Why Would You Become an Anarchist in Sudan?

This question has always haunted me at many moments in a
country of ideological, cultural, ethnic, tribal, and political
diversity—where countless choices exist, yet none can be
freely made. The moment you are born, your identity in Sudan
is determined by religion, while your tribe plays a crucial role
in shaping your culture and even your fate.

To become an anarchist in Sudan, you must have already
escaped all these imposed identities and the suffocating
constraints that push us into the furnace of the state.
Sudan is a country where war, crises, and disease have never
ceased. Its people, saturated with military, religious, and tribal
ideologies, serve as perfect fuel to ignite conflicts.
In such a country, I have always looked at my life with
amazement. Our struggles often resemble action films—
perhaps bizarre or unbelievable to outsiders—where survival
means constantly fleeing from warring factions, dodging a hail
of bullets fired directly at you. Bullets of the state, religion,
tribe, sect, and armed factions.

Choosing to be an anarchist is an expression of true awareness
of the failures of these systems. It is a consciousness that
pushes you to the limits of both practical struggle and the
deeply complex human experience. And this path leads to only
two possible outcomes: you either survive as a true
revolutionary resister, or you are consumed by the spiral of
power.

Just as authority in Sudan takes many forms, so does
opposition. There are political resistance movements, parties,
mercenary armed groups, so-called revolutionary and liberal
militias built on tribal structures, and cultural factions engaged
in deep propaganda-driven authoritarianism.
These intertwined hierarchies form the crises of Sudanese
peoples. Sudan is, in reality, a collection of small peoples
trapped within a state that wields brutal power, recognizing no
human rights beyond its own interests.
Furthermore, the ideology of extremist Islamists has been
another tool for deepening ignorance and backwardness in
Sudan.

Striving to confront all of this as a lone anarchist is like fighting
as a wolf among packs of hyenas. If they find a single weakness
in you, it will mean your inevitable destruction.
The path forward begins with seeking out those who share your
ideas, developing them, and offering them knowledge and
education. As an anarchist, you carry the feeling that wherever
you are, and whatever your capacity, your mission is to spread
freedom. The price of that freedom may be high—it may even
cost you your life. Yet, all of this is just a small contribution to
the scale of liberation that people need to live a dignified
human life.

Freedom is the highest state of being, and anarchism shows us
how to achieve and practice it.
Freedom is not just a poetic word to express aspirations—it is
an effort, a commitment to being free with yourself and others,
and a struggle to make freedom a reality. To be an anarchist is
a blessing that cannot be monopolized or hidden. To be free is
to be an anarchist, and to be an anarchist is to be free.
— Fawaz Murtada

Sudan: they are not satisfied with this
blood !

After nearly two years of war, the truths and objectives of
this war are becoming increasingly clear: the aim is simply
to crush the revolution. Bashir’s recent speech, in which he
referred to the revolutionaries as "scoundrels," reflects the
typical rhetoric of Islamists when describing young
revolutionaries. He further accused them of wanting to
return with violence and bloodshed, referring to the
beginning of retaliatory operations—something the cadres
of the Islamist terrorist movement have threatened since the
war began.

They do not see the Janjaweed as their enemy; in fact, they
have convinced themselves that this war has already been
decided in their favor. But how can they claim victory when
the Sudanese people are dead, wounded, displaced, or
missing? I wonder how such individuals can even be human
like us. These are the same people who killed the people
from the start, divided them, sold off the nation’s resources,
and then murdered them in cold blood.
I do not know the extent of the destruction they wish to
achieve, but I now realize that if new campaigns of
oppression emerge, we must rise up, renew our commitment
to our martyrs, and resist them until our very last breath.
#TheRevolutionLivesOn, you scoundrels.

Standing against the Rapid Support
Forces (RSF) does not imply siding with
the state

Standing against the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) does not
imply siding with the state, especially for forces that foresaw
the trajectory of this war from the outset. However, today,
propaganda directed against revolutionary forces seeks to
distort and dilute their longstanding opposition to the
existence of this mafia since its inception. The divisive
policies for Sudan, which the RSF has been accelerating
more aggressively than the state itself, reveal the true
intentions this institution has tried to impose through force
and coups.

I want to highlight the nature of the discourse by leaders of
the armed forces, such as the rhetoric we've witnessed
regarding the newly formed militias under the pretext of
fighting the RSF. These narratives have paved the way for
the establishment of a peculiar belief in the military
weakness of the state’s armed forces. This, in turn, opens the
door wide for the emergence of more armies and armed
groups. This is the policy of the state's mafia, characterized
by revoltingly sentimental speeches that in no way reflect
the sacrifices of the Sudanese people.

Reconciliation with, and the honoring of, those who have
killed the people—effectively giving them a platform—
does not fall short of the crimes they committed. Instead, it
reinforces these crimes and motivates further genocides.
The popular forces must begin to build a counterforce to
combat the propaganda of both the RSF mafia and the
Islamist mafia, through direct confrontation of the lies that
accumulate and exacerbate crises, the consequences of
which fall solely on the people.

The struggle in Sudan transcends the conventional historical
forms of resistance, such as armed struggle in military
policies or civil activism through union-building, protests,
and political advocacy.

Sudan’s unique context has given rise to diverse forms of
struggle, shaped by the multifaceted nature of oppression.
This diversity reflects the country’s complexity, even in its
injustices. However, anarchists stand out in their deep
examination of a critical issue rooted in the fabric of
Sudanese society: tribalism—a force more regressive and
extreme than nationalism itself.

For decades, Sudanese anarchists have critically analyzed
the role of tribalism and its dominance, tracing its impact
from the early days of small warring tribal states, through
the colonial era’s reliance on tribal alliances, to its current
status as a driving force behind Sudan’s persistent conflicts.
While tribalism remains central to the ongoing war and its
continuation, Sudanese political forces often address this
issue with hesitance, constrained by either political ties to
tribes or fear of confronting tribal authority.

To shed light on this neglected issue, comrade Fawaz
Murtada will explore the anarchist perspective on the history
and impact of tribalism in Sudan through a series of articles.

The Tribe and the State : An Attempt to
Analyze Authoritarian Conflict in
Sudan from an Anarchist Perspective

This is an attempt from my humble self to explain the
authoritarian conflict in Sudan from my point of view as an
anarchist born in Sudan, drawing from my knowledge of its
conflicts.

Before British colonialism, Sudan did not know a unified
state but rather consisted of small states and kingdoms
governed by tribal, ethnic, or clan systems, such as the
Kingdom of Wadai, the Nubians, the Nuba Mountains’
kingdoms, and many others.

Sudan itself is divided into regions that bear significant
cultural and social differences, making it difficult to
compare with any other state.

The north of Sudan, for example, is inhabited by the
remnants of Nubian kingdoms whose people share cultural
ties across the border with Egypt, extending to Aswan.
In eastern Sudan, you will find the Beja tribes, Beni Amer,
and Hadendowa, who have deep connections with Eritrea
and Ethiopia.

Darfur, too, is divided into north and south regions, with
significant cultural and ethnic differences. These areas also
have connections with Chad and the Central African
Republic.

The large kingdoms that the colonial powers tried to unite
in pursuit of wealth, given Sudan’s riches in gold and fertile
lands suitable for cotton cultivation at the time, remain at the
heart of international disputes over Sudanese resources
today. Colonial powers were unable to assimilate these
communities into a single entity; instead, they applied
policies that resulted in the separation of the north and south,
as is still evident today.

All of this shows that, despite the revolutions that sought to
expel the colonizers and unify the Sudanese kingdoms and
communities, the tribal control system has remained
dominant and in control to this day. This is one of the
anarchist perspectives we will try to apply to our reality,
aiming to deconstruct it through this lens.

Tribe and State

The tribe is a miniature form of social authority that
possesses its own authoritarian culture and is governed by
the authority of a tribal leader or chief, characterized by a
hereditary transfer of leadership in most cases. It has been
and continues to be the main obstacle in transforming the
Sudanese people from a center of tribal conflict, violence,
and immersion in ignorance and backwardness to a better
stage.

Colonialism contributed to shaping hostilities between
tribes by distinguishing some from others and arming them,
granting them state authority, which formed complex
coalitions of diverse human groups in even the simplest
communal matters.

The transition from tribe to nationhood has
not occurred in Sudan, leaving us at a late
stage of self-organizational advancement.
Even in the form of the modern
state post-independence in Sudan, tribal
systems and local administrations still control
the state in one way or another, paving the
way for the spread of racism, tribal conflicts,
and civil wars.

The contemporary problem of Sudan, which
is exploited by imperialist forces to control its
strategic location and vast resources, is the
formation of armed movements and militias
based on ethnic and racial grounds in an
attempt to divide and fragment the country
for easier control.

Today, we find that Sudan has seven armed
armies that have started fighting among
themselves, and it is only a matter of time
before chaos engulfs the entire country or it
disintegrates. It is essential to combat the
tribal mindset within the people, just as it is
important to fight against nationalist ideas
that lead to ongoing civil wars.

To be continued …An anarchist from Sudan.

Statement of the Anarchist Group of Sudan

From our deep understanding of social revolution as
anarchists and our revolutionary duty, we present our
perspective and proposals for solutions concerning our
beloved homeland and its people.
We have witnessed how political forces, alongside their ally,
the Janjaweed, and the same forces that conspired with them
to violently disperse the sit-in and kill Sudanese youth, have
now agreed to divide the country after failing in their attempt
to fully control it.

The Sudanese street, which united with conscious
revolutionary spontaneity under clear slogans—"The military
to the barracks, the Janjaweed must dissolve"—is now facing
an attempt by all the forces it stood against to slaughter its
revolution.

The Janjaweed’s adoption of revolutionary principles, along
with their allies, is nothing but empty slogans devoid of
meaning. The wolf is trying to wear the sheep’s wool. We
therefore warn revolutionaries worldwide against falling for
their vile tricks. Any support directed towards political forces
in Sudan ultimately serves the counter-revolution and buries
it.

Just as counter-revolutionary forces have always sought to
criminalize revolutionary action, the propaganda of the
former regime is intensifying. We categorically reject the
exploitation of the Sudanese people’s sacrifices in defending
themselves against the imperialist partitioning project, carried
out by political forces affiliated with the former regime. The
Sudanese people fought against the Janjaweed in self-defense,
not for political gain or power.

A Message to the Revolutionaries

The Janjaweed, their political allies, and the remnants of the
former regime are enemies of the revolution. This fact has not
changed, and the revolution continues. We urge you to reject
the racial supremacist discourse that has spread during this
war and to unite against the systematic war propaganda. Do
not be dragged behind ideological propaganda; instead, assess
the revolutionary situation truthfully.

The right to self-defense is a natural right. We do not oppose
anyone defending themselves, their land, or their family—this
is an inherent human right.

We have witnessed horrific crimes committed by the warring
factions. While we stand firmly against the Janjaweed until
they are completely dissolved, we also condemn all
unjustified crimes committed by state forces. Even under
oppressive laws, the right to self-defense is recognized, and
legal frameworks exist for addressing crimes. We reject the
extrajudicial application of justice, as it only perpetuates
cycles of revenge. Crime cannot be countered with another
crime.

We call upon revolutionaries to unite behind the idea of
mutual aid and solidarity, so we may rise from the wreckage
of these schemes that seek to bury the revolution. And we say
this: Whoever tries to bury the revolution, know that
revolution is a seed—once buried, it will only grow into
stronger and more fruitful trees.
Long live the revolution!
Long live freedom!
22nd of February, 2025

News from the Anarchist group of Sudan (early April)

"We are pleased to announce that the construction work on
the new headquarters is complete and that our activities will
soon resume.
This was made possible thanks to the support of the CNT-AIT
and all the individuals and associations around the world
who participated in the fundraising.
However, we still need support for our upcoming projects."
If you would like to participate in the solidarity fundraising,
your donations can be made by bank transfer (contact us at
[email protected] for our bank details) or via the
electronic platform:
https://www.paypal.com/paypalme/cntait1
(please check "Send money to an individual" to reduce bank
fees). Send an email to [email protected] to inform us of
your donation, and we will inform you of its use.
Donors list number 2:
Carlos CL 20; Mýšačka Records / Priama Akcia AIT 380;
Esteban BC 1000; FAI Italia 3500; Yves Michel D 500; Calais
60 support collective; CNT-AIT Toulouse 33.5; Quynh L 17.55;
Alex B 43.87; Jonathan L 56.92; Joke K 100; Daniele C 56.81;
Antoine D 50; Joseph K 30; Marlene A 10; Pierre-Henri Z 15;
The Ephemeral 63 215; Odile and Miguel O 20; HB 100;
Anthony V 144.51; Nicolas IP 500; Ashley W 12.79; Kevin H
100; Jake F 115.11; Frédéric C 5; Cyrielle C 100 (total:
7316.06)
Total transferred to Sudan: 6800
Total transferred to Sudanese migrant solidarity groups: 500

Tunisian General Labor Union UGTT : Reform from Within, Possibility or Mirage?

The Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT) has always been
a central force on the Tunisian political and social scene, but
at the same time it suffers from a fundamental contradiction
between its historical role as an incubator of workers'
struggles and its transformation into a calcified bureaucratic
institution. The central question here is: can the union be
reformed from within, or is any attempt to do so merely a
reproduction of the logic of the state itself within trade
unionism?

The Fundamental Contradiction: Union or Institution?

The union emerged in the context of the struggle against
colonialism and subsequently established itself as a mediator
between workers and the authorities in the era of the national
state. However, over time, it ceased to be a mere tool of
struggle and became an integral part of the state's institutional
structure, negotiating within a political and economic system
that maintains the domination of capital. This is where the
main contradiction emerges: a union that is supposed to
represent the working class, but which is ultimately subject to
the logic of the state, that is, to the logic of hierarchy,
representation, and negotiation instead of direct confrontation.

Reform from Within: Possibility or Mirage?

Some believe it is possible to reform the union by restoring
the spirit of struggle within it, but this idea ignores the deep
structure that governs it. Just as the state cannot be reformed
to become "horizontal" without losing its essence as a tool of
repression, any attempt at "democracy" within the union runs
up against the walls of its inherent bureaucracy, where every
internal rebellion becomes a new project of containment. Any
internal reform is, ultimately, a reproduction of the same
model with new faces.

The Revolutionary Alternative: Overcome, Not Reform. If the
problem lies in the structure itself, the solution cannot be a
patchwork, but a radical one. The alternative lies not in union
reform, but in moving beyond it to forms of worker self-
organization: workers' councils, horizontal unions, structures
independent of any bureaucratic representation.

Revolutionary union action cannot be an official institution,
but must be a dynamic movement that rejects the logic of
mediation and seeks to create a genuine working-class force
outside the framework of the state and the market. Towards a
New Horizon for Union Action The insistence of some on
wanting to reform the Tunisian General Labor Union amounts
to wanting to reform the state itself from within: an illusion
that drags the workers' struggle into the quagmire of formal
reforms. The alternative is not to recycle the same
bureaucratic mechanisms, but to build independent structures
of struggle based on direct democracy and collective action.
Transcendence, not reform, is the only path to truly freeing
workers from the constraints of bureaucracy and the logic of
the state.
NC (Tunisia)

El-Fasher: The City That Anarchists
Support in Its Self-Defense

Since its formation, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF),
known as the Janjaweed, have practiced racial supremacy
and genocide against the people of Darfur with the support
of Omar al-Bashir and the central authority in Khartoum.
The Janjaweed have turned the city into a massive military
camp by burning villages around it and devastating towns
across Darfur, especially El-Geneina, where some of the
most horrific modern ethnic massacres have taken place. In
one of their brutal acts, the RSF gathered indigenous
Massalit people in a water drainage area and buried them
alive. Videos recorded by the perpetrators themselves show
victims pleading to be shot rather than buried alive.
This horrifying image is deeply ingrained in the minds of
El-Fasher’s residents and social communities, making it
clear that surrendering to the Janjaweed means being
exterminated alive.

That is why they have decided to defend themselves.
As for the army, it holds onto the city for military
purposes, but after its withdrawal from Zalingei and Wad
Madani, it is no longer a trusted force for the people.
Meanwhile, the armed resistance movements that have
taken up arms against the Janjaweed have significant
ethnic ties to the city's population.

However, at the core of the issue is the fact that the RSF
does not engage in direct battles with military factions but
instead bombards civilians indiscriminately, targeting
markets and hospitals. This was evident in the complete
destruction of Zamzam camp, the largest refugee camp for
those fleeing Janjaweed atrocities, where its residents were
shelled using Emirati-supplied artillery.

The United Arab Emirates has provided substantial support
to the RSF to divide the country, supplying them with
drones that destroy civilian infrastructure, along with
mortar shells and ammunition, including 120mm, 125mm,
and 130mm rounds—used in some of the most brutal
indiscriminate bombings aimed at forcibly displacing the
population. The UAE’s support is driven by its desire to
control Darfur’s gold, land, and livestock wealth, aligning
with the ambitions of the Dagalo mafia to dominate the
region. Their formation of a new government now lays
bare their true intentions of fueling war, which anarchists
have long recognized.

Yet, despite this extensive financial and military backing,
the unwavering determination of the city’s people and their
fight for survival stand as an unbreakable force. This is a
fundamental struggle that resonates with all who carry a
revolutionary spirit and fight for freedom.
Fawaz Murtada.