression being found in anarcho-syndicalism I'm absolutely moved to wincing and fidgeting. It's so embarassing to hear someone quite sensible come out with such a pile of shite. Structuralist thought is religious dogmatism.
However I also have to assert that this conversation has become incredibly wanky and 'decontextualised' from the forces of class antagonism.

essentially tho structuralists are wrong and don't really see complexity in say, things like bureaucracy.
Take the Glasgow Housing Association (something I know a bit about). You could view it as a tool of the man which is being used to fuck social housing and rip the piss out of the working class, and broadly speaking you'd have the right idea, but in the way it operates and breathes there are dozens of rivulets of power (the discursive products if you like, and a complexity that that analysis can eschew) which wouldn't mind being autonomous at all, yet overall it is a bureaucracy that is quite conservative and has no pressing urge to disaggregate, even while it must use these incipient bureaucracies in order to exercise power (which of course encourages disaggregation).
I e-mailed Organise! (of the AF) and apparently they are NOT poststructuralists. Well they said that had never heard of any of them being poststructiralists
I think a revolution in terms of the means of production comes through a realisation of collective power through cooperation.
Why will proletarians who have not co-operated with each other, those who are not part of the same local oppressions, work together? Not (it would seem that you say) because of identity as a proletarian (or class consiousness).
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the drawing of absolutes from real life is bollocks because the world simply doesn't work that way, and as long as anarchism holds onto the high modernist metanarrative absolutes it will go no further than a trusting few. political ideology is like religion in that sense- truth claims are fine, so long as they accept their social/historical/cultural/etc position. It's not about selling out, it's about honestyAnarchism is cock in that sense. When I hear or read Chomsky yattering away about some kind of fundamentally good human nature and creativity being oppressed by the capitalist system, and its true expression being found in anarcho-syndicalism I'm absolutely moved to wincing and fidgeting. It's so embarassing to hear someone quite sensible come out with such a pile of shite. Structuralist thought is religious dogmatism.
However I also have to assert that this conversation has become incredibly wanky and 'decontextualised' from the forces of class antagonism.
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essentially tho structuralists are wrong and don't really see complexity in say, things like bureaucracy.
Take the Glasgow Housing Association (something I know a bit about). You could view it as a tool of the man which is being used to fuck social housing and rip the piss out of the working class, and broadly speaking you'd have the right idea, but in the way it operates and breathes there are dozens of rivulets of power (the discursive products if you like, and a complexity that that analysis can eschew) which wouldn't mind being autonomous at all, yet overall it is a bureaucracy that is quite conservative and has no pressing urge to disaggregate, even while it must use these incipient bureaucracies in order to exercise power (which of course encourages disaggregation).
i'm quite confused at your assertion that Chomsky is a structuralist, if anything he is much closer to the Cartesian tradition regarding the individual than structuralism.
And talk of a human nature is thoroughly unstructuralist.
i'm quite confused at your assertion that Chomsky is a structuralist, if anything he is much closer to the Cartesian tradition regarding the individual than structuralism.And talk of a human nature is thoroughly unstructuralist.
okay, explain this please. chomsky is totally used as The Example of structuralism (in what i've been reading, which is mostly comparing him to foucault).
and someone-smarter-than-me tried to explain why human nature isn't structuralist, but i didn't get it, and stopped asking so that she wouldn't yell at me. if human nature is based on the understanding that the structure of being human (some biological essence) means that there is a fundamental nature, then how is that not structuralist?
well you've been reading some odd stuff - chomsky, as far as i can tell, has his own brand of linguistics (that 'universal grammar' silliness) that has an entirely different approach to the matter than structuralism.
to look at things more generally than the matter of linguistics - Chomsky and other such essentialists believe that there is a more or less static concept of meaning. structuralists tend to deny this, and believe that the bulk of a sign's meaningis 'produced' purely in its relationships to other signs. the difference with post-structuralism - inasmuch as the two can be divided - is an emphasis on the failure of such production, the 'irreducible gap', as Lacanians are wont to say. for sign, you can substitute whatever you're talking about - human subjects, classes, etc.
structuralism is against human nature, because it sees structures of subjects, rather than structures in subjects. let us turn to our time's finest pedagogue, MS Paint:

here, is the standard, dare i say bourgeois, view of the subject (i won't put words in chomsky's mouth since i'm not aware of exactly what he believes on this matter, but his view of linguistics implies this sort of take on things). there is this big melting pot called Dude, and all of these different features make up the one entity. it tends to view humanity as 'variations on a theme' - there are these basic parts, emotions, chomsky's ;universal grammar' and so on, and in various combinations they make subjects.
compare...Structuralist Dude!

as you can see, it is the RELATIONSHIPS between people/places/things that is important to a structuralist view. when we call someone a doctor, for instance, we're not referring to some mighty internal force of doctor-ness, we are implying that she has a certain relationship to her patients, the NHS, etc. obviously, everything works both ways - ie, part of Dude's Boss' subject relies on him exploiting dude, and so on. it doesn't take much effort to see that there is already the possibility of vast differences between subjects, just as there are possibilities for vastly different relations of production, sex, and so on. although there are important distinctions between the two orthodoxies which i won't go into while we're working with facetious Paint drawings, you can see that a 'marriage to Marxism' (and other ideologies of class struggle) is possible, since both have this focus on relations.
You're fucking joking aren't you? I teach this shit to first year students (as an english tutor) and it is completely inaccessable to anyone who hasn't first been trained in it. The language used is designed from the ground up to exclude the layperson; I spend half my time in class translating the stuff into something approaching plain english. I can't see how developing an entirely unnecessary technical language which is deliberately and willfully obscure reduces hierarchy in academia.
are you seriously going to sit there and tell me that, i dunno, Slavoj Zizek is a tough read (compared to other academic texts)? there are ways into it that aren't Glas in the original French.
Exploring the leaky body, eh?