The Truth about Kronstadt

Pravda o Kronshtadte (cover)
Pravda o Kronshtadte (cover)

A translation of Pravda o Kronshtadte, produced by SRs shortly after the event in 1921.

Submitted by Mike Harman on September 3, 2007

This version is taken from: Copyright © 1992, 1998 by Scott Zenkatsu Parker.
The author permits the unlimited duplication, transmission, and distribution of this text with the proper citations for academic, educational, and non-commercial use only.

It must always be remembered - and remembered well - that revolution does not mean destruction only. It means destruction plus construction, with the greatest emphasis on the plus.

Alexander Berkman, The Russian Tragedy (Berlin: Der Syndikalist, 1922), p. 16.

Kronstadt is of great historic significance. It sounded the death knell of Bolshevism with its Party dictatorship, mad centralisation, Tcheka terrorism and bureaucratic castes. It struck into the very heart of Communist autocracy. At the same time it shocked the intelligent and honest minds of Europe and America into a critical examination of Bolshevik theories and practices. It exploded the Bolshevik myth of the Communist State being the "Workers' and Peasants' Government".

Berkman, The Kronstadt Rebellion (Berlin: Der Syndikalist, 1922), pp. 41-42.

Nor is it only the liberty and lives of individual citizens which are sacrificed to this god of clay, nor even merely the well-being of the country - it is socialist ideals and the fate of the Revolution which are being destroyed.

Berkman, The Russian Revolution and the Communist Party (Berlin: Der Syndikalist, 1922), p. 36.


Pravda o Kronshtadte

Submitted by Mike Harman on September 3, 2007


The Story of the Heroic Struggle of the People of Kronstadt Against the Communist Party Dictatorship, with a Map of Kronstadt, Its Forts and the Gulf of Finland


The complete edition of 'Izvestiia of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee of sailors, soldiers and workers of the town of Kronstadt.'



Publishing this book, Volia Rossii pursued a single purpose, to speak the whole truth about Kronstadt, and only the truth...

The editions of 'Izvestiia of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee of sailors, soldiers and workers of the town of Kronstadt,' which are an exact mirror of the Kronstadt movement, served as the main material for the book.

In the second half of the book, we publish these editions of Kronstadt's free revolutionary newspaper as valuable materials. With this, we make it possible for every reader to verify and learn for himself the whole truth about Kronstadt.


In the end of February, 1921, serious worker unrest began in Petrograd. The fuel crisis, railroad crisis and food crisis had reached an extreme. The situation was so difficult that the Soviet press itself, taking all matters into account, did not consider it necessary to hide the truth. Preparing its readers for the worst, it directly declared to the populace, "the Constituent Assembly will not save the country, nor even God, and not free trade alone."

It was plainly visible that it was not possible to continue thus, and that radical change was necessary. However, the Bolsheviks, while recognizing the inescapable nature of the situation, at the same time did not wish to make any concessions.

At this time, the situation was becoming worse. Many factories and plants were closed, and the idled workers gathered at meetings. The atmosphere, clearly hostile to Soviet power, poured out in speeches, and in resolutions passed by the meetings. At many factories, political resolutions were moved, demanding the introduction of democracy. Before long the demand for introduction of "free trade," which had been one of the main slogans at the beginning of the Petrograd movement, had dropped to second position.

The intransigent, pitiless and cynical authorities, unable to put right the economic life of the country, called for the political rebuff of the working mass.

Worker organizations demanded a fundamental change of power, some by way of freely elected soviets, and others by immediate convocation of the Constituent Assembly.

"The matter here is not one of separate hitches and breakdowns, but of a large and general flaw in our state mechanism, which won't be set right with darning and patches, but must be truly fixed," says a resolution of the Petrograd Committee of Social-Democrat Mensheviks.

The Socialist Revolutionaries and Social-Democrat Mensheviks suffered harsh persecution.

On February 22nd, meetings occurred in all the factories. On the 24th, the Trubochny, Laferme, Patronny and Baltic Factories went on strike. On February 25th, the Bolsheviks formed a Defense Committee in Petrograd, under the presidency of Zinoviev. Its purpose was the struggle with the new movement.

Before long, worker ferment had developed into open disorder. Part of the Petrograd garrison declared that it would not suppress the workers, and was disarmed. In the session of the Petrograd Soviet of February 26th, Lashevich, a prominent Communist and member of the Defense Committee and the Revolutionary War Council of the Soviet Republic, gave a report on the situation. He declared that the Trubochny Factory on Vasili Island had stepped forward as the vanguard of open action against Soviet power, and that the workers of the factory had passed a resolution pointedly opposed to Soviet power. In accordance with the decree of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, the factory was closed.

On the morning of February 24th, when a reregistration of the workers was undertaken at the Trubochny Factory, approximately 200-300 workers set off for the Laferme Factory, and from there for the Kabelny and Baltic Factories, to take the workers out on strike. A crowd of 2000-2500 workers gathered on Vasili Island. Officer cadets were sent, and clashes occurred between the troops and the unarmed crowd. Worker meetings were dispersed by troop units.

On February 25th, the ferment spread through the entire city. Workers from Vasili Island set out for the Admiralty workshops and Galernaia Gavan, and took workers from the factories. Crowds of workers gathered everywhere, and were dispersed by troops. The atmosphere was tense, and it was possible to expect momentous actions. A significant portion of the garrison was caught up in the ferment.

At the same meeting of the Petrograd Soviet, Kuzmin, Commissar of the Baltic Fleet, reported on worrisome signs in the mood of the warship crews.

The conduct of authority pushed the workers to ever more openly political actions. "Fundamental change of the entire policy of authority is necessary, and first of all, the workers and peasants must have freedom. They don't want to live by petty Bolshevik edicts; they want to decide their own fate. Comrades, support revolutionary order. Demand persistently, and in an organized fashion: Freedom for all arrested socialists and non-party workers; the repeal of martial law; freedom of speech, press and assembly for all laborers; free elections to factory committees, trade unions and soviets. Call meetings, move resolutions, send delegates to the authorities, and achieve the realization of your demands," reads a workers' proclamation from February 27th.

The Bolsheviks answered these resolutions and proclamations with arrests, and by crushing worker organizations.

On the 28th, a proclamation of the working socialists of the Nevsky region was posted. It finishes with the words, "We know who is afraid of the Constituent Assembly. It is those who will not be able to steal, but instead will be brought to answer before the people's representatives for fraud, theft and all criminality. Down with the hated Communists! Down with Soviet power! Long live the All-National Constituent Assembly."

At that time, Petrograd was already flooded with select Communist units, brought in from the provinces and fronts. The workers' movement in Petrograd was suppressed with utmost cruelty, and before long, had been crushed.


Kuzmin, reporting to the Petrograd Soviet about the unsettled mood of the sailors, was not mistaken. The Petrograd events, and the suppression of the workers by cadets, made a huge impression on the revolutionary-minded sailors. They, like the Petrograd workers, understood very well that the question was not of free trade or other independent changes in the Soviet mechanism, but of the Communists, and the uncontrolled, irresponsible dictatorship of the Communist Party.

Many, having themselves been in the villages, learned there how cruelly Bolshevik power treats the peasants, how inimical it is to the countryside. In their own homes, their native villages, the sailors saw that the Bolsheviks take by force the peasants' last grain and cattle, and pitilessly destroy all who do not unquestioningly obey. They destroy with the aid of executions, arrests, secret police... By their own experience and that of their relatives, the Kronstadt sailors were convinced that the Bolsheviks, who in word call themselves the "peasant power," in deed show themselves to be the most malicious enemies of the peasants; they are enemies of the peasants, and of the workers.

The movement of sympathy and support for the Petrograd workers began among the sailors of the battleships Petropavlovsk and Sevastopol, docked in Kronstadt. In 1917, these two ships, together with the Respublika, were the primary hotbeds of Bolshevism. This movement quickly captured the entire fleet, and the crews of the warships began to move resolutions of political character. In these, however, they did not oppose the Soviets, but called for their reform, insisting primarily on the absolute necessity of free voting in elections. Before long, the movement had spread from the ships' crews to the army units in Kronstadt.

On February 28th, on the Petropavlovsk, joined by the Sevastopol, a general resolution was passed. The main demand of this resolution was new elections to the Soviets. "If the Soviets would have been elected anew," said one of the leaders of the movement, a common sailor [Petrichenko in "Zritel," No 188, p. 2], "on the basis of the Constitution (Soviet), that is to say by secret ballot, then, we thought, the Communists would not have gone through, and the achievements of the October Revolution would triumph..." The sailors' movement was thus completely peaceful in character, and did not in any way express itself violently.

On the first of March, Kalinin, President of the All-Russian Executive Committee and Kuzmin, Commissar of the Baltic Fleet arrived in Kronstadt. Kalinin was met with military honors, music and banners. After this, a previously scheduled meeting took place on Anchor Square. An announcement of this meeting had been published in the official newspaper of the Kronstadt Soviet. About 16 thousand sailors, soldiers and residents of the town gathered at the meeting. It proceeded with Vasiliev, a Communist and President of the Kronstadt Ispolkom [Executive Committee], presiding. With the report of the crew representatives sent to Petrograd for clarification of the situation there, the resolution passed by the Petropavlovsk on the 28th of February was read. Also, Kalinin and Kuzmin made speeches against the resolution. Their speeches did not meet with success.

The assembly was officially the General Meeting of the 1st and 2nd Battleship Brigades. After the speeches by Kuzmin and Kalinin, the Petropavlovsk resolution was moved to a vote by the sailor Petrichenko, and passed unanimously by the entire huge assembly. "The resolution was passed by an overwhelming majority of the Kronstadt garrison. The resolution was read at a general town meeting March 1st in the presence of about 16,000 citizens and passed unanimously. Vasiliev, President of the Kronstadt Ispolkom and Comrade Kalinin vote against the resolution." Thus did Kuzmin, Commissar of the Fleet note the results of the voting in his journal.

The text of this historic document is as follows:

occurring March 1st, 1921

Having heard the report of the crew representatives, sent to Petrograd by the General Meeting of ships' crews for clarification of the situation there, we resolve:

1. In view of the fact that the present Soviets do not express the will of the workers and peasants, to immediately hold new elections to the Soviets by secret ballot, with freedom of pre-election agitation for all workers and peasants.

2. Freedom of speech and press for workers and peasants, anarchists and left socialist parties.

3. Freedom of assembly of both trade unions and peasant associations.

4. To convene not later than March 10th, 1921 a non-party Conference of workers, soldiers and sailors of the city of Petrograd, of Kronstadt, and of Petrograd province.

5. To free all political prisoners of socialist parties, and also all workers and peasants, soldiers and sailors imprisoned in connection with worker and peasant movements.

6. To elect a Commission for the review of the cases of those held in prisons and concentration camps.

7. To abolish all Politotdels [Political Departments], since no single party should be able to have such privileges for the propaganda of its ideas and receive from the state the means for these ends. In their place must be established locally elected cultural-educational commissions, for which the state must provide resources.

8. To immediately remove all anti-smuggling roadblock detachments.

9. To equalize the rations of all laborers, with the exception of those in work injurious to health.

10. To abolish the Communist fighting detachments in all military units, and also the various guards kept in factories and plants by the Communists, and if such guards or detachments are necessary, they can be chosen in military units from the companies, and in factories and plants by the discretion of the workers.

11. To give the peasants full control over their own land, to do as they wish, and also to keep cattle, which must be maintained and managed by their own strength, that is, without using hired labor.

12. We appeal to all military units, and also to the comrade cadets to endorse our resolution.

13. We demand that all resolutions be widely publicized in the press.

14. To appoint a travelling bureau for control.

15. To allow free handicraft manufacture by personal labor.

The resolution was passed by the brigade assembly unanimously with two abstentions.

Petrichenko, President of the Brigade Meeting
Perepelkin, Secretary

With passage of the resolution by the General Meeting, Kalinin, President of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, departed for Petrograd without anyone's interference.

Together with this, it was decided at the meeting to send deputies to Petrograd. The Kronstadt representatives, 30 in number, were to go to the capital to explain to the army units and factory workers what the people of Kronstadt wanted. They were also to call for the dispatch of non-party delegates from Petrograd, to be acquainted at the source with the mood and demands of the sailors and garrison. The delegation set off, but was arrested in Petrograd, and its further fate was unknown to Kronstadt.

Since the period of authority of the Kronstadt Soviet had expired, it was resolved at the meeting to call a Conference of Delegates for March 2nd, at which to discuss procedures for the new election to the Kronstadt Soviet. The Conference was to consist of representatives from ships, units, organizations, workshops and trade unions.

On March 2nd, at the House of Education in Kronstadt (The former Engineering School), delegates gathered from all listed organizations. Elections for the Conference took place on the basis of an announcement in the official newspapaper. Moreover, in accordance with established custom, among those speaking on the tasks and goals of the Conference were... Communists, elected with the others to the body of delegates. They were, however, in the minority in the Conference, the majority consisting of non-party delegates.

The assembly was opened by the sailor Petrichenko. Then, elections to the Presidium of the Conference took place, by way of open voting.

One member of this Presidium recounted, "The Conference consisted exclusively of sailors, soldiers, workers and employees of Soviet organizations. No kind of general, colonel or any kind of officer was even thought of. The 'Soviet' character of the meeting sprung to the eye..."

The first orators at the assembly were, once again, Vasiliev, President of the Kronstadt Ispolkom, and Kuzmin, Commissar of Baltflot [The Baltic Fleet]. The day's main topic was the question of new elections to the Kronstadt Soviet on fairer foundations. This was all the more important as the authority of the old Soviet, composed almost entirely of Communists, had already expired. The speeches by Kuzmin and Vasiliev not only did not pacify the Conference, but on the contrary, poured oil on the fire.

Kuzmin assured the delegates that all in Petrograd was calm, tried to frighten them with danger from Poland, spoke about dual power, and so forth and so on. At the end of his speech he declared that the Communists would not withdraw from power voluntarily, and would fight to their last forces.

Vasiliev's speech was in the exact same spirit and tone.

These statements showed the Conference that Kuzmin and Vasiliev could not be trusted, and that it was imperative to restrain them, having first removed them from the assembly. This was all the more urgent as the order to take weaponry away from the Communists had still not been given, the soldiers were frightened by the commissars, and the latter still had telephones at their disposal.

Kuzmin and Vasiliev were removed from the assembly. But all the other Communist participants were allowed to remain, and to continue in the work of the Conference. They were recognized as the same empowered representatives of their units and organizations as the other delegates.

Following this, by proposal of Petrichenko, the resolution adopted at the previous day's meeting was read, and was also adopted by the Conference with an overwhelming majority of votes.

After this, the Conference had intended, on the basis of the resolution, to enter into substantive work. This was primarily intended to be the development of conditions for correct and free elections to the Soviet, for even the Communists themselves pointed out that the authority of the Kronstadt Soviet had ended.

But at that time, information of a disturbing character was received. It was reported that a substantial number of Communists, with small arms and machine guns, were supposedly occupying buildings and moving toward the location of the Conference. In fact, by the testimony of one of the authoritative leaders of the Kronstadt Movement, at that very time the cadets of the Higher Political School were leaving Kronstadt and, with Dulkis the chekist in command, heading for Krasnaya Gorka.

Because of the rumors, a very nervous atmosphere arose, and the Conference, remembering the threats of Kalinin, Kuzmin and Vasiliev, decided to form a Provisional Revolution Committee. In view "of the lack of time to define the structure of the Committee, it was decided that the Presidium and President of the Conference would take on themselves the duties of the Revolutionary Committee and its President."

This decision was passed unanimously, and the Presidium, with Petrichenko as head, became the Provisional Revolutionary Committee, which was also assigned to attend to arranging elections to the Soviet. The Committee selected as its provisional place of residence the battleship Petropavlovsk, on which were also housed Kuzmin and Vasiliev, who had been restrained.

It is necessary to note that just after the meeting on the first of March, the Kronstadt Communists began preparing for military action and actively arming themselves, demanding that the artillery magazine issue rifles, cartridges and machine guns to the Communist cells. These demands, signed by Novikov, Commissar of the Fortress, were fulfilled unquestioningly. Therefore, the Provisional Revolutionary Committee's caution was fully understandable.

The truth is, of two thousand Communists listed in Kronstadt, "the majority were," by the words of one of the members of the Prov. Rev. Com. [Petrichenko in "Zritel," No 188, p. 2], "'paper Communists,' who had joined the party for advantage."

"When the first events occured," said the same member of the Rev. Com., "the main mass forsook the Communist ringleaders and joined us. The ringleaders themselves, with a small quantity of cadets, couldn't hope for the possibility of gaining the upper hand against us. Therefore, they abandoned the thought of armed struggle, and crossed to the forts. They moved from one fort to another, but didn't meet with any sympathy. The cadets who were in Kronstadt crossed over together with the Communists, first to the forts, and then to Krasnaya Gorka. Some of the Communist ringleaders simply fled, and along with them the Commander of the Kronstadt Fortress."


The peaceful character of the Kronstadt movement was not in any doubt or question.

Kronstadt advanced its demands in the spirit of the Soviet Constitution.

In the fortress itself, power passed into the hands of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee without a single shot, by the unanimous decision and vote of the representatives of the sailors, soldiers, workers and Soviet employees.

And none the less, the Bolshevik authorities had already issued against Kronstadt a blatantly provocative order, signed by Lenin and Trotsky. This order of March 2nd calls the Kronstadt movement "a mutiny by the former general Kozlovsky." The order begins with the assertion that the mutiny was supposedly created by the hands of "French counter-intelligence." "On February 28th," says this shameless document, "a Black Hundred/SR [Socialist Revolutionary] resolution was passed (on the vessel Petropavlovsk)."

"On March 2nd," asserts this report by Lenin and Trotsky, amazing in its cynicism, "by morning, the group of the former general Kozlovsky (Commander of the Artillery) had already appeared openly on the scene. The former general Kozlovsky and three officers, whose names have not been determined, openly acted in the roles of mutineers."

"With this," said Lenin and Trotsky, "the meaning of events is fully explained. Behind an SR cover stands yet again a tsarist general. In view of all this, the Soviet of Labor and Defense declares: 1) the former general Kozlovsky and his associates to be outlawed; 2) the town of Petrograd and Petrograd Province to be in a state of siege; 3) all power in the Petrograd consolidated region to be placed with the Petrograd Defense Committee."

In its turn, the Defense Committee published an order throughout Petrograd Province, ending with the words, "in event of street gatherings, troops are ordered to act with armed force. Opposition is to be answered with execution on the spot."

Lenin and Trotsky were not greatly bothered by the fact that the former general Kozlovsky, like all the other generals, had been in service with the Bolsheviks. While he was with them, they didn't notice that he was a tsarist general. Kronstadt had to revolt for the Bolsheviks to discover a tsarist general in their very own "spets".

There were very few spetsi at all in Kronstadt, and by the words of Kozlovsky himself, no one listened to their opinions and they played no role. The Bolsheviks needed all these lies solely in order to discredit the Kronstadt movement in the eyes of workers, as being supposedly "counterrevolutionary." Later, after the fall of Kronstadt, a correspondent of a Russian socialist newspaper asked members of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee, "What role, in fact, did General Kozlovsky play?" Several people answered almost in one voice, "You saw him!" and all broke out laughing.

General Kozlovsky himself related the following about his role ["Zritel," No 195, p. 2]. "The Communists used my name in order to represent the uprising in Kronstadt in the light of a White Guard conspiracy only because I was the single 'general' located in the fortress. Along with me, they made reference to my aide in the artillery defense of Kronstadt, the officer Burkser, and others of my aides, like Kostromitinov and Shirmanovsky, one of whom was a simple draftsman. They, by their own individual qualities, were unable to play any kind of role in the movement."

It is not superfluous to add to this, that when the Provisional Revolutionary Committee was formed, the Commander of the Fortress, a Bolshevik, fled. By the existing regulations, his duties were to be fulfilled by the Commander of the Artillery, that is, by General Kozlovsky. In view of the fact that he declined, considering that since the Revolutionary Committee was now in control the former regulations were no longer valid, the Committee, having considered the matter, named from among the body of officers Solovianov as Commander of the Fortress. Kozlovsky was assigned to direct only the technical work of the artillery, as a specialist.

This then was the role of Kozlovsky, whom the Bolsheviks, moving against Kronstadt with all the "spetsi" inherited by them from the tsarist structure, tried to represent as "leader of the mutiny." Particularly comical was the reference by Lenin and Trotsky to "three officers," whose names they couldn't even give...

Soon after this order declaring the Kronstadt rebels outlawed, threats began to rain down from Trotsky and the Defense Committee, "to shoot them like grouse," and so on and so forth.

Kronstadt was required to take measures for self defense. In the presence of threats by the Bolshevik authorities, the Provisional Revolutionary Commitee instructed military specialists to come to the Petropavlovsk on March 3rd at 4 P.M., for discussion of measures necessary for defense of the fortress. At that conference it was decided that the Committee would move to the "House of Soviets," and the staff of the defense to the fortress headquarters. In the last several days there had been several other joint sessions of the Prov. Rev. Com. with military specialists, a Military Soviet of Defense was selected, and a plan established for the defense of the fortress.

To all recommendations by the military specialists to go on the offensive, open military action and use the convenient moment of initial Bolshevik confusion, the Provisional Revolutionary Committee [Petrichenko in "Zritel," No 187, p. 2] answered with decisive refusal. "Our uprising was founded on the basis that we didn't want to spill blood. Why draw blood, when even without that everyone will understand that our cause is correct. However the Bolsheviks attempt to deceive the people, all will now know that if Kronstadt has risen, it means it is for the people's causes, and it means it is against the Communists. All know that it cannot be otherwise, for under the Communists there are rights only for Communists, and not for the people."

Members of the Prov. Rev. Com. declared this later. This entire unusual "uprising" rested on the deep faith of the sailors that they were supported by all Russia, and first of all by Petrograd.

The movement blazed up spontaneously. Had it been the result of an earlier prepared plan, it would not of course have begun in the first days of March. At the cost to the people of Kronstadt of waiting a bit longer, Kronstadt, liberated from the surrounding ice, would have become an unapproachable fortress, possessing also a powerful fleet, a terrible threat to Petrograd. There was no uprising, as we are accustomed to understand that word. There was a spontaneously ignited movement of peaceful character, catching an entire town, garrison and fleet.

Kronstadt answered the Bolshevik ultimatum to, "give up the instigators," retract its demands and so on with refusal. Then the Bolsheviks declared the people of Kronstadt to be outlaws, and began to concentrate troops. Kronstadt was forced either to submit, or to defend itself. It chose the latter.

And just at this point began that which is called "the Kronstadt Uprising."

Trotsky and the Defense Committee actively pulled in, from all directions, the most trustworthy officer cadets and Communist regiments. The command of all forces destined to act against Kronstadt was given to Tukhachevsky, Commander of the 7th Army [and a former lieutenant in the tsarist army (Avrich, p. 149)]. All the "spetsi," all the famous figures of the tsarist structure, now serving the Bolsheviks, feverishly worked on the formation of a plan of siege and attack on Kronstadt.

The defenders of Kronstadt, slandered by their cynical adversary, had at their disposal the insignificant Kozlovsky, who played no role, and a few third-rank, unnoticed specialists.

Meanwhile, authentic revolutionary enthusiasm ruled in besieged Kronstadt. At the same time that the Provisional Revolutionary Committee was formed, its organ Izvestiia began publication. Kronstadt lived a tense and exuberant life. Full order was established, and power was in the hands of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee.

On March 4th, at 6 P.M., there occurred a session of the Conference of Delegates from the military units of the garrison and from trade unions, for by-elections to the Prov. Rev. Com. 202 deputies were present at this assembly. The majority arrived straight from work.

Twenty candidates were nominated and the following ten elected: Vershinin, Perepelkin, Kupolov, Ososov, Valk, Romanenko, Pavlov, Boikov, Patrushev and Kilgast.

A report by Petrichenko on the work being carried out by the Prov. Rev. Com was met with stormy approval by the Conference.

"On the question of arming the workers, the Conference mandated the universal arming of the working masses," says 'Izvestiia of the Prov. Rev. Com.' "This was done to the loud approval of the workers themselves, and exclamations of 'Victory or Death.' The workers were assigned the internal guard of the town, as sailors and soldiers are bursting for active work in the combat units."

Next, it was decided to newly elect the administrations of all unions within three days, and also that of the Soviet of Unions. The latter was the leading organization for workers, and would be in constant contact with the Prov. Rev. Com.

All the forts came out in support of Kronstadt, with the exception of Krasnoflotskii (formerly Krasnaya Gorka), which had been captured by the chekists who fled there from Kronstadt on March 2nd.

As was shown above, the people of Kronstadt left almost all the Communists at liberty in the first days. The only ones restrained were those who attempted to flee Kronstadt or were captured by patrols, and also Kuzmin, Commissar of Baltflot, Vasiliev, President of the Ispolkom, Batis, head of the Politotdel of Baltflot, and several other persons.

Despite this complete nobility of conduct by the people of Kronstadt, the Petrograd Defense Committee arrested as hostages a mass of people in Petrograd, among whom very many were completely non-participant in the movement. And besides this, the Petrograd families of Kronstadters were arrested.

The Defense Committee brought this all to Kronstadt's attention by means of leaflets thrown from airplanes. "The Defense Committee," it says in these leaflets, "declares all those arrested to be hostages for those comrades restrained by the mutineers in Kronstadt, and in particular for N. N. Kuzmin, Commissar of Baltflot, for Comrade Vasiliev, President of the Kronstadt Soviet, and for other Communists." "If even one hair falls from the heads of the restrained comrades," declared the Bolshevist Defense Committee in Petrograd, "the named hostages will answer for this with their heads."

To this declaration, disgraceful in its cruelty, 'Izvestiia of the Prov. Rev. Com.' made the following elucidation. "This is the spite of the powerless. Jeering over innocent families will not add new laurels to the comrade Communists. In any case, not by this path will they hold the power which is being torn from their hands by the workers, sailors and soldiers of Kronstadt."

"Considering for various reasons why a person became a Communist," a prominent member of the Prov. Rev. Com. [Petrichenko in "Zritel," No 189, p. 1] later said, "in the great majority of cases we left them at their work. We even allowed them to organize their group of Communists. May they be organized for action, and may they learn how their comrades in confinement are fed and cared for."

"The truth is," he added, "it should be said that despite our attitude toward the Communists, they, remaining in Kronstadt, aided the chekists. We declared, and took as our slogan, the equal rights of all citizens, independent of their political beliefs. Be a person a Communist or of other beliefs, he must have the right to vote. And we fulfilled that."

"Under us, not one Communist was executed," the people of Kronstadt proudly declared.


In Kronstadt itself at this time, morale was rising ever higher. The basic demand, moving through all articles of the leading publication, through all resolutions passed by individual units and forts, remained exactly the same, "the establishment of genuine power of freely elected Soviets," and liberation from under the "Communist yoke." Every day, a great number of repentant letters from individual Communists and entire groups were printed in 'Izvestiia of the Prov. Rev. Com.,' with admissions of their errors and declarations of departure from the Communist Party.

Besides this, the besieged did not wish to believe that Bolshevik power could open military action against them. Numerous letters from rank and file Communists who were leaving the party, speak with horror of this possibility, difficult for them to conceive.

In these days, the Provisional Revolutionary Committee addressed radio appeals exclusively to the workers, soldiers and sailors of Russia. In these, it refuted the lies about Kronstadt which were spread by the Bolsheviks. It told its listeners, "All power in Kronstadt is exclusively in the hands of revolutionary sailors, soldiers and workers, and not of White Guards with some General Kozlovsky at head, as the slanderous broadcasts from Moscow would have you believe."

"Do not delay, comrades. Lend your support, and enter into firm contact with us. Demand that your non-party representatives be allowed through to Kronstadt. Only they will tell you the entire truth, and dispel the provocative rumors of bread from Finland and plots by the Entente. Long live the revolutionary proletariat and peasantry! Long live the power of freely elected Soviets!"

At the same time, 'Izvestiia of the Prov. Rev. Com.' printed all the declarations, appeals and broadcasts by the Soviet authorities, full of lies and slander against the Kronstadt movement. Izvestiia printed these broadcasts, ultimatums and appeals as an example of how the Bolsheviks were deceiving not only soldiers and sailors, but also members of the Petrograd Soviet.

The Bolsheviks particularly insistently broadcast the lie that generals and Black Hundreds were leading the uprising. The people of Kronstadt placed against this the following "Appeal to Workers, Soldiers and Sailors."

"On March 2nd, we, the people of Kronstadt, threw off the damned Communist yoke and raised the red flag of the Third Revolution of laborers. Soldiers, seamen and workers, Revolutionary Kronstadt calls You. We know that they lead You into delusion and don't tell the truth about events here, where we are all ready to give our lives for the holy cause of worker and peasant liberation. They try to convince You that White generals and priests are with us. In order to put an end to this once and for all, we bring to Your attention that the Provisional Revolutionary Committee consists of the following fifteen members.

1. Petrichenko--a senior clerk on the battleship Petropavlovsk;

2. Yakovenko--a telephone operator at the Kronstadt Regional Communications Service;

3. Ososov--a machinist on the battleship Sevastopol;

4. Arkhipov--a head machinist;

5. Perepelkin--an electrician on the battleship Sevastopol;

6. Parushev--a senior electrician on the battleship Petropavlosk;

7. Kupolov--a senior doctor's assistant;

8. Vershinin--a seaman/combatant on the battleship Sevastopol;

9. Tukin--an artisan in the Electro-Mechanical Factory;

10. Romanenko--a watchman in the repair docks;

11. Oreshin--Director of the Third Labor School;

12. Valk--an artisan in the Sawmill;

13. Pavlov--a worker in the Mine Workshops;

14. Boikov--Director of the Transport String at the Admin. of Construction of the Fortress;

15. Kilgast--an ocean navigator.

These are our generals: Brusilov, Kamenev and the rest, and it is the gendarmes Trotsky and Zinoviev who hide the truth from You. Comrades, look about and see what they have done to You, what they are doing to Your wives, brothers and children. Are You really going to suffer and perish under the yoke of the oppressors?"

Thus, the people of Kronstadt did not desire the beginning of military action. They left the Communists at liberty. They decisively rejected any aid from the "non-left socialist parties." They chose a Provisional Revolutionary Committee for the organization of new elections to the Kronstadt Soviet of Workers, Sailors and Soldiers, the authority of the latter having already run out. They called for the dispatch of a delegation from Petrograd, chosen by workers, sailors and soldiers, that it might learn the true goals of the Kronstadt movement, and be convinced of the lies raised against the people of Kronstadt by the Bolshevist Defense Committee.

In answer to these demands, the Bolsheviks declared a blockade of Kronstadt, and concentrated a large quantity of troops in Petrograd, its outskirts, and also Oranienbaum, Krasnaya Gorka and other coastal locations. The Prov. Rev. Com. reports that on the March 7th, "at 6:45 P.M., the Communist batteries in Sestroretsk and Lisy Nos opened fire first on the Kronstadt forts. The forts accepted the challenge, and quickly forced the batteries to become silent. Following this, Krasnaya Gorka opened fire, receiving worthy answer from the battleship Sevastopol."

On this sinister day of the opening of military action, besieged Kronstadt and its leaders did not forget that the day of its first bombardment was, at the same time, the Day of Working Women! "Today is a worldwide holiday, the Day of Working Women," says besieged Kronstadt's broadcast to the working women of the world. "We, the people of Kronstadt, under the thunder of cannons, under the explosions of shells sent at us by the enemies of the laboring people, the Communists, send our fraternal greetings to you, the working women of the world."

"We send greetings from rebellious Red Kronstadt, from the Kingdom of Liberty. Let our enemies try to destroy us. We are strong; we are undefeatable."

"We wish you fortune, to all the sooner win freedom from all oppression and coercion."

"Long live the Free Revolutionary Working Woman."

"Long live the Worldwide Social Revolution..."

This call, greetings from bombarded Kronstadt, was completely characteristic for the rebels. No less characteristic is the following address by the Provisional Revolutionary Committee, printed in No 6 of 'Izvestiia of the Prov. Rev. Com.' under the title, "May all the World Know!"

"And so, the first shot has rung out. Bloody Fieldmarshal Trotsky, standing to his waist in the fraternal blood of laborers, opened fire first on Revolutionary Kronstadt, risen against the Communist government for the establishment of true Soviet power. Without a single shot, without a drop of blood, we, soldiers, seamen and workers of Kronstadt, threw down the Communist dominion, and even spared their lives. They desire to once again, under threat of bombardment, tie us to their authority."

"Not wanting bloodshed, we proposed that non-party delegates be sent from the Petrograd proletariat, that they might learn that there is a struggle for power in Kronstadt. But the Communists hid this from the Petrograd workers, and opened fire. Such is the usual answer of the sham worker-peasant government to the demands of the laboring people."

"May all the world of workers know that we, protectors of Soviet power, stand guard over the victories of the Social Revolution. We will be victorious, or die under the ruins of Kronstadt, struggling for the bloody cause of the laboring people. The workers of all the world will judge. The blood of innocents is on the heads of the Communist beasts, who are drunk with power."

"Long live Soviet power!"

The lead article in 'Izvestiia of the Prov. Rev. Com.' from March 8th makes the following analysis of this fateful "First Shot." "They began the bombardment of Kronstadt. Well, so be it; we're ready. We will measure our strengths."

"They rush to act, and yes, they are forced to hurry. The laborers of Russia, despite all the Communist lies, understand what a great endeavor of liberation from three years' slavery is being created in revolutionary Kronstadt. The butchers are unnerved. The victim of their shameless bestiality, Soviet Russia, is slipping from their torture chamber, and with her, dominion over the laboring people is slipping finally from their criminal hands."

"The Communist government will send an SOS. The weeklong existence of free Kronstadt is proof of their powerlessness. One moment more and the worthy answer of our glorious revolutionary ships and forts will sink the ship of the Soviet pirates. They are forced into battle with revolutionary Kronstadt, which has raised the banner 'Power to Soviets, and not Parties.'"

It is important to spend as much time as possible on the exposition of the psychology of the Kronstadt garrison and its elected leaders in those first moments, those first days of the war which had begun between the Bolshevik authorities and Kronstadt. 'Izvestiia of the Prov. Rev. Com.' alots its columns almost entirely to the exposition of the goals for which Kronstadt struggled. The newspaper contains practically no information on the violent struggle already begun. On the day of the bombardment, there is practically no chronicle of it. All is dedicated to the burning theme, "We and They," that is "we" of Kronstadt, and "they" the Bolsheviks.

In those days it was as if Kronstadt was hurrying to show its true face, to clearly outline the people's movement which had risen there pure and unmixed. In its articles and appeals is felt the sailor's speech, sailor turns of phrase and comparisons.

And over all this feverish revolutionary atmosphere hung the great, all-forgiving spirit of the age old Russian liberation movement. Kronstadt was great spirited. It was proud that in it, executions did not occur, that there was no coercion, that it rested on the freely expressed will of the entire laboring populace. Under the thunder of the bombarding cannons, it sent greetings to laborers, and called the entire proletariat and peasantry to solidarity.

And Bolshevik authority attempted to portray these people as "servitors of Capital," "lackeys of the Entente," and so on and so forth!

And only then, when the Kronstadters were forced to argue against the completely unbelievable lies and slander of an enemy which had decided to wipe them from the face of the earth, did they speak sharply, not sparing fully weighted and juicy definitions of the hated Bolshevik authority.

In this moving argument of victim with torturer, Kronstadt tried fervently to expose its true wishes, its true, cherished aspirations.


In those days, the people of Kronstadt defined their struggle with the Communists as a struggle for the Third Revolution.

The word has been found. Henceforward, it will enter into the consciousness of those masses, which until now still followed the Bolsheviks, believing that the October Revolution was the "Second Revolution."

"Here," they declare in the article 'What We Are Fighting For,' "a great new revolutionary step has been taken. Here has been raised the banner of a rebellion for liberation from the three year violence and oppression of Communist dominion, which has eclipsed the three-hundred year yoke of monarchism. Here in Kronstadt has been laid the first stone of the Third Revolution, which is breaking the last fetters from the laboring masses, and opening a wide new path for socialist creativity. This new revolution stirs the laboring masses of both East and West. It is an example of the new socialist construction, opposed to bureaucratic Communist 'creativity.' It convinces the laboring masses abroad, by the testimony of their own eyes, that everything created here until now by the will of workers and peasants was not socialism."

The people of Kronstadt did not develop the programs of this new socialist "construction," but they wanted to lay its first cornerstone. They emancipated the people, and expressed their will. And they came to this emancipation by the path to which they were most accustomed after three years of Soviet power, by freely elected Soviets.

"The present Revolution gives the laborers the possibility to finally have their own freely chosen Soviets, working without any and all coercive party pressure, and to reform the bureaucratic trade unions into free societies of workers, peasants and the laboring intelligentsia. At long last the police stick of the Communist autocracy is broken."

This then is the most immediate program, these are the goals, for which at 6 hours 45 minutes in the evening on March 5th, 1921, the Bolshevik authorities began the bombardment of Kronstadt...


Following the bombardment which had been opened on the March 7th from the batteries of Sestroretsk and Lisy Nos, there came an attempt by the Bolsheviks to storm the forts of the fortress. The attack came from both South and North. The Commander of the Northern Group, Kazansky, in conversation with a Bolshevist correspondent declared that, "the first attack by troops took place already on March 8th. The group consisted exclusively of cadets. Fort No 7 was taken in battle, but our related losses were so significant, and the group itself so small, that the adversary succeeded in driving us from the fort."

But in No 8 of 'Izvestiia of the Prov. Rev. Com.,' these first horrifying Bolshevik attempts to throw Communists dressed in white shrouds (of a color protective on snow) across the ice to storm Kronstadt were described in the following manner. "We did not want to spill fraternal blood, and we did not fire a single shot until they forced us to do so. We were forced to defend the rightful cause of the laboring people, and to fire. We were forced to fire at our own brothers, sent to certain death by Communists who feast on the people's bill. And at that time, their ringleaders, Trotsky, Zinoviev and the rest, were sitting on soft chairs in the warm, lit rooms of tsarist palaces, discussing how the quicker and better to cover rebel Kronstadt in blood."

"To your misfortune a snowstorm arose, and an impenetrable night approached. None the less, taking nothing into consideration, the Communist butchers drove you across the ice. They drove you from behind, with detachments of machine gun armed Communists. Many of you perished that night, on the huge, icy expanse of the Gulf of Finland. At sunrise, when the snowstorm had quieted, only pathetic remnants reached us, hungry and exhausted, barely moving your feet, dressed in white shrouds. By early morning about a thousand of you had already been gathered, and by afternoon, a countless number. You paid dearly with your blood for this venture. And after your failure, Trotsky rolled off back to Petrograd, to once again drive new sufferers to the slaughter. Our worker-peasant blood is obtained for him cheaply enough...!"


Trotsky continued to pull in ever new forces. Select units - cadets, chekists and alien divisions - were brought in from all directions.

The garrison of the fortress did not increase of course. In the fortress and forts, the entire garrison was 12-14 thousand people. About 10 thousand of these were sailors. This garrison was required to defend a huge front, and a mass of forts and batteries spread across the boundless ice field of the Gulf of Finland. The Kronstadt batteries were designed for battle against an enemy coming from the sea, and in no way for one from the Russian shores. By the calculations of the military specialists, to one Kronstadt combatant, there were about five sazhen of front... [1 sazhen is equal to 2.134 meters] From the general mass of the garrison, it was possible to detail no more than three thousand bayonets for performance of active operations.

Repeated attacks by the Communists, who brought in ever new troops, insufficiency of provisions, constant sleeplessness in the cold, and unrelieved guard duty all sapped the strength of the garrison. And none the less, the people of Kronstadt not only did not lose hope of victory, but believed in it. They believed in it because they believed in the aid of Petrograd and of all Russia. To them, it seemed impossible that Petrograd, for the defense of which they had risen in rebellion, would not support them, and that Russia would not respond to their call.

One of the members of the Prov. Rev. Com. [Petrichenko in "Zritel," No 187, p. 2] later said, "We did not act for ourselves. We acted for the people, for the laborers. When they say 'yes,' we also say yes, and when 'no,' then no. It was not we who said, 'down with the Communists,' but the laborers, and not only Kronstadt, but all Russia. Only in Russia do chekists, bought with gold, harrass the people, but of course, gold won't last for long. It isn't possible to take any more. I have been about Russia a lot. I've seen the people in towns and in villages. Laborers everywhere hate the Communists."

And was there not before their eyes the worker unrest in Petrograd? Did they not know from the Soviet press itself of peasant uprisings in Siberia? In Tambov and the central provinces? In the Ukraine? They believed that this movement would spread, that the Kronstadt Uprising would shine through all Russia with a bright flame, hearten the people's masses, push them onto the path of rebellion, organize the entire dissatisfied nation... And did they not have the hope of holding out at least until icebreak on the Gulf of Finland?

These considerations were also not unknown to the Soviet authorities. They, continuing to bring in ever new echelons of troops, understood that the battle occurred not only on the ice of the Gulf of Finland, on the tragic approaches to Kronstadt, but also in the streets and factories of Petrograd and Moscow. And, bombarding Kronstadt, throwing bombs from airplanes on the peaceful populace of the besieged town, the Bolsheviks attempted to defame and slander their great-spirited adversary. They attempted to undermine the faith of the people's masses in him, to frighten the masses with the Kronstadt movement. For Kronstadt's calls possessed a powerful strength...

"In Kronstadt there is neither Kolchak, nor Denikin, nor Yudenich. In Kronstadt are laboring folk," says the 'Appeal to Comrade Workers and Peasants' in No 9 of 'Izvestiia of the Prov. Rev. Com.' And, refuting the lies and slanders of the Bolsheviks, the appeal ends with the call, "Comrades, the people of Kronstadt have raised the banner of rebellion, and are certain that tens of millions of workers and peasants will answer their call. It cannot be that the dawn which has appeared here has not become clear for all Russia. It cannot be that the Kronstadt explosion has not made all Russia, and first of all Petrograd, shake and arise. Our enemies have filled the prisons with workers, but there are still many daring and honest ones at liberty. Arise comrades, to battle with the Communist autocracy..."

And there came response to this Kronstadt explosion. The people of Kronstadt learned of it first of all from confused Bolshevik broadcasts, in which reports of uprisings in all parts of Russia were incidentally reported among the lies and slander. They knew of it from deserted army units, escaping to Kronstadt, and from the stories of Communist prisoners, saved from death on the ice of the Gulf of Finland...

Every extra hour of Kronstadt's existence, every shot from its batteries, raised ever new enemies against the Bolsheviks. The Communists remained alone. Trotsky had to form units from cadets, chekists, and anti-smuggling detachments, and to bring in Chinese and Bashkir units.

That is why the Bolsheviks authorities so doggedly, so furiously, drove ever new battalions across the Gulf ice to certain death. They needed, come what may, to destroy Kronstadt as quickly as possible. Otherwise, Kronstadt would have blown them apart. That is why all means were acceptable to the Soviet authorities. That is why it spared no means, no violent acts, to defame and slander Kronstadt.

It has already been shown above how the Bolsheviks used the name of the harmless Kozlovsky, who had served them faithfully and truly for three years. It has been shown how, having formed their staff nine-tenths of generals and colonels from the tsarist structure, and with their aid bombarded a revolutionary town, they spread shameless lies about "tsarist generals" supposedly located in Kronstadt.

The truth is that, in this matter, the Bolsheviks were aided not a little by the Russian emigrant and foreign press, especially the reactionary press. Krasnaia Gazeta, Izvestiia, Pravda, Kommuna and so on greedily reprinted all possible rubbish from reactionary Russian and foreign newspapers. Every kind of idiocy by the half-intelligent Burtsev, sending his unasked for greetings to the people of Kronstadt, every "donation" by the financial bigshots in Paris, all the dreams of the Guchkovs, and the foolish rumors of the foreign press, all was used by the Bolsheviks. It was used to portray the people of Kronstadt, cut off from the entire world by ice, as marionettes, by means of whom, after the inevitable "Mensheviks and SR's," "sneak in supposed Kadets [Constitutional Democrats], then Monarchists and, finally, the greedy and clutching Entente..."

In their lies, the Bolsheviks came even to the foolish assertion that the pretender to the throne, the former Great Prince Dmitri Pavlovich, was supposedly coming to Kronstadt!

The people of Kronstadt were simultaneously indignant with and amused by these absurd, and for them evident, lies. For the Red Army, and the workers of Russia, however, this grandiosely performed falsehood, this fraud, could not fail to have a corrupting influence, could not fail but to undermine trust in Kronstadt.

'Izvestiia of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee,' was a thousand times correct in its description of Kronstadt's attitude toward the undesired joy of Russian reactionaries at the movement which had burst out there, given in the article "'Sirs' or 'Comrades.'" "You, comrades, now celebrate a great and bloodless victory over the Communist dictatorship, and your enemies celebrate with you. But your motives for joy and theirs are completely opposed. You are inspired with a burning desire to build true Soviet power, and by the noble hope of granting the worker freedom of labor and the peasant the right to control his own land and the produce of his work. They are driven by the hope of raising anew the tsarist whip, and the privilege of generals. Your interests are not the same, and your path is not theirs!"

And the article finishes with the following call. "Be vigilant. Do not allow wolves in sheep's clothing close to the helmsman's bridge..."

The Bolshevik attack on Kronstadt accelerated the flow of Communists leaving the party, a process which even before had been very strong. Due to a lack of space, the editorship of Izvestiia was placed in a situation of physical inability to publish all the personal and group declarations. In No 8 alone were published the names of 168 Communists, declaring their departure from the party... Here there are sailors, rank and file Communists of the electrical unit, soldiers of the air defense, unskilled laborers of the artillery workshop and workers.

A completely characteristic letter on departure from the party is that of Mariia Nikolaevna Shatel, a teacher. "My comrade students of the labor, military and naval schools! I have lived for almost thirty years with a deep love for the people. I have carried light and knowledge, as well as I was able, wherever it was awaited, and wherever needed for the present moment. The Revolution of 1917 increased my strengths by giving my work free range, and I continued to serve my ideal with great energy. The teachings of Communism, with its slogan, 'All for the People,' captured me with their purity and beauty. Thus, in February of 1920, I became a candidate member of the R.C.P. (Russian Communist Party). But with the 'first shot,' I was shaken by the thought that I might be considered a participant in spilling the blood of innocent victims. They have fired at a peaceful populace, at my deeply beloved children, of whom there are 6 or 7 thousand in Kronstadt. I came to feel that it is not within my strength to hold faith in, and profess to a party which has disgraced itself by a bestial act. Therefore, with this first shot I ceased to consider myself a candidate member of the R.C.P."

"Comrade rank and file Communists," writes member of the R.C.P. (bolsheviks) Rozhali, a sailor from the minelayer Narov, in his 'Appeal to All Honest Communards.' "Look about, and you will see that we have entered a terrible swamp, led by a little bunch of Communist bureaucrats. Under a Communist mask, they have built warm nests for themselves in our Republic. I, as a Communist, call on you to drive from us those false Communists who incite us to fratricide. We rank and file Communists, in no way guilty, suffer the rebukes of our comrade non-party workers and peasants because of them. I look with horror on the situation which has been created."

"Will the blood of our brothers really be spilled for the interests of those Communist bureaucrats? Comrades, come to your senses, and do not submit to the provocations of those Communist bureaucrats who push us to slaughter. Drive them away, for a true Communist must not limit his ideas. He must walk hand in hand with the entire laboring mass."

However, this address "to all honest Communards," laying out a unique theory of the division of Communists into honest and dishonest ones, was not of course able to influence the psychology of a significant number of Kronstadt's Communists. And in response, declarations of departure from the party, from "honest Communards," poured in to the Prov. Rev. Com and Izvestiia.

"We the undersigned," runs one such declaration, "members of the R.C.P., declare that, finding the party's tactics to be fundamentally incorrect, and that it is completely bureaucratized and absolutely separated from the masses, we are leaving its ranks. Before all the laboring people, we brand those who remain in its ranks with the shame of criminals and murderers. Follow us to honest battle against the insane fanatics, and tell yourself, 'Victory or Death for the glory of the laborers.'" Under this typical letter appear the signatures of thirteen soldiers of the Fortress Air Defense.

Such letters arrived at 'Izvestiia of the Prov. Rev. Com.' and the Revolutionary Committee in great number. In them was contained the most murderous, most terrible truth about Bolshevism. Under the blows of this criticism, impartial and penitent, the building of Russian Communism, constructed on lies and slanders, was destroyed in the imaginations of rank and file Communists. And the more strongly the Bolsheviks bombarded the revolutionary town, the stronger became the flight from the ranks of the Communist Party. 'Izvestiia of the Prov. Rev. Com.,' and the Committee itself, were swamped by the declarations.

"There is such a mass of these declarations," said Izvestiia, "that due to insufficiency of space in the paper, it is necessary to print them in small bunches in the order of arrival. Those quitting the party are sailors, soldiers, deceived workers, and that part of the intelligentsia which was foolish enough to believe in garish slogans and inflammatory speeches. What does this flight mean? Fear of vengeance from the laboring people? No. A thousand times no. When it was noted to a woman worker appearing today with a declaration of departure from the party that there were many such as herself fleeing the party, she answered with indignation, 'Our eyes have been opened, but we aren't fleeing. The bright red blood of laborers, coloring the icy cover of the Gulf of Finland for the benefit of some insane leaders who are defending their own power has opened the people's eyes...'"

True, the Communists showed their "gratitude" to the trusting rebels. It was later necessary for the Provisional Revolutionary Committee [Petrichenko in "Zritel," No 189, p. 1] to admit that many of the 'repentant' Communists, "even before the capture of the first section of the town of Kronstadt, were shooting off rockets and sending various signals to the shore. When the chekists fell on the fortress, the Communists destroyed part of our communications, and turned against us!!..."

There were, of course, not a few who had truly abandoned Bolshevism.

Peace loving Kronstadt pitied its adversaries, who were often driven to the attack by Bolshevik machine guns. It addressed the units sent against it to their death over the ice of the Gulf of Finland with words of forgiveness, sympathy and love. It could do none else, and be no other. For between them and their cruel enemy the Defense Committee lay not only the blood red ice of the Gulf. Not only different beliefs divided them. Between them lay a moral abyss. There were two completely different worlds, irreconcilable by their very beings. In the history of the Civil War, the Kronstadt movement occupies its own special place, illumined by the highest humanity.

The truth is, Kronstadt in those days was the symbol of a Russia tired of the blood and insanity of recent years. And this its purity, this its integrity, this its highest humanity, could not fail but attract all sympathies. Even the socialist parties of Western Europe, stupefied by Bolshevik lies, and frightened by numerous experiences with Russian military adventures, for the first time in three years of civil war began to openly and boldly express their sympathies for this town which had rebelled against the Bolsheviks.

Kronstadt also defeated Bolshevism in the International.

And the Soviet authorities, lying and slandering against Kronstadt, turned for sympathy in those days not to the world proletariat, but to... the governments of the imperialist and capitalist countries. Its representatives abroad made any concession to England and Poland, any compromise with them, if only to have free hands for dealing with the rebellious town.

This moral purity, this aspiration for a Russia once again awakened to humanity, was the most remarkable feature of Kronstadt.


Kronstadt's slogans were straightforward. They led to the realization of democracy. The truth is, that the people of Kronstadt pictured the achievement of this democratic ideal by degrees, by way of new elections to the soviets, and Russia's liberation from the Communist yoke in that image. And when, after the fall of Kronstadt, a staff member of a socialist newspaper ["Zritel," No 196, p. 2] asked members of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee why the Constituent Assembly was not among Kronstadt's slogans, "Ha ha ha," answered almost all of those present. "It's like this; if there are elections to the Uchredilka [slang, Constituent Assembly], then that naturally means there will be 'lists.' It can't be otherwise."

"And once you have lists, that means 'Communists.'"

"If there are lists, then the Communists will certainly push their own through."

"But of course you can have secret balloting," I noted.

"Ha ha ha..." my interviewees again broke out laughing.

"In three and a half years we didn't see a white bread bun or a secret ballot. They just promised us all that. In fact, they didn't give a thing."

"We want to throw the Communists out. We want the Soviets to be elected by secret ballot in every region. The people on the spot know themselves who should be elected and who shouldn't. With Soviets in the localities it's possible to avoid those machinations which the Bolsheviks currently perform on most elections."

For three years, by the use of "lists," the Bolsheviks succeeded in thus perverting the very idea of free elections. Such public voting under threat of bayonets, for lists of official, ruling Communist party candidates, unknown even to the voters, brought the workers naturally to an idea. They were convinced that new elections to the Soviets, held universally, beginning with the villages, and the winning of the Soviets away from the Communists, was the first expedient step up in the struggle for complete democracy. They feared that otherwise, with Communist domination in the Soviets, even the Constituent Assembly, elected by Communist methods, would be not a constituent assembly, but a new variety of commissarocracy...

The main slogan was the demand for "freely elected Soviets." However, the best of all Kronstadt's slogans may be judged by those printed in the banner headings of 'Izvestiia of the Prov. Rev. Com.' during those combative days. "Trotsky's First Shot is a Communist SOS," is printed in huge letters across the entire width of the front page of Izvestiia No 6, and on the opposite side, "Soviet Power Will Free the Laboring Peasantry From the Communist Yoke."

"A Bomb Thrown at Kronstadt is a Signal For Uprising in the Communist Camp," and "The Communist Throne Has Begun to Tremble," read the banner headlines in No 8 of Izvestiia.

"All Power to Soviets, and Not Parties," "Down With Counterrevolution of the Left and Right," and "Long Live Red Kronstadt and the Power of Free Soviets;" these are typical calls from No 9 of Izvestiia.

At that time, great-spirited, heroic Kronstadt was set afire by the enthusiasm of the struggle for all Russia, for the entire laboring people. Under the thunder of a cannonade, it sent its appeals and broadcasts to the workers of all the world, and to socialist parties. It rejoiced with the anniversary of the Great Revolution. It was joined in a single comradely family, creating a great miracle of the rebirth of the human spirit. And at the same time, Trotsky's troops, driven forward by chekist machine guns, came ever onward. They came dressed in white shrouds to attack this town which was demanding true Soviet power.

"Over the course of the entire night of the March 10th," reads the Summary of Operations, "the Communist artillery bombarded the fortress and forts with intensive fire from the southern and northern shores, meeting from our side an energetic repulse. Around 4 A.M., from the southern shore, Communist infantry made the first attack, but was repulsed. Communist attempts to attack continued until 8 A.M., but all were repulsed by the artillery and small arms fire of our batteries and garrison units."

These short lines raise to the eyes a terrible picture of night and early morning attacks, by units driven by the Communists to slaughter on the ice of the Gulf of Finland.

The day of March 11th passed quietly. "Thick fog interfered with firing," says the summary for the 11th. All the same, in exchanges of artillery fire that day, Kronstadt retained superiority. On that day, the Provisional Revolutionary Committee published a touching order, "to all comrade sailors, soldiers and workers, participating in the repulse of Communist attacks from March 8th through 12th."

This order reads, "Show the world of laborers, dear warriors, that however difficult may the great of struggle for freely elected Soviets become, Kronstadt has always stood, and stands now, a vigilant watch on guard of the laborers' interests."

Saturday the March 12th was the day of celebration of the Great Revolution of 1917. 'Izvestiia of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee,' went out under the banner headline: "Today is the Anniversary of the Overthrow of Autocracy, and the Eve of the Fall of Commissarocracy." And in the wonderful article, "Stages of Revolution," the people of Kronstadt advanced their favorite idea, the Third Revolution.

Having presented a clear picture of the corruption of the Soviet system, Izvestiia finished thus. "It had become stifling. Soviet Russia had turned into all-Russian katorga [hard labor prison regime]. Worker unrest and peasant uprisings testified that patience had come to an end. A toilers' uprising approached. The time to throw down the commissarocracy has arrived. Kronstadt, vigilant guard of the Social Revolution, has not overslept. It was in the first ranks of February and October. It first raised the flag of rebellion for the Third Revolution of Laborers."

The "Third Revolution of Laborers," that is Kronstadt's slogan. And these people, whom the Bolsheviks accused at that time of having dealings with the reaction and the Entente, said, "autocracy fell. The Uchredilka has passed into the land of legend. Commissarocracy too will collapse. The time has come for true power of laborers, for Soviet power..."

The people of Kronstadt formed a clear concept for themselves of the character of their uprising. They were not confused by the fact that in Petrograd itself the workers were demanding a Constituent Assembly, that around Moscow and Peter [colloquial, Petrograd] rose the glow of uprisings carrying the slogan of a new Constituent Assembly, or that in far Siberia, that slogan had already become life...

In their bricked-up fortress, surrounded by ice, they, in their own way, defended the right of the people to self-government and self-regulation. They wished to advance, and were already advancing, toward that people's self government by different paths. Their goal, however, was one and the same, the emancipation of the people. Because of this, independent of how they clothed the demand for, "power of the people," the entire Kronstadt movement possessed a great attractive force. It was, moreover, selflessly pure... It is shown as such in the pages of 'Izvestiia of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee'...

In the night from the 12th to the 13th, the Communists attacked from the South. Again the night attacks, again the white overalls, and again was repulsed the wild storm of fresh units, ever newly arrived from provincial officer academies, from Communist regiments, from selected alien detachments.

On the 14th, Kronstadt was, as before, cheerful, strong and self-assured. And this despite the terrible, sleepless nights, when it was necessary to repulse the attacks of enemy forces, moving like specters in white shrouds over the snowbound ice surrounding the fortress and forts.

Guard duty on the ice. Rounds, patrols, pickets on the ice. In storm and blizzard, and horrible cold. What a terrifying picture...

And there on the shore, "Bloody Fieldmarshal" Trotsky and Commander of the Army Tukhachevsky gathered ever new units. They exchanged the unreliable red army soldiers for the devoted cadet oprichnina, for specially selected detachments, for Bashkir and alien regiments. There on the shore were woven thick nets of lies and deceptions, intended to seperate Kronstadt from the entire world. In important centers abroad, Riga, London, Rome and Warsaw, Soviet agents stooped to any abasement, any concession, in order to gain the aid of the Entente governments. And they wished to use this aid, from the very Entente with which the Bolshevik authorities accused Kronstadt of having relations, to blockade a free town, and prevent food from being brought it...

Kronstadt, a handful of heroes, a town lost in ice in the middle of the sea, was none the less strong and cheerful. It believed in its own rightfulness, and in the inescapability of a gigantic, all-Russian explosion. "We are the shock troops of the Revolution," it said.

And it felt a wave of energy and cheerfulness go out from itself in all directions, like a gigantic electric discharge.

Finally, Trotsky had dug up a huge mass of troops. Unreliable units had been removed, exchanged for faithful ones. Mutinies among the soldiers (as occurred in Oranienbaum) had been suppressed. The people of Kronstadt, cheerful of spirit, had been brought to the final degree of physical exhaustion. Scattered among the forts and batteries, they had to defend giant Kronstadt, spread over the boundless ice besetting it from all sides, across which the terrible enemy might attack from South, North and East. And their weaponry was designed for defense only against... the West. There was not even an icebreaker to open the ice around the island...

Here it is imperative to point to yet one more legend dreamed up by the Bolsheviks. The Communist press frightened the populace of Petrograd, saying that Kronstadt, a peaceful and great-spirited town, had supposedly decided to bombard... the former capital.

Having opened fire first, from all sides, on the forts and on Kronstadt, the Bolsheviks didn't hesitate to send airplanes to bombard the besieged town. And at the same time, lied and slandered against it.

As was already pointed out above, the very defense system of the fortress was disadvantageous for the people of Kronstadt and advantageous for the Bolsheviks. In fact, Kronstadt's natural purpose was to be defender of Petrograd against foreign enemies attacking from the sea. Moreover, in view of the possibility of the fortress falling into the hands of an external enemy, the shore batteries and forts of Krasnaya Gorka were calculated for battle, in such event, with Kronstadt. Its rear was intentionally, with foresight to such a possibility, unfortified.

Who could ever have thought that against worker-sailor Kronstadt would advance not hostile squadrons from the West, but troops mustered by the supposed Russian Worker-Peasant Power? On the strength of these considerations alone, the rumors spread by the Bolsheviks were blatant lies. And to the question, "Why did you not succeed in forcing Krasnaya Gorka to silence?" the 'spets' Commander of the Kronstadt Artillery Defense [Kozlovsky in "Zritel," No 195, p. 2] answered, "Because we were closer to them, and they farther from us. They were on a hill, and we at the bottom. We had to shoot 'at a mountain,' and this was meaningful over long distance. You know of course that even their rounds only flew to Kosa in Kronstadt; that means we hadn't the faintest chance of hitting them. Besides, we could only shoot in clear weather, and there was always fog. They also had firing records, left from the battle during Yudenich's attack. We had absolutely nothing."

Such were the results of the battle with Krasnaya Gorka, placed ahead and to the Southwest, but all the same located under the fire of the Kronstadt forts. The distance between Petrograd and Kronstadt was one and a half times greater than between Krasnaya Gorka and Kronstadt. It is enough to glance at a map of the Gulf of Finland to understand the complete impossibility of Kronstadt firing on Petrograd. And never the less, the Bolsheviks lied, and with that lie frightened the populace of Petrograd.

The attack on Kronstadt from the rear was carried out by the Bolsheviks with stern conformation to a prepared plan. "The battle plan," said Dybenko, former Bolshevik Commissar for Naval Affairs, and appointed dictator of Kronstadt, in an interview with representatives of the Soviet press, "was worked out down to the finest details, according to the orders of Tukhachevsky, Commander of the Army, and in the field staff of the Southern Group. The brigade commanders took part in development of the plan, and then all unit leaders, starting with regimental commanders, were acquainted with it in great detail."

In a word, this entire tsarist general staff was not on the side of the Kronstadt sailors. There was the whole lot of them, helping the Dybenkos to destroy their former comrade sailors. "On the 16th began the artillery preparation for the battle," said another butcher of Kronstadt, General Kazansky. "Firing was carried on by our side with an account, and as was later shown, the hit percentage was good. With the fall of night, we made our approach to the numbered forts. White overalls, which made us almost invisible on the mantle of snow, and the courage of the cadets, allowed us to move in columns."

From all sides, North, South, and East, cadet detachments advanced on small handfuls of Kronstadters, spread in the dark of the winter night among seperate forts lost in the ice.

By morning a number of forts were taken. Through Kronstadt's weak point, the Petrograd Gates, cadets burst into the town. Local Communists, shown mercy by the people of Kronstadt, now betrayed them, arming and acting from the rear. Kuzmin and Vasiliev, released by the chekists who had burst into Kronstadt, took part in the "liquidation" of the "mutiny." Still, the rebels' desperate resistance, and the merciless massacre, continued until late in the night of the 18th.

The enemy exceeded the Kronstadters many many times in strength. Those who could, left for Finland, and over the revolutionary fortress again rose the flag of oppression. The merciless Dybenko, appointed commandant of the town which had yesterday still been free, set out for reprisal. The town where in fifteen days of uprising not one drop of human blood had spilled became a center of shootings, lynchings, and murders.

And in Petrograd, for the freedom of which Kronstadt had risen, a "court" hastily met. With its own unjust trial, selecting 13 heroes from among those being shot, it "judged" those who had shown mercy on hundreds and hundreds of Communists.

And having taken into account all the "circumstances" and "faults," it resolved:

"Denier, 24 y., Aide to the Commander of the battleship Sevastopol, former midshipman, of the former hereditary nobility of Petrograd Prov.; Mazurov, 28 years, artillerist of the same ship, former lieutenant, of the hereditary nobility of Petrograd Prov.; Bekman, 23 years, navigator, former midshipman, of the hereditary nobility of Perm Prov.; Levitsky, 35 years, tower commander, former senior captain, of the hereditary nobility; Sofronov, 27 y., platoon commander, former midshipman, of the hereditary nobility of Tver Prov.; Timonov, 37 y., assistant manager, former priest, from the bourgeoisie of Seva District, Orel Prov.; seamen and members of the ship committee: Sugankov, 25 years, from the peasantry of Gomel Prov., Chernigov District, Stavinsk Region, village Staraia Kamenka; Stepanov, 33 years, from the peasantry of Novgorod Prov., Starorussky District, Vysotsk Region, village Pestovo; Efremov, 29 years, from the peasantry of Petrograd Prov., Iamburg District, Moskovskaia Sloboda; Steshin, 30 years, from the peasantry of Bryansk Prov., Karbachev District, Dragunsk Region, Collective Farm Bratstvo; and Chernousov, 23 years, Commander of the Military Plant, of the peasantry of Minsk Prov., Igumensk District, Ustdensk Region, village Zabolotie, to execute."

"The sentence will be carried out without appeal; it is subject, in light of the current situation in Kronstadt of establishment of revolutionary order, to immediate completion."

The memory of these pure, great-spirited hero/martyrs remains, forever sacred to mournful, suffering humanity, struggling for freedom and a better future. Glory to them, and to Kronstadt, and to the unknown heroes, perished in the struggle...

Kronstadt fell...

It fell before the arrival of support from the Petrograd workers, not having received active aid from boundless, agitated Russia, not having survived even until liberation from the ice of the Gulf of Finland.

The Bolsheviks breathed easier. Kronstadt's execution fell together with their new "victories" in Europe. Specifically, the Bolsheviks bombarded a town which demanded freely elected Soviets, calling its defenders "servitors of the Entente," and "compromisers with capitalism." And they themselves, in those very days, concluded agreements with the capitalists, the Entente, and the Polish imperialists.

The crash of the cannonade had still not died away, and the piles of bodies still not been removed from the ice of the Gulf, when the Soviet authorities, under the sound of the executions of the Kronstadt heroes, were already signing agreements composed by the dictate of the capitalist world.

In those tragic days, an English-Russian trade agreement was signed by the Bolsheviks, opening a broad, uncontrolled road into destroyed Russia for the most powerful capital, English. In those same days, the Treaty of Riga was signed by the Bolsheviks, by which they conceded to Poland 206,837 square kilometers (about 200,000 square verstas [1 versta is equal to 1.06 km.]) with a non-Polish population of twelve million souls, violating the rights and will of the populace.

In those same days, the Bolshevik authorities, together with the Turks, completed the destruction of the Caucasian republics, and gave the Turkish monarchy the most important regions and fortresses of Zakavkazie. So long as Kronstadt's guns thundered, so long as the capitalist and imperialist governments were uncertain of the victory of the Soviet authorities, they did not make the final decision on this robbery of Russia.

Kronstadt fell.

But the thunder of its guns, by Lenin's expression, forced the ruling Communist Party to "think again." The Kronstadt Uprising forced the Communists to renounce their own economic policy, that is, the very Communism for which they supposedly carried out the October Revolution, spilled seas of blood, and destroyed Russia.

For what then was Kronstadt executed?

For what? The list of unsatisfied demands clearly shows for what. For the demand for Democracy, for the demand for freely elected Soviets. The Communists stooped to the renunciation of Communism, but would not agree to allow discussion of the question of power, even discussion only by the peasants, workers, sailors and soldiers, as the people of Kronstadt demanded, and not by the entire nation. The Communists preferred to eliminate food requisitioning, to restore trade, to make concessions to foreigners and to concede Russian land and Russian population to Poland, than to give, if even just to socialist parties, the right of free speech, press, assembly...

That is what Kronstadt was executed for...

Its uprising showed that Communism, and the victories of the October "Revolution," for which they had begun a terrible civil war, and which they so easily renounced, were not dear to the Bolsheviks. It showed, rather, that only power was dear to them, only power, power irregardless of the workers and peasants, power over the proletariat, power against the will of the entire people.

At the present moment, it is even impossible to define the great impact which Kronstadt has already had on the psychology of the people's masses. And the more the real truth about Kronstadt, hidden so thoroughly by the Bolsheviks, is discovered, the more terrible will be the consequences of this unusual "uprising" for them.

The Kronstadt Uprising showed that the Russian people was opposed to Bolshevism, but did so at the moment most advantageous for the Bolshevism. It appeared at the moment when the Intervention had ended, when western countries were concluding agreements with the Bolsheviks and when the reactionary forces had been broken. It showed that in the people, and only in the people, there is a huge life-force, and that it and it alone may, in the center, shake loose and overturn the Bolsheviks.

Thanks to the Kronstadt Uprising, the Western-European socialists and working masses began to think, and to think deeply. For them, the rebellion of Kronstadt was a thunderstrike. For the first time, they came to see clearly and distinctly that the Bolshevik authorities are hated in Russia by the people themselves, by the workers and peasants who are the support of the Revolution.

Earlier, when Denikins and Wrangels attacked the Bolsheviks, western socialists knew that their own imperialist bourgeois governments gave aid to these adventurers and reactionaries. But here Kronstadt arose, and workers and sailors arose. And those lies about Kronstadt which the Bolsheviks spread in Russia could have no meaning in the West. For the European socialist parties well knew and saw that it was the Bolsheviks, not Kronstadt, who colluded with Imperialism in those days. They saw that their governments, at that moment, were speaking not with the people of Kronstadt but with Krasin, Litvinov, Gukovsky and Ioffe. They saw that their governments gave aid not to Kronstadt, abandoned on the ice for certain death by the whole world, but to the Bolsheviks. They saw that the Bolsheviks were executing sailors and workers, and at the same time making every concession and every agreement with capitalism.

Kronstadt was an explosion, sending a powerful blow in every direction. It broke a huge breach in the Bolshevik structure. Kronstadt struck a blow to the very heart of Bolshevism. And however long and painful may be the death agony of Bolshevism, Kronstadt, the first completely independent attempt by workers, sailors and peasants to topple the Bolshevik structure and begin the Third Revolution, will remain a landmark, visible from afar, on a turning point of Russian history.


About the authors

Submitted by Mike Harman on September 3, 2007

Pravda o Kronshtadte (in the future Pravda), the original text of The Truth about Kronstadt (Truth), is the work of many hands. It is also a key primary source for any discussion of the Kronstadt Rebellion of 1921. Because of these two facts, and in the interest of gaining a better understanding of the text, it is helpful to discuss several questions arising from the translation. Who were the original authors and publishers of the different sections and sub-sections of the work, and what were their political views? How did these views, changing conditions in Russia and internationally, and the interests of the authors combine to shape their relations toward one another, and toward other groups involved in the great upheavals of the Russian Revolutionary and Civil War era from 1917 to 1921?

The authors of Pravda all belong to various branches of the socialist movement which developed out of the Russian Populism of the late 19th Century. For the purposes of this essay, the authors will be described and differentiated politically by two specific aspects of their beliefs: their views of Socialism, and of the proper role of non-socialist forces in the revolution. These aspects do not definitively describe the beliefs of the groups in question. They are, however, issues which were important to the political context of the time, and which help to explain the major conflicts and divisions between contemporary Russian socialists. Different socialist groups held widely different views of how Socialism could and should be achieved, and what would characterize the resulting socialist state. Further, some endorsed intervention by outside forces and the work of Russian conservative groups, while others vehemently opposed such actions. These differences contributed heavily to many of the political alliances and enmities of the period, and specifically to those of the authors of Pravda.

International and internal conditions changed greatly during this period. Also, once one common interest or goal had been addressed, it was often the case that erstwhile allies found themselves with new, divergent interests. Amidst the stresses of such changing conditions and alliances, the authors' views on the two questions placed above, the nature of Socialism, and the proper role of non-socialist forces in the revolution changed also. The authors' relations to one another, and to other groups will be discussed within the framework of this net of changing conditions, interests and beliefs.

Who then were the authors of Pravda, and what were their political views? The first group of authors to be discussed will be the common rebels, who make a strong appearance in the pages of Izvestiia through their declarations and appeals. Second, there are the newspaper's editors, represented by Anatolii Lamanov, who wrote such important articles as "What We Are Fighting For" and "Stages of Revolution" (Getzler, p. 232, endnote 112). The rebels' military and civilian leaders, represented by Stepan Petrichenko, President of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee, also played a major role through their announcements, and their later interviews with Volia Rossii. Despite some question of Petrichenko's political affiliations, these first three groups hold fundamentally similar views, and can often be considered as a single body. Finally, there is the preface by Volia Rossii itself, which was a newspaper published in Prague by Right Socialist Revolutionaries, including A. F. Kerensky.

The sailors, soldiers and workers in Kronstadt, home port of the Baltic Fleet, were perhaps the best educated, most politically aware and most rebellious segment of the Russian working people. Of the 50,000 person civilian population, the industrial workforce was 17,000. There were also 20,000 Baltic Fleet sailors in Kronstadt, and because of the technological demands of a modern navy, industrial workers composed 31% of those drafted between 1904 and 1916, compared to 3.43% of those drafted into the army. Only 6% of the fleet's draftees were illiterate. Industrial workers were a primary object of political agitation by socialist parties, and Getzler quotes the pre-revolutionary director of the Police Department as complaining that such recruits would:

"bring into the navy...a hostile attitude to all authority absorbed from the age of 12-15 since when they have moved amidst propagandized workers" (p. 10).

He notes that these sailors were also broadly educated in naval schools for their technical positions (pp. 1, 10-11).

Kronstadt already had a long and fiery history of both spontaneous and politically directed rebellion prior to the upheavals of 1917. There was underground activity among the crews in Kronstadt throughout the first two decades of the 20th Century. Spontaneous riots flared up in 1905, and another rebellion, led by a coalition of parties, took place in 1906. The Kronstadt sailors played a leading role in the Revolutionary events of 1917, culminating on October 25th when they participated in storming the Winter Palace, overturning the Provisional Government led by Kerensky and effectively placing the Bolsheviks in power.

Despite the tens of thousands of Baltic Fleet sailors who went to fight at the fronts of the Civil War, Getzler reports that the composition of the Kronstadt garrison had not meaningfully changed by 1921. Of a populace of 50,000, there were 27,000 sailors and soldiers and 13,000 civilian laborers. Working with both western and Soviet sources, including data by A. S. Pukhov, he states that 75.5% of those serving in the fleet on January 1st, 1921 had been drafted before 1918 (Getzler, pp. 205, 208, footnote 11). It should be noted that Pukhov himself, in his complete work, draws very different conclusions, stating without exact figures that "[o]ver the 2-3 years before the mutiny, and especially in 1920, processes occured in the fleet which meaningfully changed the character of the personel structure in the direction of a sharp lowering of the qualitative indicator, from both the class and political perspectives" (Pukhov, p. 39).

Through and above all, these educated, independent and politically aware Kronstadt sailors and workers wanted, and acted as, a radical and spontaneous socialist democracy. The classic forms of Kronstadt organization were the mass meeting and the committee, or Soviet, of deputies subject to immediate recall. There was free participation for all socialist classes and parties. The Kronstadters rejected any and all authority beyond their own Soviet, and it was not uncommon for participants in a mass meeting, inflamed by orators, to force the Soviet itself to sudden and embarrassing policy changes.The sailors and workers had an active and violent hatred for the bourgeois, noble and officer classes, and rejected any role for them in the political and economic life of Kronstadt, its Soviet, and the Republic at large. They believed in, and in fact saw in Kronstadt through much of 1917, the immediate achievement of almost purely laborer led institutions and government. They thought that such institutions could be immediately established throughout all of Russia by the action of the laboring classes, without help from non-socialist groups.

Anatolii Lamanov appeared on the scene with the February Revolution of 1917. A third-year technology student, he became Chairman of the Kronstadt Soviet of Workers' Deputies. Later he was to serve as the Chairman of the Kronstadt Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies ("Kronstadt Soviet") and on the editorial board of its newspaper. He was also head of Kronstadt's Non-Party Group, which in August of 1917 joined the Union of Socialist-Revolutionaries Maximalists and adopted that group's name. (Getzler, pp. 30, 37-38, 135).

Because Lamanov held such leading positions in highly democratic Kronstadt, it is reasonable to believe that his philosophy reflected the beliefs of a large contingent of the population. By Getzler's figures, the Non-Party Group/Maximalists received 77 delegates of 280 in the first Soviet, elected in March, 68 delegates in the second, elected in May, and 96 delegates in the third, elected in August (pp. 36, 65-66, 134). He states of the Non-Party Group, and its leader Lamanov:

"... it rejected party factionalism, stood for pure sovietism and thus fitted admirably into Kronstadt's early revolutionary and markedly soviet landscape ..." (p. 37).

"... his was a call for restraint, for close ties with the Petrograd Soviet, for 'the unity of the revolutionary all-national movement,' and a voice that spoke always against that 'disunity and party discord' which had 'ruined the revolution of France,'" (p.55-56).

As Socialist-Revolutionaries Maximalists, Lamanov, his group and the Kronstadters who supported them were part of a movement which took its name from the "maximum" program of the Socialist Revolutionary Party. This program called for the immediate socialization of the factories at the same time as the land. In many ways the Maximalists agreed with the Bolsheviks, and in October of 1918 they supported the overthrow of the Provisional Government. However, as V. V. Garmiz, a Soviet writer, points out, they differed with the Bolsheviks in that they "did not recognize the dictatorship of the proletariat, and denied the necessity of centralized administration of the country's economy; [they] spoke against the Treaty of Brest[-Litovsk] with Germany," considering it a concession to international Imperialism. Also, as their basic program suggests, the Maximalists did not consider an intermediate period of bourgeois capitalist government to be necessary for the achievement of Socialism (see Nicoll, 1980a; Garmiz et. al., p. 255).

Thus, Lamanov and the Maximalists, like the Kronstadt sailors and workers, viewed Socialism as the immediate transformation of the country to a Soviet republic of laborer ownership and leadership, sweeping aside the land and factory owners without any period of transition or compensation. While they may have envisioned an "initiative minority" (Garmiz et. al.) as the spark for a revolution to be carried out by the power of labor, they opposed any action by non-socialist groups and western governments.

The case of the other Kronstadt leaders is somewhat less clear. Petrichenko, it is known for certain, was a senior clerk, originally from a Ukrainian peasant family. Before joining the navy in 1912, he was a plumber, and had only two years of formal schooling. He was chairman of the Petropavlovsk meeting where the resolution which served as the uprising's foundation was originally passed, and was later President of the Presidium at the Conference of Delegates which formed the Provisional Revolutionary Committee. These facts give him every appearance of being an honest Soviet worker rising to lead a liberation movement, and in full agreement with the views of Lamanov and the Kronstadt sailors (Avrich, pp. 72-74, 80-82).

However, in one early, authoritative Soviet account of the rebellion, Petrichenko is accused of being a Ukrainian nationalist, and a sympathizer with the SRs and Anarchists (Pukhov, p. 76-77). If this were true, it could be proposed that contrary to his and other Kronstadters stated non-party beliefs, Petrichenko went beyond philosophical agreement with the SRs to actually having secret contacts with partisan forces, and that he intended to use the rebellion as a stepping stone for the introduction of SR power and government in Russia. Further, even simple agreement with the Right Socialist Revolutionaries' philosphy as it existed through 1918 would be a damning accusation in many workers' eyes, for reasons which will be discussed below. Further, even simple agreement with the Right Socialist Revolutionaries' philosophy as it existed through 1918 would be a damning accusation in many workers' eyes.

The same accusation of partisan leanings was made against Anatolii Lamanov, as a member of a political organization (Pukhov, p. 77). In this case however, Lamanov's political affiliation with the Maximalists is in no way secret, being announced clearly in his letter of departure from the R.K.P.(b.), in the third issue of Izvestiia of the Prov. Rev. Com. (Pravda, pp. 59-60). In any case, a possible secondary connection to the SRs does not mean that Petrichenko's statements must not first be considered and analyzed through the lens of his indisputable role as a Kronstadt sailor and leader, elected to office from and living within the democratic Kronstadt milieu outlined above. Because of this, the Kronstadt workers and sailors, Lamanov and his Non-Party Group/Maximalists, and Petrichenko can all be primarily considered as a political and philosophical unit in most cases. However, Petrichenko and the Provisional Revolutionary Committee must also then be discussed separately, to analyze their possible role as supporters of one or another of the non-maximalist branches of the Socialist Revolutionary Party.

Volia Rossii, publisher of Pravda, is itself the publication of the SR Party's right branch. Unlike every other book published by the newspaper and then sold through its advertisements, Pravda is unsigned. The author, or authors are never indicated, either in the book itself or in the pages of Volia Rossii. It may thus be viewed, like the unsigned front page editorials, as stating or representing the beliefs of the newspaper's leading figures.

Volia Rossii indicates on its masthead that it was produced "with the close participation of V. M. Zenzinov, V. I. Lebedev, and O. S. Minor." The literary critic Marc Slonim, at that time the newspaper's editorial secretary, describes these three figures as the publishers, and reports that A. F. Kerensky was also closely involved with the newspaper (Slonim, p. 291).

A historical discussion of these figures provides the answers to the two questions placed above: what were their views of Socialism, and what role in the revolution did they see for non-socialist groups. Apparently the oldest and least known member of the publishing group was Osip Solomonovich Minor. A student at Moscow University, he had been drawn into a revolutionary circle led by Vl. Rosenberg at least by 1883 at the time of the killing of Colonel Sudeikin. Sudeikin was the Kiev Police Chief and a bitter enemy of the People's Will terrorists (Minor, p. 9; Nicoll, 1980b, p. 170). While Rosenberg's group styled itself as part of People's Will, Sudeikin's murder was among the last gasps of the original organization founded in 1879, and it was presumably one of the several attempts at breathing new life into this dying division of the populist movement (see Tvardovskaya, p. 255).

Minor reports that after he had been repeatedly arrested and released, he was sentenced in 1885 to ten years of exile in Northeastern Siberia for "harmful influence on youth." In Yakutsk, he met a number of old Populists and People's Will activists who made a deep impression on him. There, he took part in the uprising of March 22nd, 1889. He was sentenced to hanging for his part in the uprising, but the sentence was commuted to unlimited hard labor, and later to ten years of exile from the day of sentence. By 1898 he was able to return to central Russia outside the capitals of Saint Petersburg and Moscow (see Minor).

Tvardovskaya, a Soviet writer, laments in regard to People's Will that while its members "had recognized the necessity of political struggle with autocracy," they shared the "Socialist Utopian" views of the Populists in general, and "first of all a belief in the possiblity for Russia, bypassing capitalism, to come to Socialism through a peasant revolution" (Tvardovskaya, p. 254). People's Will and the Populists were also, however, favorable to the intelligentsia, of whom the populist movement was largely composed. The intelligentsia, in turn, was closely tied to the lower nobility and bourgeoisie. P. A. Alekseev, a Populist from a peasant family, was one of the activists who met and impressed Minor in Yakutsk. In a speech at his 1878 trial he declared that, "it is obvious that the Russian workman can have hope only in himself, and can expect help only from our young intelligentsia" (Venturi, p. 534).

Among the policies espoused, at least publicly, by People's Will were a Constituent Assembly, broad fundamental freedoms and transfer of all land and factories to the people. The Populists and presumably Minor with them desired a social revolution which would overthrow the ruling classes. They did not consider themselves as part of the ruling classes but as a revolutionary intelligentsia working alongside of, or if necessary, leading the workers and peasants (see Nicoll, 1980b and Blakely for concise discussions of Populism and People's Will).

Although Minor's autobiography ends well before the events of 1917 to 1921, it is interesting as an illustration of links between Volia Rossii and Populism, and the Populists' belief in a leading role for the intelligentsia in both a social revolution and the resulting socialist state. Every major socialist party of the Revolutionary era, including the Communists, has at least some roots in Populism. However, the belief in a revolution based in the peasantry but helped or led by the intelligentsia was preserved in and espoused particularly strongly by the right branch of the Socialist Revolutionary Party. This branch includes the leading figures of Volia Rossii.

Vladimir Mikhailovich Zenzinov, Vladimir I. Lebedev and Aleksandr Fedorovich Kerensky were more recent and prominent figures in the Socialist Revolutionary Party than Minor. Zenzinov, according to Perrie, was an active member from when he joined as a student in 1904. He took part in terrorist activities and the uprisings of 1905 and 1906, was arrested and escaped repeatedly. In 1910, he was finally sentenced to five years' exile in a remote village on the Indigirka River in Siberia. Perrie reports that Zenzinov returned to Russia at the beginning of the World War, became part of the more conservative, "defensist" or war-supporting wing of the socialist movement and SR Party, and also became a close friend of Kerensky (see Perrie, 1980b; Melancon also provides an interesting article on relations between the socialist descendants of Populism, and the right-left intra-party splits brought on by the World War).

Perrie states that after the February Revolution Zenzinov served on the Petrograd Soviet Executive Committee, and held an appointment for the Provisional Government. At the time of the October Revolution he joined the Committee to Save the Fatherland and the Revolution, which struggled against the Bolshevik coup. According to Perrie, after the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly in January 1918, Zenzinov eventually joined the Committee of the Constituent Assembly (Komuch) and the "Ufa Directory," which formed an opposition government with the participation of the bourgeois Constitutional Democrats, on fundamentally the same bases as those of the government which existed before October. In November 1918, the Directory was overthrown by reactionary elements and replaced by Kolchak, a White commander. Zenzinov fled abroad (Perrie, 1980b, pp. 17-21).

According to Sack, Lebedev fought in the Russo-Japanese War, and then, after fleeing Russia for political reasons, served in the French Army from the beginning of the World War until the February Revolution. He returned to Russia and joined the Provisonal Government as Assistant Minister for the Navy in the Second Coalition Cabinet, which was formed in July 1917, although he left it again in a dispute over what he believed to be weak treatment of the Bolsheviks after the July Days. He was part of the ill-fated Constituent Assembly, and along with Zenzinov joined Komuch and the Directory, in which he worked as a military leader in coordination with the Czech Legion. Lebedev was presumably deposed at the same time as the other Socialists (see Sack, pp. 3-5).

Kerensky is famous as the socialist Prime Minister of the coalition Provisional Governments. According to Rollins, he followed an early path similar to that of Zenzinov, joining the socialist movement during his time as a student in Saint Petersburg from 1899 to 1904. He took part in socialist and liberal revolutionary activity, served in the State Duma, rose to prominence as a criminal defense lawyer, and underwent the standard arrests. He was a freemason from 1912, and a member of the right wing of the socialist movement, supporting the war with Germany as a step toward political liberation. Throughout his career Kerensky leaned strongly toward liberal, rather than strictly socialist, principles. Rollins says of Russian freemasonry that, "[its] objective... was not the popular democracy sought by the left but rather a republic directed by the liberal intelligentsia. Rejecting mass action, it aimed to destroy the monarchy by infiltrating and transforming the government and higher bureaucracy into instruments of revolution" (Rollins, p. 109). Serving in various Provisional Governments as Minister of Justice, War and Prime Minister, Kerensky was one of the leading supporters of these governments' official policy of coalition with the Constitutional Democrats and other non-socialist groups, and of the resulting concessions to land and factory owners. At that time, no party except the Bolsheviks believed in the ability of the socialist Soviets to achieve the social revolution without the involvement and cooperation of the bourgeois elements, and Kerensky would not or could not take the political steps necessary to satisfy the masses. Along with the Provisional Government, he was thrown out of power in the October Revolution, and as has been noted, it was the sailors and soldiers of Kronstadt who helped perform the act (see Rollins).

As prominent Socialist Revolutionaries, Zenzinov, Lebedev and Kerensky joined Minor in supporting the old populist idea of a social revolution with a basis in the workers and peasants, but also in the intelligentsia. The official SR program accepted at the First Party Conference in 1905-1906 calls for the "removal [of land] from sale and changing it from personal property... to the common property of the people" (Sbornik..., pp. 45-46) and states that "the whole weight of the struggle with tsarism falls on the proletariat, the laboring peasantry, and the revolutionary intelligentsia" (quoted in Melancon, p. 244). According to contemporary sources, this program continued to be the official party view in 1917 (Morokhovets, pp. 73-74).

Thus, starting from their populist roots and continuing through at least 1918, the main figures of Volia Rossii believed in a Socialism and a socialist state which would fulfill the laborers' desires, but which would be led by the intelligentsia. They were also willing to allow non-socialist groups to play a role in the revolution (see Perrie, 1980a for a fuller discussion of the Socialist Revolutionary Party).

When Pukhov accuses Petrichenko of sympathizing with Socialist Revolutionary beliefs, he is referring to ones such as those outlined in the previous paragraph. As mentioned above in the discussion of Petrichenko, such an accusation, if true, would indeed be damning to many Soviet laborers, and specifically the people of Kronstadt, because these SR beliefs were in direct conflict with the political beliefs of the Kronstadt sailors and their leaders.

Apart from the differences pointed out above, there were also other issues which separated Kronstadt and its leaders from the Right SRs and their Provisional Government. Sack describes Lebedev, as Minister of the Navy, as taking "strict measures for reestablishing discipline in the Russian Fleet." This was an extremely unpopular policy with the independent Kronstadt sailors. Sack continues, "In July, 1917, he was at the head of the forces which suppressed the Bolshevist revolt" (Sack, p. 4). Here again, the Kronstadt sailors were not just the support, but the foundation and structure of the July Days demonstrations (see Getzler, pp. 111-124).

Taking into account the disagreement between Kronstadt and the Right SRs on the two questions placed above, the view of Socialism and the view of the role of non-socialist groups in the Revolution, as well as the other fundamental conflicts of interest and belief, Kronstadt's July and October 1917 opposition to Kerensky, the Right Socialist Revolutionaries and the Provisional Governments which they helped form is well explained.

By March of 1921, however, the situation had changed drastically. Wrangell, the last White commander, had been driven from the Crimea. Western governments had given up on their half-hearted attempts at intervention, and were beginning to negotiate agreements with the new Soviet government. Unwilling to allow even peaceful criticism, the Bolsheviks were driving their left socialist and anarchist allies of the Revolution and Civil War further and further from public life. Peasant rebellions were springing up against the razverstka, the armed appropriation of grain and other supplies under War Communism. With the collapse of the internal and external threats to the Republic, the peasants were ever less willing to accept these coercive policies.

The workers and sailors were also deeply affected by these concerns, both because their food supply was affected by the economic ruin of the Civil War and War Communism, and because in many cases they still maintained close ties to the villages. Finally, the Communist Party was accused of operating out of control, becoming bureaucratized and removed from the people, being unable to handle the economic ruin which gripped Russia. The declarations by sailors, soldiers and workers printed in 'Izvestiia of the Prov. Rev. Com.' speak of these issues repeatedly. They are echoed by Lamanov in his declaration of departure from the Communist Party and in the articles he wrote defining Kronstadt's cause. Some of these issues are also raised by Petrichenko in the first article of the first edition (see also "Leaving the R.C.P.," "What We Are Fighting For," "Voice of the Deceived," "Leaving the Party"; Pravda, pp. 45, 59, 76, 82, 105, 132). These were the issues which drove Kronstadt and its leaders away from the Communists.

Izvestiia also indicates that the leadership of the uprising had a relationship with the emigre Right Socialist Revolutionaries. In the third edition, there are printed "greetings to the Kronstadt garrison," broadcast from Reval (Pravda, p. 57). This is apparently the greatly expurgated text of a broadcast which Avrich ascribes to a group which included both Zenzinov and Kerensky. The full text is as follows:

"The chairman of the Constituent Assembly, Victor Chernov, sends his fraternal greetings to the heroic comrade sailors, Red Army men, and workers, who for the third time since 1905 are throwing off the yoke of tyranny. He offers to aid with men and to provision Kronstadt through the Russian cooperatives abroad. Inform us what and how much is needed. I am prepared to come in person and give my energies and authority to the service of the people's revolution. I have faith in the final victory of the laboring masses. Hail to the first to raise the banner of the people's liberation! Down with despotism from the left and the right!"

In response, Kronstadt broadcast: "The Provisional Revolutionary Committee of Kronstadt expresses to all our brothers abroad its deep gratitude for their sympathy. The Provisional Revolutionary Committee is thankful for Chernov's offer, but it declines for the moment, until further developments become clarified. Meanwhile, everything will be taken into consideration" (Avrich, pp. 124-25).

Kronstadt did not appeal for any help from abroad until the uprising was already near defeat, and never received any of the food or other aid which SRs and more conservative groups were eager to give them (see Avrich, pp. 115-127). However, they were not willing to reject the Chernov's overture out of hand. There were several reasons for this guarded but not unfriendly response. First, despite speeches and broadcasts to the contrary, Kronstadt's shortage of food supplies is plainly visible in Izvestiia (see "They Refute the Slander" and "Apportionment"; Pravda, pp. 156, 169-170). The rebel leaders were unwilling to throw away this opportunity to receive food aid, if assistance were to become necessary.

Second, it is likely that Kronstadt's leaders no longer considered the Socialist Revolutionaries to be as great a threat to Kronstadt's goal of a free republic as they were in 1917 and 1918. It would have been well reported by Soviet sources that the White forces in Russia had been crushed and the western governments pacified. Furthermore, time had made Russia's participation in any renewed war with Germany a dead issue.

Also, since many people in Kronstadt were in fact former members of the SR and Menshevik Parties, and since Pukhov points out that agitation was regularly carried on by the SRs and Mensheviks in Petrograd at that time, the Committee likely knew of the changes in the Right Socialist Revolutionaries' positions which are visible in Volia Rossii (Pukhov, pp. 28-29, 34). Because of its editors' betrayal by the White forces in 1918, its perceived abandonment by the Entente in favor of the Bolsheviks, and also the socialist nature of the new German government, the Entente's harsh attitude toward Germany (see for example No 127, p. 1, Pered londonskoi konferentsiei). It missed no opportunity to attack its former allies from among the Constitutional Democrats and White commanders (a particularly interesting example being No 2, p. 1, Vse Malo). Because of all this, the Provisional Revolutionary Committee likely believed that the Right Socialist Revolutionaries had neither the desire nor the ability to continue their political line of 1917, and were less of a threat to Kronstadt's goals than the Communists. In fact, Kronstadt and the SRs now found that they had a common interest -- opposition against the Communists.

The editors of Volia Rossii, for their part, no longer believing in a role for intervention and non-socialist groups, rested all their hopes for the immediate overthrow of Communism on their most fundamental populist beliefs in the revolutionary character of the laboring masses. In its commentaries on the uprising and interviews with the Kronstadt refugees, Volia Rossii showed how the Kronstadt events and Kronstadt rebels demonstrated the correctness of its beliefs, that is: that Communism would very soon be overthrown at the laborers' initiative, and that the laborers were also opposed to the SRs non-Communist enemies. In a serialized history of the uprising which is closely related to the later Pravda, Volia Rossii quotes extensively from such articles as "What We Are Fighting For," one of the definitive Kronstadt arguments against the Communists, and quotes the slogan, "In Kronstadt there is neither Kolchak, nor Denikin, nor Yudenich. In Kronstadt there are laboring folk" (Volia Rossii, NoNo 160-162, p. 3, "Istoriia Kronshtadtskago vozstaniia"). A summary of Volia Rossii's position, and of what they believed Kronstadt wanted, is found in the lead editorial from March 30, 1921, which states:

"...the [SR] party in its struggle against Bolshevism, with a single spirit rejects joint work with non-socialist parties. And is it necessary to say that the events of the recent period, and in particular the Kronstadt Uprising, sharply underline the correctness of the party's point of view?

The Russian laboring masses have begun to carry on, with armed force, a struggle with Bolshevism, but they reject in this struggle joint work with ... parties with goals and psychologies foreign to them" (Volia Rossii, No 165, p. 1, "Bolsheviki i es-ery").

Volia Rossii also argues repeatedly that the Communists must soon lose power, and that the economic and political concessions forced on them by Kronstadt and the general laboring movement not only cannot stop their fall, but will even speed it. Yakovenko, Vice-President of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee and a close comrade of Petrichenko, best summarizes this view when he says in an interview, "The Communists have reached the end. I answer everyone, before this year is out, the Communists will be out" (No 187, p. 1, "Beseda s kronshtadtsami"). The Socialist Revolutionaries were eager to greet the Kronstadters as fellow opponents of the Communists, and as plain laboring people, many of whose actions and written and oral statements supported Volia Rossii's positions.

This new accord was not perfect however. While Kronstadt and the Right Socialist Revolutionaries had found a common interest against the Communists, and certain political conflicts been removed, other questions still separated the two groups. The issue of the Constituent Assembly is one such question particularly apparent in Truth. It shows both the continuing conflict between the two groups and Volia Rossii's efforts to convince its readers that this conflict did not represent an insurmountable difference.

Izvestiia takes a strong, anti-Constituent Assembly position. In "Stages of Revolution," Lamanov states that before the October Revolution, "[c]apitalists and landowners... hoped to seat themselves firmly on the toilers' neck, having duped the latter in the Constituent Assembly to which Kerensky was slowly but surely leading" (Pravda, p. 127). When the members of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee were asked by "Zritel," a reporter from Volia Rossii, why they did not support the Constituent Assembly after the Revolution, they replied that it would have simply been taken over by the Communists, using set lists of candidates presented to the voters (Pravda, p. 31).

"Zritel's" question was not rhetorical, not intended to show that the Constituent Assembly was disliked by the common people who Volia Rossii took Kronstadt to represent. The newspaper was, in fact, strongly in favor of a constituent assembly. The "proclamation of the working socialists of the Nevsky region" printed in Izvestiia (Pravda, p. 7) states:

"We know who is afraid of the Constituent Assembly. It is those who will not be able to steal, but instead will be brought to answer before the people's representatives for fraud, theft and all criminality. Down with the hated Communists! Down with Soviet power! Long live the All-National Constituent Assembly."

This proclamation is also printed in Volia Rossii (No 163, p. 3, "Vozzvaniia sotsialistov v dni petrogradskikh i kronshtadtskikh sobytii"). There it is ascribed to "the Petrograd Committee of Social Democrats (mensheviks) and Petrograd socialist groups." This reference to unnamed "socialist groups" suggests that the Socialist Revolutionaries may have played a direct role in the original publication of the announcement. In any case, the relationship between Volia Rossii and the Mensheviks was very close. The Mensheviks do not undergo the harsh attacks that Volia Rossii directs against the Kadets and White commanders, and Sotsialisticheskii Vestnik, the organ of the Menshevik Party abroad, even advertises in Volia Rossii (see for instance No 224, p. 6). The proclamation's call for a Constituent Assembly is equivalent to one by Volia Rossii itself.

Volia Rossii therefore found it necessary to explain why the Kronstadt sailors and their leaders, who opposed the Constituent Assembly, were not equivalent to those guilty of "fraud, theft and all criminality." As with other situations in which the workers and peasants do not act according to the Right Socialist Revolutionaries' expectations, they explain this in part by pointing to the corrupting influence of Communist agitation (see for example the explanation of the Petrograd workers' failure to come to Kronstadt's aid, in Volia Rossii, No 164, p. 1, "Petrograd i Kronshtadt"). In response to Kronstadt's rejection of the Constituent Assembly, Volia Rossii states:

"For three years, by the use of "lists," the Bolsheviks succeeded in thus perverting the very idea of free elections... [The workers] feared that..., with Communist domination in the Soviets, even the Constituent Assembly, elected by Communist methods, would not be a constituent assembly, but a new variety of commissarocracy." (Pravda, pp. 31-32)

Volia Rossii states that Kronstadt, having had its beliefs twisted by the Communists, was approaching democracy in small steps through new Soviet elections, rather than by the direct path of the Constituent Assembly. It further diminishes Kronstadt's error by stating that the sailors, cut off from locations where the workers were calling for a Constituent Assembly, nevertheless "in their own way, defended the right of the people to self-government and self-regulation. They wished to advance, and were already advancing, toward that people's self-government by different paths" (Pravda, p. 35) from those of the other workers, but "their goal... was one and the same, the emancipation of the people. Because of this, independent of how they clothed the demand for, 'power of the people,' the entire Kronstadt movement possessed a great attractive force" (Pravda, p. 35). Volia Rossii justifies its difference with Kronstadt over the Constituent Assembly by claiming that because of Communist agitation and Kronstadt's isolation, the sailors and their leaders were somewhat misled about the proper methods, but that fundamentally they desired the same goal as the Socialist Revolutionaries.

The original authors and editors of Pravda o Kronshtadte, or The Truth about Kronstadt, varied from common sailors of the Baltic Fleet to former government ministers. They were all political descendants of the Russian Populism of the late 19th Century, but had split into separate branches under the influence of different interests and beliefs, and of such events as World War I. The people of Kronstadt were radical democrats, and closely related to the Union of Socialist-Revolutionaries Maximalists, which provided them with one of their leading figures, Anatolii Lamanov. The editors of Volia Rossii were Right Socialist Revolutionaries, liberal-oriented and inclined to make concessions to and alliances with groups which Kronstadt rejected. Stepan Petrichenko, President of Kronstadt's Provisional Revolutionary Committee, was influenced to a degree by Socialist Revolutionary ideas, but was primarily a representative, and example, of the Kronstadt sailors who he led.

Political differences related to the authors' views of Socialism and of the proper role of non-socialist forces, along with other issues such as support or opposition for the war, helped to make Kronstadt and the Right Socialist Revolutionary-led Provisional Government violent enemies in 1917. In 1921, however, in the context of a combination of changed internal and external realities, changed views and changed interests, a mutual, Communist enemy provided them with a basis for cooperation. Kronstadt decided that its former enemies were no longer as dangerous as they had once been, and that the potential need for food supplies required that Socialist Revolutionary overtures not be completely rejected. For its part, Volia Rossii found that, despite the necessity of explaining continuing disagreements over issues such as the Constituent Assembly, the rebels were important as sources of actions, and oral and written statements which supported Volia Rossii's Right SR beliefs.



Submitted by Mike Harman on September 3, 2007

Editor's note

The Kronstadt Rebellion

Pravda o Kronshtadte is a product of the Kronstadt Rebellion, which took place in March 1921 in the naval port of Kronstadt located on Kotlin Island near the Gulf of Finland.

The rebellion was organized and conducted largely by the sailors from the naval base. Initially, they had supported the Bolsheviks in the October Revolution, but sided with striking workers to form the anarchist Provisionary Revolution Committee after the Bolshevik government refused to respond to critical food and energy shortages, imposed political repression, and enforced unreasonable labor regulations.

The actual takeover of the local government was peaceful; the aftermath was not.

Leon Trotsky and Mikhail Tukhachevsy deployed troops to crush the uprising. Over the course of two-week-long siege, most of the rebels were captured or killed, and a few managed to flee to Finland.

While the Bolsheviks successfully quelled the rebellion, they ultimately realized that they needed to address the economic crises fuelling disenchantment with the government. They adopted the New Economic Policy within the month.

Pravda o Kronshtadte

Unsurprisingly, most of the existing Soviet documents give a negative account of the Kronstadt Rebellion -- it is depicted as an instance in which the courageous Bolsheviks prevailed against a set of criminals.

The fact that Pravda o Kronshtadte is a rare piece of pro-rebellion propaganda is one of the reasons why it is interesting as a historical text. It was published after the uprising by the newspaper Volia Rossii (Russia's Will), and includes in the appendix all fourteen issues of the pro-rebellion daily, Izvestiia of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee. According to the title page, all proceeds from the sale of this publication were to go to the "Kronstadt refugees and their families."

This work is also interesting as a report of political and economic conditions during 1921. The contents of Izvestiia provide insights on the food shortage and the people's response, the political structure of governmental bodies, and the occupations of Kronstadt's inhabitants at the time of the uprising.

I would like to thank Professor Dennis Browne for his extensive help in preparing this work. I am also grateful to Professor Steven Hochstadt for introducing me to Kronstadt, and to Professor Jane Costlow and the staff of the Reference Department of the George and Helen Ladd Library whose efforts in obtaining necessary resources were both invaluable and greatly appreciated. Professor Richard Stites of Georgetown University provided many useful suggestions toward improving the readability and usefulness of the text -- many of which it should be noted I have yet to implement. I would also like to specially thank Andrei Strukov and Maksim Kopanitsa for all their kindness and knowledge in providing information on the intricacies of the Russian language and of early Soviet-era culture.

Materials for the work were provided by the George and Helen Ladd Library at Bates College, the Library of the University of Connecticut, the Library of the University of Vermont, the Library of Congress, the Mount Holyoke College Library, the Columbia University Library, and the private collection of Professor Jane Costlow. Supplemental material for the online version of this work were obtained from the University of Michigan Harlan Hatcher Library and the University of Michigan Special Collections Library.

Translating this text would have been much more difficult without the excellent Russian-English dictionary of Professors A. I. Smirnitsky and O. S. Akhmanova, which is also the source of all weight and measure definitions.

The deepest debt of all is owed to my editor and friend Mary Huey. Her persistence, encouragement, and diligent dedication of great amounts of personal time to the project have been solely responsible for making this work available to the public in the face of a procrastinating and distracted author. She is truly remarkable.

Finally, I wish to note that all shortcomings of the text are thanks to myself.
Translator's note
Transliterations follow the Library of Congress system, as given in Great Soviet Encyclopedia, a Translation of the Third Edition, Index, p. x (Prokhorov ed., 1973), with several changes in the interests of readability. Diacriticals are omitted, though the soft sign appears as 'i' when it occurs before the soft 'e'. Proper names are transcribed with 'sch' instead of 'shch,' and in family names, 'aya' instead of 'aia' and 'y' instead of 'ii' or 'yi.' Where there are traditional spelling irregularities, the style used in Kronstadt 1921 by Paul Avrich has been used, to aid in identification.

Russian terms in transliteration are italicized, and when necessary are defined in the text or in footnotes on their first appearance.

The general object of the translation has been to preserve the actual content and feeling of the original text, to the degree that it does not interfere with scholarly usefulness and readability. Native Russian speakers confirm that the language and style used in 'Izvestiia of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee' is generally very simple and even colloquial, and it has been attempted to express this in the translation. Every attempt has been made to retain the multiple meanings inherent in segments which are ambiguous or poorly written in the original Russian, while clarifying ambiguities which are due to purely contextual or language differences. Similarly, where capitalization has differed from the norms of Russian usage and of the original text, this has been reflected in the translation.

There are instances in the text where a single institution or person is referred to by several variations of the same name, or by abbreviations of that name. These variations and abbreviations have been preserved or reflected in the translation to the degree that they do not interfere with the text's readability. Where the original contains differing versions of the same documents, this has been noted.

It is hoped that this translation achieves a proper balance between the original, colloquial feel of the text and scholarly clarification. The translator's goal has been to provide the scholar with an important resource, and the interested layman with a basis for understanding of the Kronstadt rebels, their actions, and the period in which they lived.

arshin -0.71 meters
Baltflot -the Baltic Fleet
Cheka- the secret police
Gorkommuna -Town Commune
Gorprodkom - Town Produce Committee
Ispolkom - Executive Committee
Kadets - Constitutional Democrats
katorga - hard labor prison regime
makhorka - low grade tobacco
Narodniks - Populists
Okhrana/Okhranka - tsarist secret police
Oprichnina - military and administrative elite under Tsar Ivan IV ("The Terrible")
Politotdels - Political Departments
politruk - head of the politotdel
pood - 15.38 kilograms
Rabkrin - Worker-Peasant Inspection
Raikoms - Regional Committees
Retroika - Revolutionary Tribunal
SR - Socialist Revolutionary
sazhen - 2.134 meters
Sevtsentropechat - North Central Publishing
spets - military "specialist" formerly in the tsarist armed forces
Uchkoms - District Election Committees
Uchredilka - (slang) Constituent Assembly
versta - 1.06 kilometers
zolotnik - about 4.65 grams

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* Prokhorov, A. M. ed. 1973. Great Soviet encyclopedia: a translation of the third edition. New York, Macmillan, 31 vols.

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* Rollins, Patrick J. 1980. "Kerenskii, Aleksandr Fedorovich," vol. 16, pp. 107-113 in The modern encyclopedia of Russian and Soviet history, ed. Joseph Wieczynski. Gulf Breeze, FL, Academic International Press.

* Sack, A. J. 1918. "Introduction," pp. 3-5 in The Russian democracy in its struggle against the Bolshevik tyranny, V. I. Lebedev. New York, Russian Information Bureau In the U.S.

* Sbornik programm politicheskikh partii v Rossii: partii demokraticheskie. 1917. Petrograd, Osvobozhdennaia Rossiia.

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* Venturi, Franco. 1966. Roots of Revolution. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 850 pp.

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