Why Would You Become an Anarchist in Sudan?

This question has always haunted me at many moments in a
country of ideological, cultural, ethnic, tribal, and political
diversity—where countless choices exist, yet none can be
freely made. The moment you are born, your identity in Sudan
is determined by religion, while your tribe plays a crucial role
in shaping your culture and even your fate.

To become an anarchist in Sudan, you must have already
escaped all these imposed identities and the suffocating
constraints that push us into the furnace of the state.
Sudan is a country where war, crises, and disease have never
ceased. Its people, saturated with military, religious, and tribal
ideologies, serve as perfect fuel to ignite conflicts.
In such a country, I have always looked at my life with
amazement. Our struggles often resemble action films—
perhaps bizarre or unbelievable to outsiders—where survival
means constantly fleeing from warring factions, dodging a hail
of bullets fired directly at you. Bullets of the state, religion,
tribe, sect, and armed factions.

Choosing to be an anarchist is an expression of true awareness
of the failures of these systems. It is a consciousness that
pushes you to the limits of both practical struggle and the
deeply complex human experience. And this path leads to only
two possible outcomes: you either survive as a true
revolutionary resister, or you are consumed by the spiral of
power.

Just as authority in Sudan takes many forms, so does
opposition. There are political resistance movements, parties,
mercenary armed groups, so-called revolutionary and liberal
militias built on tribal structures, and cultural factions engaged
in deep propaganda-driven authoritarianism.
These intertwined hierarchies form the crises of Sudanese
peoples. Sudan is, in reality, a collection of small peoples
trapped within a state that wields brutal power, recognizing no
human rights beyond its own interests.
Furthermore, the ideology of extremist Islamists has been
another tool for deepening ignorance and backwardness in
Sudan.

Striving to confront all of this as a lone anarchist is like fighting
as a wolf among packs of hyenas. If they find a single weakness
in you, it will mean your inevitable destruction.
The path forward begins with seeking out those who share your
ideas, developing them, and offering them knowledge and
education. As an anarchist, you carry the feeling that wherever
you are, and whatever your capacity, your mission is to spread
freedom. The price of that freedom may be high—it may even
cost you your life. Yet, all of this is just a small contribution to
the scale of liberation that people need to live a dignified
human life.

Freedom is the highest state of being, and anarchism shows us
how to achieve and practice it.
Freedom is not just a poetic word to express aspirations—it is
an effort, a commitment to being free with yourself and others,
and a struggle to make freedom a reality. To be an anarchist is
a blessing that cannot be monopolized or hidden. To be free is
to be an anarchist, and to be an anarchist is to be free.
— Fawaz Murtada

Sudan: they are not satisfied with this
blood !

After nearly two years of war, the truths and objectives of
this war are becoming increasingly clear: the aim is simply
to crush the revolution. Bashir’s recent speech, in which he
referred to the revolutionaries as "scoundrels," reflects the
typical rhetoric of Islamists when describing young
revolutionaries. He further accused them of wanting to
return with violence and bloodshed, referring to the
beginning of retaliatory operations—something the cadres
of the Islamist terrorist movement have threatened since the
war began.

They do not see the Janjaweed as their enemy; in fact, they
have convinced themselves that this war has already been
decided in their favor. But how can they claim victory when
the Sudanese people are dead, wounded, displaced, or
missing? I wonder how such individuals can even be human
like us. These are the same people who killed the people
from the start, divided them, sold off the nation’s resources,
and then murdered them in cold blood.
I do not know the extent of the destruction they wish to
achieve, but I now realize that if new campaigns of
oppression emerge, we must rise up, renew our commitment
to our martyrs, and resist them until our very last breath.
#TheRevolutionLivesOn, you scoundrels.

Standing against the Rapid Support
Forces (RSF) does not imply siding with
the state

Standing against the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) does not
imply siding with the state, especially for forces that foresaw
the trajectory of this war from the outset. However, today,
propaganda directed against revolutionary forces seeks to
distort and dilute their longstanding opposition to the
existence of this mafia since its inception. The divisive
policies for Sudan, which the RSF has been accelerating
more aggressively than the state itself, reveal the true
intentions this institution has tried to impose through force
and coups.

I want to highlight the nature of the discourse by leaders of
the armed forces, such as the rhetoric we've witnessed
regarding the newly formed militias under the pretext of
fighting the RSF. These narratives have paved the way for
the establishment of a peculiar belief in the military
weakness of the state’s armed forces. This, in turn, opens the
door wide for the emergence of more armies and armed
groups. This is the policy of the state's mafia, characterized
by revoltingly sentimental speeches that in no way reflect
the sacrifices of the Sudanese people.

Reconciliation with, and the honoring of, those who have
killed the people—effectively giving them a platform—
does not fall short of the crimes they committed. Instead, it
reinforces these crimes and motivates further genocides.
The popular forces must begin to build a counterforce to
combat the propaganda of both the RSF mafia and the
Islamist mafia, through direct confrontation of the lies that
accumulate and exacerbate crises, the consequences of
which fall solely on the people.

The struggle in Sudan transcends the conventional historical
forms of resistance, such as armed struggle in military
policies or civil activism through union-building, protests,
and political advocacy.

Sudan’s unique context has given rise to diverse forms of
struggle, shaped by the multifaceted nature of oppression.
This diversity reflects the country’s complexity, even in its
injustices. However, anarchists stand out in their deep
examination of a critical issue rooted in the fabric of
Sudanese society: tribalism—a force more regressive and
extreme than nationalism itself.

For decades, Sudanese anarchists have critically analyzed
the role of tribalism and its dominance, tracing its impact
from the early days of small warring tribal states, through
the colonial era’s reliance on tribal alliances, to its current
status as a driving force behind Sudan’s persistent conflicts.
While tribalism remains central to the ongoing war and its
continuation, Sudanese political forces often address this
issue with hesitance, constrained by either political ties to
tribes or fear of confronting tribal authority.

To shed light on this neglected issue, comrade Fawaz
Murtada will explore the anarchist perspective on the history
and impact of tribalism in Sudan through a series of articles.

The Tribe and the State : An Attempt to
Analyze Authoritarian Conflict in
Sudan from an Anarchist Perspective

This is an attempt from my humble self to explain the
authoritarian conflict in Sudan from my point of view as an
anarchist born in Sudan, drawing from my knowledge of its
conflicts.

Before British colonialism, Sudan did not know a unified
state but rather consisted of small states and kingdoms
governed by tribal, ethnic, or clan systems, such as the
Kingdom of Wadai, the Nubians, the Nuba Mountains’
kingdoms, and many others.

Sudan itself is divided into regions that bear significant
cultural and social differences, making it difficult to
compare with any other state.

The north of Sudan, for example, is inhabited by the
remnants of Nubian kingdoms whose people share cultural
ties across the border with Egypt, extending to Aswan.
In eastern Sudan, you will find the Beja tribes, Beni Amer,
and Hadendowa, who have deep connections with Eritrea
and Ethiopia.

Darfur, too, is divided into north and south regions, with
significant cultural and ethnic differences. These areas also
have connections with Chad and the Central African
Republic.

The large kingdoms that the colonial powers tried to unite
in pursuit of wealth, given Sudan’s riches in gold and fertile
lands suitable for cotton cultivation at the time, remain at the
heart of international disputes over Sudanese resources
today. Colonial powers were unable to assimilate these
communities into a single entity; instead, they applied
policies that resulted in the separation of the north and south,
as is still evident today.

All of this shows that, despite the revolutions that sought to
expel the colonizers and unify the Sudanese kingdoms and
communities, the tribal control system has remained
dominant and in control to this day. This is one of the
anarchist perspectives we will try to apply to our reality,
aiming to deconstruct it through this lens.

Tribe and State

The tribe is a miniature form of social authority that
possesses its own authoritarian culture and is governed by
the authority of a tribal leader or chief, characterized by a
hereditary transfer of leadership in most cases. It has been
and continues to be the main obstacle in transforming the
Sudanese people from a center of tribal conflict, violence,
and immersion in ignorance and backwardness to a better
stage.

Colonialism contributed to shaping hostilities between
tribes by distinguishing some from others and arming them,
granting them state authority, which formed complex
coalitions of diverse human groups in even the simplest
communal matters.

The transition from tribe to nationhood has
not occurred in Sudan, leaving us at a late
stage of self-organizational advancement.
Even in the form of the modern
state post-independence in Sudan, tribal
systems and local administrations still control
the state in one way or another, paving the
way for the spread of racism, tribal conflicts,
and civil wars.

The contemporary problem of Sudan, which
is exploited by imperialist forces to control its
strategic location and vast resources, is the
formation of armed movements and militias
based on ethnic and racial grounds in an
attempt to divide and fragment the country
for easier control.

Today, we find that Sudan has seven armed
armies that have started fighting among
themselves, and it is only a matter of time
before chaos engulfs the entire country or it
disintegrates. It is essential to combat the
tribal mindset within the people, just as it is
important to fight against nationalist ideas
that lead to ongoing civil wars.

To be continued …An anarchist from Sudan.

Statement of the Anarchist Group of Sudan

From our deep understanding of social revolution as
anarchists and our revolutionary duty, we present our
perspective and proposals for solutions concerning our
beloved homeland and its people.
We have witnessed how political forces, alongside their ally,
the Janjaweed, and the same forces that conspired with them
to violently disperse the sit-in and kill Sudanese youth, have
now agreed to divide the country after failing in their attempt
to fully control it.

The Sudanese street, which united with conscious
revolutionary spontaneity under clear slogans—"The military
to the barracks, the Janjaweed must dissolve"—is now facing
an attempt by all the forces it stood against to slaughter its
revolution.

The Janjaweed’s adoption of revolutionary principles, along
with their allies, is nothing but empty slogans devoid of
meaning. The wolf is trying to wear the sheep’s wool. We
therefore warn revolutionaries worldwide against falling for
their vile tricks. Any support directed towards political forces
in Sudan ultimately serves the counter-revolution and buries
it.

Just as counter-revolutionary forces have always sought to
criminalize revolutionary action, the propaganda of the
former regime is intensifying. We categorically reject the
exploitation of the Sudanese people’s sacrifices in defending
themselves against the imperialist partitioning project, carried
out by political forces affiliated with the former regime. The
Sudanese people fought against the Janjaweed in self-defense,
not for political gain or power.

A Message to the Revolutionaries

The Janjaweed, their political allies, and the remnants of the
former regime are enemies of the revolution. This fact has not
changed, and the revolution continues. We urge you to reject
the racial supremacist discourse that has spread during this
war and to unite against the systematic war propaganda. Do
not be dragged behind ideological propaganda; instead, assess
the revolutionary situation truthfully.

The right to self-defense is a natural right. We do not oppose
anyone defending themselves, their land, or their family—this
is an inherent human right.

We have witnessed horrific crimes committed by the warring
factions. While we stand firmly against the Janjaweed until
they are completely dissolved, we also condemn all
unjustified crimes committed by state forces. Even under
oppressive laws, the right to self-defense is recognized, and
legal frameworks exist for addressing crimes. We reject the
extrajudicial application of justice, as it only perpetuates
cycles of revenge. Crime cannot be countered with another
crime.

We call upon revolutionaries to unite behind the idea of
mutual aid and solidarity, so we may rise from the wreckage
of these schemes that seek to bury the revolution. And we say
this: Whoever tries to bury the revolution, know that
revolution is a seed—once buried, it will only grow into
stronger and more fruitful trees.
Long live the revolution!
Long live freedom!
22nd of February, 2025

News from the Anarchist group of Sudan (early April)

"We are pleased to announce that the construction work on
the new headquarters is complete and that our activities will
soon resume.
This was made possible thanks to the support of the CNT-AIT
and all the individuals and associations around the world
who participated in the fundraising.
However, we still need support for our upcoming projects."
If you would like to participate in the solidarity fundraising,
your donations can be made by bank transfer (contact us at
[email protected] for our bank details) or via the
electronic platform:
https://www.paypal.com/paypalme/cntait1
(please check "Send money to an individual" to reduce bank
fees). Send an email to [email protected] to inform us of
your donation, and we will inform you of its use.
Donors list number 2:
Carlos CL 20; Mýšačka Records / Priama Akcia AIT 380;
Esteban BC 1000; FAI Italia 3500; Yves Michel D 500; Calais
60 support collective; CNT-AIT Toulouse 33.5; Quynh L 17.55;
Alex B 43.87; Jonathan L 56.92; Joke K 100; Daniele C 56.81;
Antoine D 50; Joseph K 30; Marlene A 10; Pierre-Henri Z 15;
The Ephemeral 63 215; Odile and Miguel O 20; HB 100;
Anthony V 144.51; Nicolas IP 500; Ashley W 12.79; Kevin H
100; Jake F 115.11; Frédéric C 5; Cyrielle C 100 (total:
7316.06)
Total transferred to Sudan: 6800
Total transferred to Sudanese migrant solidarity groups: 500

Tunisian General Labor Union UGTT : Reform from Within, Possibility or Mirage?

The Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT) has always been
a central force on the Tunisian political and social scene, but
at the same time it suffers from a fundamental contradiction
between its historical role as an incubator of workers'
struggles and its transformation into a calcified bureaucratic
institution. The central question here is: can the union be
reformed from within, or is any attempt to do so merely a
reproduction of the logic of the state itself within trade
unionism?

The Fundamental Contradiction: Union or Institution?

The union emerged in the context of the struggle against
colonialism and subsequently established itself as a mediator
between workers and the authorities in the era of the national
state. However, over time, it ceased to be a mere tool of
struggle and became an integral part of the state's institutional
structure, negotiating within a political and economic system
that maintains the domination of capital. This is where the
main contradiction emerges: a union that is supposed to
represent the working class, but which is ultimately subject to
the logic of the state, that is, to the logic of hierarchy,
representation, and negotiation instead of direct confrontation.

Reform from Within: Possibility or Mirage?

Some believe it is possible to reform the union by restoring
the spirit of struggle within it, but this idea ignores the deep
structure that governs it. Just as the state cannot be reformed
to become "horizontal" without losing its essence as a tool of
repression, any attempt at "democracy" within the union runs
up against the walls of its inherent bureaucracy, where every
internal rebellion becomes a new project of containment. Any
internal reform is, ultimately, a reproduction of the same
model with new faces.

The Revolutionary Alternative: Overcome, Not Reform. If the
problem lies in the structure itself, the solution cannot be a
patchwork, but a radical one. The alternative lies not in union
reform, but in moving beyond it to forms of worker self-
organization: workers' councils, horizontal unions, structures
independent of any bureaucratic representation.

Revolutionary union action cannot be an official institution,
but must be a dynamic movement that rejects the logic of
mediation and seeks to create a genuine working-class force
outside the framework of the state and the market. Towards a
New Horizon for Union Action The insistence of some on
wanting to reform the Tunisian General Labor Union amounts
to wanting to reform the state itself from within: an illusion
that drags the workers' struggle into the quagmire of formal
reforms. The alternative is not to recycle the same
bureaucratic mechanisms, but to build independent structures
of struggle based on direct democracy and collective action.
Transcendence, not reform, is the only path to truly freeing
workers from the constraints of bureaucracy and the logic of
the state.
NC (Tunisia)

El-Fasher: The City That Anarchists
Support in Its Self-Defense

Since its formation, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF),
known as the Janjaweed, have practiced racial supremacy
and genocide against the people of Darfur with the support
of Omar al-Bashir and the central authority in Khartoum.
The Janjaweed have turned the city into a massive military
camp by burning villages around it and devastating towns
across Darfur, especially El-Geneina, where some of the
most horrific modern ethnic massacres have taken place. In
one of their brutal acts, the RSF gathered indigenous
Massalit people in a water drainage area and buried them
alive. Videos recorded by the perpetrators themselves show
victims pleading to be shot rather than buried alive.
This horrifying image is deeply ingrained in the minds of
El-Fasher’s residents and social communities, making it
clear that surrendering to the Janjaweed means being
exterminated alive.

That is why they have decided to defend themselves.
As for the army, it holds onto the city for military
purposes, but after its withdrawal from Zalingei and Wad
Madani, it is no longer a trusted force for the people.
Meanwhile, the armed resistance movements that have
taken up arms against the Janjaweed have significant
ethnic ties to the city's population.

However, at the core of the issue is the fact that the RSF
does not engage in direct battles with military factions but
instead bombards civilians indiscriminately, targeting
markets and hospitals. This was evident in the complete
destruction of Zamzam camp, the largest refugee camp for
those fleeing Janjaweed atrocities, where its residents were
shelled using Emirati-supplied artillery.

The United Arab Emirates has provided substantial support
to the RSF to divide the country, supplying them with
drones that destroy civilian infrastructure, along with
mortar shells and ammunition, including 120mm, 125mm,
and 130mm rounds—used in some of the most brutal
indiscriminate bombings aimed at forcibly displacing the
population. The UAE’s support is driven by its desire to
control Darfur’s gold, land, and livestock wealth, aligning
with the ambitions of the Dagalo mafia to dominate the
region. Their formation of a new government now lays
bare their true intentions of fueling war, which anarchists
have long recognized.

Yet, despite this extensive financial and military backing,
the unwavering determination of the city’s people and their
fight for survival stand as an unbreakable force. This is a
fundamental struggle that resonates with all who carry a
revolutionary spirit and fight for freedom.
Fawaz Murtada.

JUNE 30 AND THE SUDANESE REVOLUTION: A
PHILOSOPHICAL ANARCHIST REFLECTION ON
THE REVOLUTION'S DILEMMA AND THE
CONFLICT WITH ISLAMISTS

On June 30, the Sudanese street returns to movement and
turmoil. This date is no longer just a number on a calendar;
it has become a mirror of the rebellious collective
consciousness and a cry against renewed tyranny under
new guises. From an anarchist perspective, this day cannot
be viewed merely as a celebration of struggle, but rather as
a manifestation of a profound struggle between the masses
seeking complete liberation and the forces of the regime—
whatever its form—that are reproducing control.

1. The revolution failed to dismantle the old regime:

The Sudanese revolution was a spark of true freedom, but
it fell into the trap of a "peaceful transition" engineered by
the military and Islamist establishments, with the
complicity of civilian elites.

No new horizontal relations were established between the
people, but rather the same oppressive hierarchy was
restored. From an anarchist perspective, a revolution is
incomplete unless it dismantles the entire structure of
power, not merely reorganizes it in a more "advanced"
form.

The state has not changed; it has merely altered its
appearance.

Disclaimer: currently the Sudan anarchist gathering do not
have any facebook page. We are not liable for the information
published on Facebook on our behalf.

2. The conflict with Islamists:

Political Islam in Sudan is not merely an ideological
movement; it is an organized apparatus for control and
violence. The anarchist believes that Islamists practiced
"sacred tyranny," using religion as a tool for moral, social,
and economic control, suppressing all attempts at
liberation, especially those based on anarchist or anti-
establishment thought.

However, this conflict should not be understood as a
conflict between "secularists" and "religious people," but
rather between those who seek to reshape the world outside
the logic of authority and those who seek to maintain the
principle of subjugation, whether in the name of religion or
the state.

3. Problems of the Revolution from Within:

3.1 Reliance on Centralization: The Sudanese
revolutionary mindset remains stuck in the illusion of the
"leader," the "council," and "representation." Anarchism
calls for dismantling this illusion and beginning to build
horizontal societal authorities, starting from neighborhoods
and villages and growing in a networked, non-hierarchical
manner.

3.2 Lack of True Class Consciousness: The revolution
has sometimes been marketed as an elitist struggle against
"Islamists," ignoring the roots of class and ethnic
oppression in Sudan.

Anarchism believes that the revolution must connect
poverty, marginalization, ethnic oppression, and central
authority—all aspects of a single violent structure.

3.3 Creating Heroes: Some symbols have been deified,
which contradicts the very principle of revolution.
Successful revolutions are not made by heroes, but by the
conscious, self-organized masses.

4. June 30 as a Potential Anarchist Symbol:

If we want to see June 30 as a potential for radical
transformation, we must free it from its official symbolism
and transform it into a decentralized, cross-party, and
connected ritual of rebellion across neighborhoods, camps,
and the periphery.

June 30 should not be a day to demand a better
government, but rather a day to shatter the illusion of
"government" at its foundation.

In conclusion: The Sudanese revolution has not been
defeated, but hijacked.

The enemy is not only those who raise the banner of
political Islam, but also all those who wear the mask of
"salvation" to restore the same forms of control. From an
anarchist perspective, there is no salvation except by
shattering all illusions of the state and beginning to build a
free, decentralized, and united society based on self-
participation and radical equality.

ON THE 139TH ANNIVERSARY OF
INTERNATIONAL WORKERS’ DAY, STATEMENT
FROM THE ANARCHIST GROUP IN SUDAN

This marks the sixth time we commemorate this occasion
since the birth of our group. We do so while confronting and
transcending what we’ve absorbed from the great social
struggles of the global libertarian labor movement throughout
human and anarchist history.

We draw inspiration from our revolutionary path, which
began in the heart of the 2018 uprising aimed at overthrowing
the regime — a path that passed through the horrific massacre
of the sit-in, the hijacking of the people’s revolution by
political parties, their negotiations with the dictatorial military
council, their power-sharing agreement, and the internal
conflicts that led to the infamous October 25 coup — and
most recently, the bloody authoritarian war of April 15, which
has created one of the worst humanitarian crises in modern
history.

Your comrades continue to fight with courage — raising the
banner of freedom, rooting anarchist values, and preserving
the group during these catastrophic times. We remember our
martyrs who fell while rescuing war victims, our comrades
who lost their homes, those displaced, and those still fighting
steadfastly across Sudan.

Our struggle deserves precise documentation — to be added
to the broader libertarian experiences of the world and
especially of Africa, this continent entangled in clear and
diverse authoritarian conflicts. We have learned that our fight
against authority must be comprehensive:

Economically, by resisting capitalism, wage slavery, child
labor, and the exploitation of women as cheap labor.
Politically, by resisting totalitarian systems, military
dictatorships, and fascism.

Culturally, by dismantling the primary support pillars of
authoritarian regimes in African states — tribalism and ethnic
division.

Globally, by preventing our people from being turned into lab
rats for global power struggles.

Sudan, a land rich in culture and ancient history, has been
weighed down by traditional and military authorities since
British colonialism, which set the stage for dependency
politics that continue to this day. Following the new global
pattern of dismantling peoples through militia creation, the
fascist regime gave birth to the Janjaweed militia —
responsible for horrific massacres beyond human
comprehension in Khartoum, Al-Jazirah, Wad Al-Noora,
Omdurman, Sennar, and Al-Fashir, which is still being
bombed and ethnically cleansed to this day
In Al-Fashir, we lost comrade Omar Habbash, a heroic
anarchist doctor who insisted on staying to treat the wounded
amidst systematic bombing and genocide.

We also remember comrade Sara, who was killed in a
bombing in Khartoum — Sara, who always dreamed of a
strong, non-authoritarian feminist movement, a true anarchist
and liberationist front that rejects imperialism, understands
the core of the struggle, and is capable of achieving its goals
and freeing the women of our land from the machinery,
ideology, and propaganda of power.

As we continue to resist — treating our injured volunteer
comrades in dangerous zones, evacuating those trapped in
conflict areas, supporting the livelihoods of displaced and
homeless comrades abroad, writing, documenting, and
building self-sufficiency projects — we deeply appreciate all
those who have supported us. Your solidarity alleviates the
brutality of death, displacement, and killing. Even the
smallest contributions have a tremendous impact — they save
the lives of our comrades and uphold their right to exist as
human beings.

Today, we speak to you with the hope that this war — which
has destroyed the lives of millions, displaced and killed them,
and burdened their existence — will end. We promise
comrades around the world that we will continue to fight for
freedom and anarchism until our last breath.
Support our experience. Support our struggle.
We fight for a free anarchist society.
1st of May 2025
Anarchist Group in Sudan

SLAVERY IS THE ESSENCE OF POWER

I notice that racism in Sudan takes several forms, but it is
important to understand that all forms of discrimination are
directly connected to the struggle for power or the structural
makeup of authority.

Some may imagine that racism is limited only to skin color—
black or white—but it is surprising that in a country where
most of the population is Black, there exists deadly racism
based on skin tone. The Massalit massacre, which claimed the
lives of nearly 20,000 people from this African indigenous
community about a year ago, marked a critical turning point
in exposing the true aim of this war: replacing and
dismantling independent social components with groups
subordinated to foreign powers pushing long-term agendas of
control over land and resources.

The Janjaweed, who identify with Arabism and practice
nomadic warfare tactics including ethnic cleansing, could not
have executed such acts without external backing that aligns
them with foreign interests.

Today, racism serves as a fundamental tool to boost the
morale of soldiers in both the Rapid Support Forces (RSF)
and the army.

The Janjaweed, through their leaders, now openly attack
specific tribal groups and clearly express their desire to
exterminate entire communities.

This is meet with a reciprocal desire for extermination from
those communities, creating a massive social rupture.
Over time, and with continued support, this rift will inevitably
lead to a devastating civil war that could claim millions of
lives.

In this context, anarchist struggle focuses on influencing these
social groups, reshaping their way of thinking, applying
pressure to sensitive individuals, and raising awareness about
the dangerous agenda of the regime—an agenda that leads
only to ruin.

No one wins a losing battle. The goal must be to build
conscious networks and alliances that resist the project of
social disintegration and civil war, and to redirect this public
outrage toward the regime itself in order to create an effective
movement that halts the ongoing bloodshed.
Fawaz Murtada.

NEWS OF THE SOLIDARITY CAMPAIGN WITH
SUDAN ANARCHISTS

Certainly, the war had a severe impact on the forma&on of
our group, as displacement and dispersion were inevitable
consequences of the violent conflict in the country. However,
thanks to interna&onal solidarity, we managed to rescue
comrades trapped in conflict zones, bring them to safety, and
help them se-le into their new homes. We also assisted
others in finding shelter.

Personally, during the war, I hosted more than three families
of comrades, reinforcing the principle of solidarity un&l they
were able to stabilize their situa&ons.

Despite our limited resources, we went far beyond our
capacities. Most of our comrades volunteered to serve the
affected community and vulnerable groups, such as children,
women, and the elderly. Given the scarcity of humanitarian
aid and the worsening crisis, we had no other choice but to
step up.

Additionally, it was crucial to reflect the true causes,
dynamics, and developments of the war from our anarchist
perspective to the world. We also worked to defuse the
tensions that warring factions sought to escalate in order to
fuel the conflict by raising awareness about the nature of the
war. Another vital aspect of our efforts was educating people
about the dangers of war remnants and how to deal with
cases of captivity, detention, starvation, injuries, and war-
related waste.

Despite our lack of resources, we remain commi-ed to our
liberatory duty—spreading awareness in these complex
circumstances.

We hope to expand participation and broaden the scope of
the struggle.

The Anarchist Group in Sudan (13th of April)

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your dona&on. By doing so we will keep you informed of the
developments of the solidarity campaign
Donors list number 3 : Kevin P, 128,81 ; Penny S, 5,74 ; Meryl
C, 4,66 ; Silas C, 251,67 ; Silas C, 251,67 ; Ipass F, 2,26 ; Ian S,
9,14 ; Catherine B, 50 ; Ed L, 4,08 ; Maizy L, 23,03 ; Ed L,
5,54 ; Philippe L, 50 ; Daniel G, 10,63 ; Michel et Sylvie Q, 50 ;
Ed L, 2,66 ; Michael R, 15,57 ; Fil M, 100. Total of this list:
965,46 euros / Total transferred to Sudan anarchists since
the beginning: 8600 euros, Total transferred to Sudanese
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This bimonthly is published jointly by the Anarchist Group of Sudan,
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future issues, please contact us: [email protected]

THE SUDANESE WAR: A STRUGGLE OF
MASTERS IN THE ABSENCE OF THE PEOPLE. AN
ANARCHIST REFLECTION ON THE ABSURDITY
OF POWER

The Sudanese war between the army and the Rapid
Support Forces is not a conflict between two opposing
factions. From an anarchist perspective, it is rather the
delayed outbreak of ancestral violence, established on the
day the state was founded, not the day the war broke out.
The state itself, in this context, is not a "neutral entity" that
has deviated from its course. Rather, it is the structure that
produced this conflict and created all the conditions
necessary for its outbreak. In the anarchist conception, the
state is neither a collective umbrella nor a social contract.
Rather, it is a machine of domination, founded on three
pillars: monopoly, hierarchy, and violence. Whenever
formal balances collapse, this violence reverts to its
abstract nature: knives, shells, rapes, sieges, and massacres
in the name of "sovereignty" and "discipline."

The Army and the Rapid Support Forces: A Struggle of
Branches in the Absence of Roots

Both sides claim to protect the homeland, but which one?
Anarchism rejects this vulgar conception of the homeland
as a space subject to military control, considering this so-
called homeland as a mere map of influence, guarded by
gunpowder and invested in blood. The army does not
represent the people, and the Rapid Support Forces do not
represent the periphery. They are the dual incarnations of
the same power structure: one dressed in the garb of the
institution, the other emerging from a long-oppressed
periphery that has reproduced the tools of the oppressor,
turning them on the national body itself. There is no real
difference between the weapon of the state and that of the
clan when the objective is the same: domination.

The People, a Void in the War Equation

In all this, the people are not a party, but a void, a breach
into which debris is thrown, where violence is tested, and
patience is appealed to in the name of patriotism, dignity,
or religion.

From an anarchist perspective, war is not simply "against
the people," but rather its negation: there is no room for the
free individual, no voice for the collective conscience, no
will to resist outside the conditions of power.

Consequently, it is impossible to imagine a true "end" to
this war from within the system. Every military victory is
another defeat for the people, and every ceasefire is a
temporary postponement of a new cycle of tyranny.

The State, a Big Lie: When Protection Becomes
Colonialism

The anarchist doesn't ask: who governs? He asks: why are
the people governed? In Sudan, as in all former colonies,
the state was never the product of a free contract, but rather
a colonial extension with local tools. Thus, the army itself,
sometimes presented as a symbol of sovereignty, is nothing
more than an elitist reproduction of colonial violence, with
a different uniform color and a different logo.

The Rapid Support Forces (RSF), for their part, are a
cruder caricature, inflated in the laboratory of power to fill
temporary roles, then spiraling out of control, not because
they are different, but because they are an uncontrolled
version of the same original.

Anarchist Salute: Against Victory, To Get Out of the
Game

From an anarchist perspective, it is pointless to ask "who
wins?" » The most important question is: how to withdraw
from this game without dying? Liberation, here, does not
mean "regime change," but rather the demolition of the
control structure itself. Societies must return to managing
their own affairs from the bottom up, without tutelage,
armies, or leaders. Resistance committees, grassroots
solidarity initiatives, and the collaborative economy in the
face of collapse are not only tools of resistance, but the
core of another world. A world where life is not
monopolized and hope is not managed from military
offices.

Open Conclusion: War is not a catastrophe

The catastrophe awaits the tools of violence to save us
from violence. From an anarchist perspective, the path to
salvation lies not in victory, but in delegitimizing the entire
game.

Sudan Anarchist Gathering
June 23, 2025

« The people » is not a reality. It is a
practical political myth, a functional
fable.

The idea of « the people » is not a fixed entity or a
homogeneous essence, but rather an imaginary construct that
emerges every time power, revolution, nation, or justice are
invoked. On the surface, it suggests simplicity: a unified
group with a will, a voice, and an interest. But underneath, it
is a complex of contradictions, a collection of dissonant
voices, a decentralized complex of forces, incapable of being
reduced to a single word.

« The people » is not a tree with a single root (origin, identity,
history), but a network of roots that grow horizontally,
connect, separate, return, and intertwine without a center,
without a beginning, without an end. There is no single point
at which it can be said, « Here the people begin » or « Here
the people speak. »
In political discourse, « the people » is used as a rhetorical
facade to conceal class struggle, inequality, and symbolic
violence. The diverse, conflicting, and marginalized « people
» are transformed into a single, illusory entity, serving
specific purposes:

The state speaks in the name of the people to justify
repression.
The opposition speaks in the name of the people to justify
revolution.

The right and the left dispute over “who is the real people”
But who really is the people? Is it the hungry on the margins?
Is it the bourgeoisie disguised as a popular group? Is it the
worker, the refugee, the prisoner, the student, the intellectual?
Or do all of these belong to overlapping classes and
movements that cannot be combined into a single container
without negating their characteristics and conflicts?
This analysis does not seek the « essence of the people, » but
rather asks: How is this concept created? Who formulates it?
Who uses it? Against whom? And for what purpose?
It is an analysis that rejects the focus on « national identity »
or « common interest, » focusing instead on deconstructing
the relationship between power, language, and the political
imagination.

The result? « The people » is not real. It is a practical political
myth, a myth with a function. Its function may be to unify,
mobilize, or justify. But, at its core, it is a discourse device
that produces power as much as it claims to represent the
powerless.

N.C. (Tunisia)

Statement by the Anarchist Front of Iran
and Afghanistan condemning the war-
mongering governments

We, the Anarchist Front of Iran and Afghanistan, once
again reaffirm our unwavering and principled stance:
Every war-at any scale and under any pretext-that is
initiated or prolonged by states is to be unequivocally
condemned.

States, regardless of their form or appearance, utilize war
as an instrument for survival and control. And in this
process, it is the lives, dignity, and futures of ordinary
people that are trampled underfoot.
At a time when the world is once more engulfed by
violence, bombings, death, displacement, and insecurity,
we insist on this enduring truth: the true victims of war are
always the people-not the states, not ideologies, not
borders.

Our struggle, as ever, is not for the redistribution of power
among elites, but against the very institution of the state
and all forms of organized domination.

We stand in solidarity-with care and resolve-alongside the
people of Iran, Afghanistan, and the broader region.
What we are witnessing today is, on one hand, the blatant
crimes of the Israeli regime, which targets civilians in Gaza
and elsewhere with savage brutality. On the other hand, we
see the Islamic Republic of Iran manipulating public fear,
playing geopolitical games at the cost of Iranian lives, and
forcing the burden of war upon society.

We see the Islamic Republic not merely as a regional
warmonger, but as part of a global chain of domination and
repression-a regime that for decades has assaulted the
Iranian people with censorship, poverty, imprisonment,
torture, and execution, and recklessly endangers millions
through its military provocations.

While we condemn the atrocities of the sionist regime in
the strongest terms, we also declare that the struggle
against the Islamic Republic is part of our broader fight
against all states and structures of domination-a struggle
that will persist.

We fight for a world without borders without states,
without armies or authoritarianism-a world in which
humanity, life and freedom are placed at the center. Our
primary war has always been the war against political
authoritarianism, totalitarianism and the state itself.
Anarchist Front of Iran and Afghanistan (13th of June)
Original in farsi : https://anarchis8ront.noblogs.org
: תרגום לעברית https://cnt-ait.info/2025/06/16/statement-
iran-he

Sudan: The Khartoum Crisis or the Crisis of
Khartoum?

We notice that the proxy war ongoing in Sudan for the past
50 years has largely focused on controlling Khartoum. The
city has appeared as a dream for armed movements seeking
to hold the regime accountable and bring an end to power.
However, the crisis is not about Khartoum as a capital
housing armies and looters, but rather as a state that
complicates the humanitarian situation in Sudan. This is due
to more than half the population crowding into one place to
access basic services such as water, electricity, education,
and healthcare.

The result has been the inability to provide these services to
such a large population in one spot, which in turn led to the
marginalization of all other regions. These areas, by default,
became self-reliant and connected to the state only in terms
of formal authority. This created a deep class divide—not
just between rich and poor, but between residents of small
towns and the so-called national prosperity.

This marginalization continued for many years, eventually
pushing the populations of those regions to become pawns
in the hands of armed movement proxies, used to advance
political or military agendas or to ignite wars that cost
thousands of innocent lives.

Our understanding of class realities and class war is
inseparable from the need to solve our problems and manage
our revolution against authority. The current regime
continues to repeat itself with brutality, crushing every
remaining fragment of hope, and tightening its grip on
everything that could make life possible in this country.
Basic services such as water, electricity, and internet are
unavailable in most parts of Sudan, not to mention
healthcare and education.

This collapsed and fragmented country remains,
astonishingly, a coveted prize for military, Islamist-fascist
powers and their cheap allegiance to imperialist interests.
It is not acceptable for anarchists to propose solutions
through a nationalist lens. However, I express this sorrow as
an elegy for the efforts of workers and the struggles of real
heroes who sought to build a less hostile society. As we
work to expand our liberation project, we strive for it to be
inclusive. Even the social classes in Sudan—those who
know nothing beyond herding, mining, or agriculture—are,
in their own way, engaged in our liberation program,
pushing the boundaries of our emancipatory experiment as
far as possible.

Sudan – A War to Dismantle into Mini-States

After it became clear to the people that the goal of this war
is to divide Sudan into mini-states—just as happened with
South Sudan and North Sudan—in order to seize its
resources, it also became apparent that its aim is to destroy
the Sudanese people themselves, making them more
accepting of new forms of domination and deals over gold,
agricultural land, Nile waters, oil, antiquities, livestock, and
other squandered wealth that ends up in the pockets of
mafias.

This is a land of materialism and fragmentation: thousands
of militias control specific areas, enforcing different laws
and constitutions. The terrorist state has also become
significantly weakened, as reflected in its attempts to seek
international aid and in its division of Khartoum's
reconstruction among foreign powers—airports to Saudi
Arabia, major projects to Egypt, and so on.

While the state has directed all its energy toward crushing
what remains of the people, diseases and epidemics ravage
citizens in Khartoum. The state is unable to even combat
mosquitoes; dengue fever spreads, killing thousands of
Sudanese every day. The staggering death toll is an indicator
of a sharp population decline—migration, wars, and
diseases have conspired to wipe out this region.

The continuation of war in Sudan no longer means its
survival. It is only a matter of time before the country is
broken apart into two states and loses half its population in
the newly born entity. This conflict is directly tied to foreign
imperialist powers and their policies of dismantling the
region—and here we are, witnessing their plans bear fruit.
– Fawaz Murtada

EL FASHER HAS FALLEN TO JANJAWEED MILITIA
"Today, under the eyes of the whole world, we witness the
atrocity of the Sudanese war — how Sudanese people are
being massacred in brutal ways by the Rapid Support Forces
and the government.

Driven by authoritarian deals and the struggle to control the
country’s wealth, with the fall of Al-Fashir and the
extermination of the local population at the hands of the
Janjaweed, Sudan opens a new chapter of a long-term war that
could spread throughout the entire country. Either the fighting
stops immediately, or we stand one step away from a full-scale
civil war. Mercy and forgiveness for the martyrs of the
resistance."

The Future of the Sudan Anarchist
Gathering

It is clear that we operate amidst a multitude of dangers. The
dictatorial military regime represents one of the greatest
threats to the group, in addition to the ongoing conflict,
which directly threatens individual lives. This situation also
provides an opportunity for ideological Islamist groups to
exploit the chaos.

We are convinced that struggle is an integral part of our
position and that it inevitably results in losses, but we are
also deeply committed to protecting the lives of our
comrades. We have witnessed a series of systematic
assassinations targeting the revolutionary community. The
torture of opponents of the regime is nothing new in Sudan;
it is practiced in the most horrific ways: burning, rape,
driving nails into the head, inserting metal rods into the
rectum, and even crushing opponents in grinders. The
Muslim Brotherhood regime—or "Kizan"—the brutal
regime that unleashed the war today, is once again shedding
blood and displacing populations, leaving Sudan like a vast
graveyard where not a glimmer of hope shines. Amidst all
this, the most tragic stories unfold: entire cities under siege,
daily massacres in towns like El Fasher, Dilling, and
Kadugli—cities the world has never heard of. This exposes
the lies and weakness of the global capitalist system in its
handling of humanitarian disasters.

We believe that it is the people who free themselves from
slavery and make revolutions. We also believe that our
greatest duty as anarchists is to raise awareness, resist, rise
up, organize, and denounce the brutality of power to the
world.

Sudan is heading either toward partition or another bloody
conflict; The images broadcast on television and in the
international media are only glimpses of the devastation and
destruction caused by these criminals. However, even these
atrocities represent only a fraction of what is happening
every day.

The continued development of the anarchist group and
network in Sudan depends primarily on resources. Although
the group remains resource-poor, it has made significant
progress thanks to the support of comrades abroad,
particularly in the field of cultural publishing and in its
efforts to achieve economic independence. However, it
needs additional impetus to face all these difficulties.
We continue to strive to build a strong movement in Africa
and around the world. Every day, we face challenges and
dangers that we cannot overcome without strong global
solidarity. This is why we strive every day to resist and
continue to resist.

Long live freedom!
Long live anarchism!

Disclaimer: currently the Sudan anarchist gathering do not have
any facebook page. We are not liable for the information
published on Facebook on our behalf.

TUNISIA: GABES WANTS TO LIVE!

In southern Tunisia, the Gabès region has once again be-
come the heart of the revolt. For decades, this land has been
sacrificed to an industrial complex that poisons the air, the
sea, and its inhabitants in the name of "development."
Cancer has become an everyday word, the sea a dump, and
life itself a negotiation with death.

A new wave of protests has erupted around a single demand:
the right to live, and with it, the immediate closure of the
chemical complex. This demand is not new, but this time it
carries a deeper awareness: there can be no reform or com-
promise where life is denied.

The movement rejects all representation. It does not wait for
the state, the political parties, or the unions. It is organizing
horizontally, from the grassroots up. After decades of lies
and repression, it bears the truth of those who have nothing
left to lose but their poisoned air.

The state clearly reveals its nature: led by the police, it re-
sponds neither with dialogue nor justice, but with surveil-
lance, repression, and intimidation. The machine of power
reactivates its usual arsenal: accusations of treason, manip-
ulation of political forces, and incessant attempts to divide
and discredit the protesters. Yet the message from the resi-
dents remains disarmingly simple: living is not a crime.
What is happening in Gabès goes beyond a simple environ-
mental struggle. It is a confrontation between life and a sys-
tem founded on death. Between the logic of profit and the
dignity of existence. Between the silence imposed from
above and the cry that shatters it.

Gaès is demanding the right to live—and, in doing so, re-
vealing the true face of the State.

MOROCCO: LONG LIVE THE STRUGGLE OF YOUTH AND THE
POPULATION AGAINST CORRUPTION AND ARBITRARIZATION
AND FOR HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND FREEDOM!

For several weeks now, thousands of young Moroccans have
been taking to the streets, expressing a simple and just cry:
decent hospitals, schools for all, a life worth living, an end
to corruption, freedom, etc.

Rightly so. But how does the Cherifian and Makhzenian,
that is, royalist, state respond? Well, it responds to the
population by unleashing its watchdogs (police, Royal
Gendarmerie, army, etc.) and therefore with sticks,
truncheons, arrests, threats, and intimidation, etc. Moreover,
more than a hundred young people have been arrested in
several major cities of the kingdom: Rabat, Casablanca,
Kenitra, Marrakech, Agadir, Fez, to name only the major
cities. Well, these are the masks that are falling and thus,
here is the true face of the "open" and "moderate" Moroccan
regime, and this confirms as always what can be considered
a historical law, namely that when either the interests of the
State and/or the wallet of the masters are affected or simply
targeted, well the State does not hesitate for a moment to
repress those who dare to claim their rights, even a little.
And likewise, even when it is "democratic" or deemed as
such, the State is not a "neutral" arbitration body "above
classes and class interests", and it is nothing other than the
supreme political, economic and social organization of the
power of the capitalist masters, exploiters and their servants.

WHILE STADIUMS ARE BEING BUILT FOR THE BOURGEOISIE
AND A FEW VERY RICH PEOPLE, IT IS POVERTY FOR THE
WORKERS AND THE LACK OF FUTURE FOR THE YOUTH AND
THE REST OF THE POPULATION!

Yes, while the brutal and corrupt regime builds stadiums to
host the 2030 World Cup and other games and devotes itself
to the prestige and spectacle of the bourgeoisie, and while it
spends fortunes to improve its image among its masters in
international big business and imperialism, hospitals are
death traps, because they lack doctors, medical and
paramedical staff, equipment, medicines, and everything
necessary to provide quality care. Similarly, schools are
overwhelmed by the number of students, with teachers who
are underpaid and despised, and families who have to fend
for themselves.

Capitalism and its symbol of power in Morocco, namely the
royalty that represents it, have chosen: to invest in luxury
for the sake of a pseudo-prestige, arrogant and vain in order
to present a beautiful showcase, the true hidden side of
reality, and by definition invests in everything that brings
profit to the bourgeoisie, to what is dedicated to them and
their partners. And meanwhile, the popular and working
classes of the population are dying in the total indifference
of the Makhzen royal regime, if not in contempt on its part.

THE GEN'Z MOVEMENT IS A TOTALLY INDEPENDENT
STRUGGLE THAT COMES NEITHER FROM PARTIES NOR
UNIONS NOR THEIR BUREAUCRATS

This movement is new, fresh, vibrant, and full of hope for
the future. It doesn't come from the old traditional political
parties, which for decades have promised the earth but

delivered nothing in the way of results. It isn't even linked
to them, nor does it have any connection with the
bureaucratized trade unions, which, as always and
everywhere, are mired in "social partnership" and, as a
result, negotiate behind the backs of workers for a few
crumbs and to get the damage done under the best possible
conditions, in addition to being linked to the Makhzen
government.

No, this movement comes directly from the youth, from
those who enter the struggle on their own, and is self-
organized, that is, it organizes and operates without a leader,
without leaders, hierarchy, or any kind of leadership, and
without corrupt apparatuses, even though a perspective to
guide them is lacking. These are groups that organize
themselves, that communicate, that come together, and then
take to the streets together. This is where the spirit of
working-class and popular solidarity lies: the strength that
rises from below, without waiting for a supreme savior. It is
towards this strength that we must orient ourselves and it is
on this that we must bet.

WHAT THIS STRUGGLE TEACH US AND WHAT CAN BE
PROPOSED:

• Healthcare and education are not commodities and
therefore do not have to be paid for. They must be
completely free to be truly accessible to everyone and
managed democratically by those who work for them,
benefit from them, and make them a living (the workers
concerned, users, other staff, etc.) within the framework
of self-management. Access to these amenities must be
a completely inalienable right, regardless of the means
at one's disposal, and it is not up to the "State," much
less to multinationals and corrupt private individuals
interested only in money, to guarantee them.

• Self-organization is the key to deepening the revolution
and its democratic orientation. A perspective and
principles, yes! But no bosses, no leaders, and instead,
make way for popular assemblies, gathering workers,
peasants, and youth, make way for struggle committees,
for horizontal and democratically self-managed
collectives. It is together, through direct action, that we
will win our rights and our freedom.

• Repression will not stop anger! Do not be intimidated
by repression. Therefore, every arrest must meet with a
collective and united response. Solidarity with the
prisoners! For their unconditional release! Mutual
support against police violence! Let us remember that
the power of the state is in the minority, as are our
masters, and that all this is nothing in the face of
organized solidarity.

• Call for the splitting of the sovereign forces (Police,
Royal Gendarmerie, and army) to disarm this regime,
deepen the ongoing revolution, and ensure its success!
Everything is connected: healthcare, education, but also
work, housing, standard of living, and above all... real direct
democracy and the freedom that goes with it. The population's misery is global,
so the fight must be too. We must put an end to this rotten capitalist system and its
dictatorship of money that keeps us on a leash!

OUR PERSPECTIVE: LIBERTARIAN COMMUNISM,
ANARCHO-SYNDICALISM AS A MILITANT TOOL

For us, revolutionary, anarchist and anarcho-syndicalist
militants, this struggle is not a simple protest. It is a wind of
freedom but it also reveals the total bankruptcy of capitalism
and the State and the royal system, as well as the decadence
of the monetary system, plus its harmfulness. Yes, as long as
the current masters have not been driven from power, as
long as the bourgeoisie is not driven from its positions and
expropriated and as long as wealth, heritage and decisions
remain concentrated in the hands of this ever more parasitic
Royal minority, well we will have only crumbs, despite our
struggles and what is more, which will be taken from us by
another hand at the slightest opportunity, sooner or later.
Because the existence of social gains and democratic rights
and freedoms, even if they can be wrested (with a hard
struggle nonetheless) in capitalism, are not at all compatible
with the existence of capitalism and money, especially in a
country where parliamentary democracy and/or a
constitutional monarchy are the preserve of castles in Spain.
We must gain access to healthcare and education, but at the
same time we must wrest true democracy and our freedom!
It is time to liberate ourselves, whether the State, the King
and his despotic system, and capital more generally, want it
or not. We must expropriate the bourgeoisie, that is,
collectivize all the means of production, confiscate all its
assets, both as capitalists and as a royal family, and in fact,
socialize these tools of production and these goods by
placing them in the hands of workers, peasants, residents,
etc. and ensuring their common ownership by those who
bring them to life and benefit from them, with democratic
self-management ensured through these omnipresent,
federated councils, and destroying/replacing this power.

We must build a community-based social and popular
system functioning without a state, government, or any other
power, as a social system also functioning without masters
or exploiters, truly democratic, direct democracy, in which
those who produce and live will decide collectively and will
have free and open access to all the conveniences of
practical life according to their needs..

THIS IS JUST THE BEGINNING! THE REVOLUTION IS JUST
BEGINNING! CALL TO OVERTHROW ROYALTY AND DEVELOP
INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY!

The struggle of Moroccan youth is ours too. Internationalist
solidarity requires it. What is happening in Rabat or
Casablanca is only the beginning of the breath of the wind
of freedom, which could sound the death knell of this brutal,
corrupt and parasitic royalty and this story could also be
written in Paris, Algiers, Tunis, Madrid and so on, because
on the one hand, everywhere, capitalism has had its day and
on the other hand, it is the WORLD that libertarian
communism has to win. The State, capitalism and money are
not only obsolete and senile but in any case are only useful
to a handful of ultra-minority parasites who have it and who
sacrifice our lives for their profits and their arrogant and
contemptible prestige. Everywhere, youth, workers are
rising up, as also in Nepal, Indonesia, Madagascar, etc….
That said, it should be noted for a country like Morocco that
even if the abolition of the monarchy would be a major and
highly symbolic step forward, it would not be an end in
itself; it would be only a step, just a means, because
fundamentally, it is the entire ruling edifice of this country
that must be brought down and dismantled. Not a single
stone of this edifice must remain. And this revolutionary
approach does not consist of abolishing the royal
domination of the state, but rather abolish the class and
capitalist domination, without forgetting the instruments
that keep us on a leash, such as capitalist property relations,
money, etc. So we call for:

- To relay the voice of these struggles and of freedom
everywhere!
- To denounce and weaken repression and deepen the
ongoing revolution! This is only the beginning! The
revolution must deepen and continue!
- To split the regal and military forces of repression! - To
capture the royal palace in Rabat, not to "take power," but to
bring down the monarchy and dismantle its key positions of
power, and then ultimately to dismantle the state and
government from top to bottom!
- To replace the state and government with a federation of
workers', peasants', and residents' councils, federated,
autonomous, horizontal, and self-managed!
- To forge direct links between our struggles, beyond
borders, starting with neighboring and sister countries
(Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, etc.)!

- To stimulate an African social revolution because workers'
solidarity is international, if we want to see the birth of
freedom!

LONG LIVE THE STRUGGLE OF YOUTH AND
WORKERS!
LET'S TRANSFORM THIS STRUGGLE INTO A TRUE
REVOLUTION!
IMMEDIATE AND UNCONDITIONAL RELEASE OF
PRISONERS!
DISMANTLING OF THE REPRESSIVE FORCES OF THE
ROYAL STATE!
DOWN WITH THE MONARCHY, THE STATE, AND
CAPITAL! KING MOHAMMED VI, GET OUT!
FOR THE DISMANTLING OF THIS POWER AND ITS
REPLACEMENT WITH FREE AND FEDERATED
COUNCILS!
WE HAVE A WORLD TO WIN! LONG LIVE
PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM!
LONG LIVE FREEDOM! LONG LIVE LIBERTARIAN
SOCIALIST DEMOCRACY! AGAINST ALL AUTHORITY,
NO BOSS, NO STATE, NO MORAL ORDER!

Anarchist activists in solidarity. To learn more, write to us at
[email protected]