Nation-wide protests indicate that the decade-long despotism of General Pinochet may soon come to an end. Pinochet came to power in 1973 with the support of Chile’s business class, the multinational corporations and the U.S. State Department culminating several years of right-wing mobilizations. The coup was a response to the "Peaceful Road to Socialism” trumpeted by the par- ties of the Popular Unity Coalition as well as to the more direct actions by workers and campesinos, such as land and factory takeovers. Such actions posed an alternative that threatened capitalist rule and were often opposed by the Popular Unity parties as well. When the mass movement was finally faced with the immediate threat of violence from the armed bodies of the Chilean state, 300,000 people rallied to demand that Allende’s Popular Unity government distribute arms — a demand that the government rejected. (The character of the popular movement in Chile in the early 1970s is analyzed in the pamphlet Strange Defeat, which we are re-printing in this issue of No Middle Ground.)

Pinochet's economic policies followed closely the “monetarist” philosophy of Milton Friedman, which included privatizing economic sectors formerly in the state domain, lowering subsidies and tariffs, and further reliance on the international “free market.“ This policy worked for a while, as the Gross National Product grew by over 7% each year in the late '70s.

In the last two years the economic situation has turned upside down: last year Chile's unemployment doubled, the GNP fell by 13%, the National Bank has had to assume the debt of several major firms, the foreign debt has risen to $18 billion. Chile's fiscal crisis, and the anti-working class policies of the fascist rulers, have brought an end to universal education and social security. (The regime’s policies these areas are discussed in the article “Dictatorship on shaky ground,” by the Grupo Pedro Nolasco Arratia, in this issue.)

Of course, Chile is not the only country suffering from the current state of world capitalism. The world recession has led to a copper glut — reducing Chile’s revenue. As markets contract, nations and companies find it harder to pay their debts.

The Chilean government’s police state policies haven’t changed over the course of the last several years. The leftist and Catholic opposition to these practices have, until recently, not been sufficient to mount nationwide strikes or protests. The impossibility of movement-building under the eyes of Pinochet’s National Intelligence force, his ability to ‘‘disappear”” dissidents or torture them, have prevented the opposition from mounting a serious threat to the regime for almost ten years.

I am not an economic determinist, but the recent history of Chile points to the world depression as the factor that has provoked the recent protests and unified the currents of opposition.

One pole of opposition is the neighborhood command centers, local groups operating out of meeting places provided by the church. These are centers of communication and medical relief during the pro- tests, especially in the shantytowns. They operate independently of the political party system and include those who advocate direct action as well as those seeking negotiations.

Chile’s parties have been prominent actors in the current protests. The Christian Democrats have moved from their ten-year stand of “loyal opposition” to one of demanding Pinochet’s resignation in speechs and at rallies, though they have been willing to meet with the government to negotiate for concessions that will help them gain a first foot in the door of the “soon to be opened” national assembly. Even some elements of the military are reported to lean towards a Christian Democratic solution to current discontents.

The Christian Democrats have been the prominent force in the Democratic Alliance — a coalition of conservative and liberal parties, but not including the Communists and major fragments of the Socialist Party. The Democratic Alliance is given credit in the international press for organizing the protests of the last several months. One problem with this explanation is that in September many parts of Santiago were barricaded by burning tires. Marches, meetings and sabotage occurred for more than four days running. Santiago University was also held for three days by students. (See the “Chronology of recent events” for a description of the protest events of the last several months.)

The leftist advocates of a guerrilla strategy, such as the MIR, have very little following though they claim credit for attacks on employment offices and power facilties.

Anarchists or libertarian socialists have also been involved in recent organizing; the article ‘‘Re-emergence of Anarchism,” describes the stance taken by a recently-formed libertarian association, Socialist Ideas and Action (PAS).

At this point, most of the population appears to support the strategy of nation-wide civil disobedience and hopes that a social transition to a freer society will take place with a minimum of additional deaths.

Whether a ““non”-civil war develops very likely depends on the support Pinochet can muster from foreign capitalist institutions — financial and military. The French have been supplying weapons to Pinochet's “forces of order,” and this year the U.S. lifted its ban on military assistance to Chile — a ban put into place in 1978 as part of the Carter administration's token campaign against human rights abuses.