Self-Organization instead of Democratic Fools' Freedom

For years, those in power have been increasingly restricting the freedom of the fool that they "graciously" granted. It is natural to defend ourselves against this repression. But it is senseless to defend "democratic rights" against the democratic state. Anyone who acts in this way is defending his/her illusions in democracy against democratic reality. Because democracy is the dictatorship of capital. Freedom of the press is the freedom of media capitalists to sell their capitalist interests as "public opinion." Real freedom of the press for all can only exist if the printing presses and media, like all other means of production, are transferred to common social ownership and are managed by free producers in a collective and solidarity-based manner. Only in such a classless society will freedom of assembly no longer be the freedom of politicians to organize against us, the workers. Because politics is based on the separation of workers from the means of production, which are capitalist property. Anyone who does not have free control of the means of production cannot really determine their own living situation. At work we are immature objects of the capitalist work organization and in society as a whole we are managed by politicians. Politics can be nothing other than capitalist misery management. This fact also explains all the misery of the political left. Resistance to the everyday demands of bourgeois life, of which state repression is only one aspect, can only be anti-political. Only social resistance against all politicians is a real fight against state repression. Because all these Lafontaines and Gysis may campaign in the opposition to generously expand democratic freedoms, but wherever they are part of the government, they restrict these democratic freedoms. That's just how they are, the Social Democrats: half free spirit and half police informer! Even most party-"communist" politicians act as radical social democrats in highly developed private capitalist democracies, thus revealing themselves as the supreme fools of bourgeois foolishness.

They block social resistance against the state through their democratic subservience. In Eastern Europe, Asia, Africa and Cuba, the party "communists" established state capitalist dictatorships in which the private capitalists were expropriated and disempowered, but the workers were exploited and oppressed by the "socialist states". It is obvious that state repression cannot be fought together with party "communists" and social democratic politicians, just as the German army cannot fight imperialist war. The political left, like the political right, belongs to the social counter-revolution. That is why we workers must stop running after the left-wing philistines at police-sanctioned demonstrations. Many left-wing activists try to compensate for the powerlessness that becomes apparent at these demonstrations by becoming more loud-mouthed. But those in power know exactly: dogs that bark don't bite. The political left reveals itself as a toothless barking dog at its "powerful" demonstrations. Our ability to take social action lies elsewhere, namely wherever we produce the power of capital and the state (public service) on a daily basis, but also potentially bring it down. The rulers know this too, which is why they rely even more heavily on repression in the production process than in the political sphere. In their concern to maintain industrial peace, capital also relies on the trade union bureaucracy. The trade union bosses determine the level of wages through collective bargaining, which makes them co-administrators of capitalist wage slavery and they live quite well from it. This is because they are also defending their privilege of not having to do wage labor themselves. Their own function makes them bitter defenders of capital. A wage waiver negotiated with them corresponds to this function, but a wage increase achieved through independent action by the workers and without trade unions is the beginning of the end of the trade union monopoly on strikes. The trade union bureaucracy takes an openly hostile attitude towards radicalised workers who leave the legal framework of the trade union. In such conflicts, it makes it clear that it is a civil cop of capital. This also fits well with the image that the police trade union basically supports state repression.

Social Resistance

The everyday resistance of workers against capital often takes on a hidden and hidden character. It begins with forms such as working slowly and taking sick leave, moves on to theft of small means of production and products to increase wages, and ends with the appropriation and damage of means of production. In the existing organization of work, the means of production are the weapons of capital against the workers. They are used to squeeze them like lemons and throw them away when they are no longer needed. In social resistance, the workers either appropriate the means of production for a short time in order to temporarily produce things for their own needs, or they secretly destroy the machines in order to have a little break. All these forms of everyday resistance are illegal and militant, but at the same time they develop in secret. In the apparent calm, the social explosion is preparing itself.

Visible forms of workers' self-organization are wildcat strikes that develop without the blessing of the trade union bureaucracy. In smaller wildcat strikes, where no official bodies are formed (strike committees, independent workers' committees, etc.), the immediate action is self-organization. Big and small bourgeois club supporters can of course only see "spontaneity" here, but not organization. These men and women cannot see the forest for the trees. The so-called "spontaneous actions" are an expression of the direct self-organization of the workers. This direct self-organization is the basis for the emergence of independent bodies such as strike committees and workers' councils. The wildcat strikes by Opel workers in October 2004 and the self-organized work stoppages in Egypt show that radicalized colleagues are not begging for democratic rights, but are confidently fighting for their interests and needs.

Revolutionary Possibilities

Revolutions develop through the extreme escalation of social conflicts, so they cannot be organized bureaucratically, but can be prepared for practically and theoretically. The best preparation for possible social revolutions is the daily strengthening of our self-organization. Because the self-organized working class is the greatest danger to capital and the state. Political forces, from the Nazis to the Democrats to the party "communists," will unite against this danger. In the revolutionary post-war crisis in Germany from 1918-23, the SPD allied itself with the pre-fascist Freikorps against the workers. The workers' councils dissolved themselves due to social democratic illusions. The bloody Noske terror raged against the strong revolutionary minorities. The counter-revolutionary social democracy laid the foundation for later Nazi terror. In Russia, the party of Lenin and Trotsky took action against the self-organization of the workers from October 1917 onwards. They disempowered the councils that had arisen during the revolution and stifled all resistance in "red" terror. The Kronstadt sailors rose up in March 1921 for their self-organization against Bolshevik state capitalism. This last desperate uprising of the Russian workers was crushed by Lenin and Trotsky. Since 1921, a sea of ​​blood has separated us revolutionary workers from party "communism".

Only those who do not learn from history are condemned to repeat it. We will no longer allow ourselves to be fooled by social democrats, party "communists" and trade union officials, but we will begin to organize ourselves against capital and the state. We no longer want to be wage workers, we want to be free people.

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Some social revolutionary workers, unemployed people and students.