The Voice of Industry (Vol. 1 No. 22 - 14 November 1845)

Reduction of the Hours of Labor.

A reduction of the present hours of labor in our manufactories has become an important question before the working people of this country; and one, we trust, that will not be abandoned until the entire overthrow of the slavish "twelve to fifteen hour" system, which is making such inroads upon the health and happiness of our "free, well-paid" operatives, is accomplished.

We believe petitions are already in circulation for the promotion of this humane and reasonable object, and we hope none, who have the good of their country and race at heart, will fail of giving in their testimony upon a subject of so much importance to the general well being of society. Indeed we urge this measure as a universal good, and we defy all the sophistry of avarice or the tact of demagoguism in Christendom to prove that any class or individuals will be injured by the adoption of such a regulation into our system of manufacturing; but on the contrary, a blessing of no small moment will be restored to those whose unmitigated toil has filled our country and the world with an abundance of fruits and merchandise, of which they are forbidden the rational enjoyment—nay the very existence of which adds to their misery and destroys their earthly enjoyment.

We do not bring this before the public as a crude and undigested scheme—a partial fragmentary measure, based merely upon selfishness, the result of which shall be to personally aggrandize one class of our people at the expense of another; but one fully attested and theoretically acknowledged by all classes of society. Our claim is founded upon the natural divine rights of man—rights which all the children of the human family inherit by virtue of their existence and moral, mental and physical requirements. Therefore the violation of these rights by the present unjust and un-Christian regulation, adopted by our manufacturers, is a palpable infringement by the few upon the universal rights of the mass—consequently a restoration of these rights must be a universal good, as nature's laws are impartial in their operations. Taking this, the only true view of our subject, we call upon all who lay any claim to patriotism and Christianity, whose humanity, inspired by a deep sense of the eternal truths of justice and a higher, nobler destiny for our common race, descends below the sham philanthropy of the age, and takes hold on that self-sacrificing faith, which is not without works, to unite with us in removing this deadly incubus which the accursed thirst for gold and servile, partial legislation has entailed upon that numerous and useful portion of our American citizens—the American operatives. The past history of the world clearly shows that no nation can expect moral and physical elevation, or political and religious freedom, while a system like our manufacturing feeds and fattens upon the natural energies and resources of her people—a system which being founded upon isolated selfishness and error must inevitably result in the abasement of the laboring classes; thereby producing on the one hand, extreme luxury and vicious superabundance, and on the other, want, destitution, crime and untold misery.

Who is there in society so blinded by false customs and erroneous standards of justice and human excellence, as not to see the fearful tendencies of this rapidly growing evil in our land? Already are some of the heart-sickening realities of the Old World no strangers among the manufacturing populace of America, and causes which produce these sad results are daily augmenting. One of the most fruitful sources of intemperance, disease and crime among our working people is excessive and protracted labor, and yet our community is full of moral, spiritual and physical doctors, whose zeal is unbounded for the prevalence of temperance, virtue and religion and whose skill and ability is wasted in tampering with the malady by administering mere palliatives, while the causes are neglected, fostered and nourished; and they ready to brand every true philanthropist, who is striving to eradicate and uproot the evil, as a quack, infidel and excitor. Now the question comes home to the conscience of every person whose influence can be felt upon this subject; "what stands in the way of its being accomplished?" The manufacturers of Pittsburgh and Allegheny city, say they will reduce when the eastern manufacturers will agree to, and the manufacturers of Massachusetts, after acknowledging the justice of the claim neglect to do anything about it, which in both cases, virtually amounts to a refusal. Our legislative bodies have acknowledged allegiance to the tyrant capital, and in obedience to his dictates, have granted privileges for which they had no authority, because they conflict with the natural rights of society and lead to monopoly and fraud. Our legislatures in their wisdom have declared that the "public good" requires the existence of chartered manufactories—for the sake of argument admit it—but does the "public good" require the thousands of operatives in America to labor from twelve to fifteen hours per day, for a bare subsistence, while capital gluts its coffers with the fruits of their toil and revels in luxury?—Does the "public good" require a race of invalids, made so by excessive toil, to fill the country with disease, and our poor-houses with inmates?—if not, why has every instrumentality toward preventing such disastrous results been treated with open denunciation, or silent contempt? Why did the legislature of Massachusetts utterly refuse, during its last session, to remove the oppression which it had brought upon the operatives of this state through its own acts? Let the workingmen and women reflect upon these things and prepare themselves for some well-concerted and united action, that shall break the chain which binds them, and place them upon the platform of equal rights, which freemen and Christians alone can occupy.

To the Factory Operatives of Lowell.

We have it from good authority that a certain prominent man in this city recently declared in a political harangue that a large portion of the operatives came to Lowell paupers, and are indebted to the benevolence of corporations for their present position; and this individual is now living in affluence upon the products of these same pauper-operatives' industry; having formerly been a "Grand Sultan" over one of the corporations. We regret having an opportunity to notice anything of this character, but when we see so useful and industrious a class as the operatives of Lowell thus regarded by one who has been made rich by their hard earnings, we cannot forbear to express our pity for the man's uncharitable weakness, or political depravity. We do not doubt that many of the operatives come to Lowell poor, and leave as poor as they come, but are they paupers for that? Are those to be branded as paupers whose toil has filled the country with wealth, upon which the hordes of blood-sucking speculators and non-producing idlers are feasting and fattening, because a popular system of plunder, sanctioned by legislative enactments, has robbed them of all but the mere pittance which so illy provides for their daily necessities?

We believe this same agent with his thousands, which he never produced, a greater pauper in the true sense of the term than the most destitute operative whoever visited Lowell mills; and if the operatives who support such luxurious and aristocratic paupers would adopt the customary method of disposing of public dependants, they would find it much to their pecuniary advantage.

This circumstance exhibits to some degree the rottenness of the too prevalent opinion of regarding the standing of people according to the dollars and cents they possess, no matter whether they ever produced the value of a farthing in their lives; instead of the actual service they have rendered to society and the world, by having been engaged in useful industry. Also the turning and shuffling resorted to by the supporters and advocates of corporations as they now exist. While one announces to the world, that the operatives are all "farmers' daughters, free to go where they please," and another that they are nearly all rich, with hundreds in the bank—another tells us "they are all poor," and at last this magnanimous agent declares that a large number came to Lowell paupers, and these kind agents in the plenitude of their charity, take them into their hospitals as heirs to a corporation inheritance, entitled to all the privileges and immunities of the same; provided they will comply with the very small and reasonable requisition of working about thirteen hours per day, to provide themselves with a little plain food ("for operatives don't require but little, and that very simple") and a few clothes adapted to their mill-enium condition. What glorious privileges! We hope the operatives of Lowell will take these things into consideration, and bestow all due reverence upon their kind benefactors.

Note: spelling and punctuation have been slightly modified.