By 1934 Fascism was becoming a serious menace in England. Mosley was now making a big effort to break into working class districts. His arrival in Deptford was resisted and he had to beat a hasty retreat. Priestly of the Daily Worker was released after serving his three years for his ‘part’ in the Invergorden Mutiny. Tom Mann, aged 78 years, was facing trial for ‘sedition’ (1).

The national budget showed a surplus. Income Tax was reduced. Bond-holders got 224 million and the unemployed got 7 million of their dole cuts restored. Things were getting a little better on the economic front (2).

The Austrian Solidarity Committee was running its affairs from our Doughty Street office, as was the Pollitt-Mann Defence Committee (3).

Mosley held his first really big meeting for a selected audience at the “Albert Hall’. He used his armoured cars and blackshirted members to steward his meeting. A reporter was severely mauled when he naively tried to enter as a ‘representative of the press’. He had to get inside again, after being thrown out, as an ordinary person. The opposition to this meeting was not organised on anything like the scale it should have been (4).

May Day was approaching and when it came there seemed to be a lull in the movement’s development. The reports show only 2,000 on the march and 8,000 in Hyde Park (5). Once again the CP and YCL clothing workers were meeting to deal with problems in our industry. There were more verbal battles inside the Stepney branch. There was now an organisation called the Council for Civil Liberties. An offshot of ours which it was hoped would be able to take in a wider circle of non-Communist people interested in Civil Liberties, which could attract everybody from the left to the right. It still exists (6).

There was a dock strike in London involving 4,000 men (7). I think this was the occasion when ‘Scotty’ Levitas and I were chased away from the entrance of the St Katherine Dock, when we got there early one morning to sell the Daily Worker. We were told to go by the dockers who didn’t seem to like us at all.

Mosley announced a mass demonstration to be held at ‘Olympia’ on Thursday, 7th June. The CP wrote to the Labour Party, ILP and the London Trades Council, the Co-ops and all organisations for a united effort to oppose the demonstration (8). We went ahead with arrangements for a march to ‘Olympia’. Mosley replied by threatening to deal with us if we got anywhere near Olympia on the day (9). He was allowed to make all his own arrangements for stewarding the meeting inside and at the entrances to Olympia. A large force of police were held in reserve all round the hall at strategic points. All approaches to the hall were heavily guarded by police mounted as well as on foot.

We marched from Stepney. On arrival we had to battle with the police but many people managed to get through and make their presence felt inside the hall. They were set upon by trained thugs who beat some of our people unmercifully. That event was fully reported at the time and reports show how close was the co-operation between the police and the Mosley organisers (10).

So effective was our penetration into Olympia that despite repeated attempts, Mosley was unable to make his speech because of the noise and the fighting between his stewards and supporters and the anti-Fascists. Around 9.45pm a man was seen climbing the rafters supporting the roof. He began to call out anti-Mosley slogans and when some of Mosley’s people tried to get him, Mosley had to appeal to them to stop for fear of a very serious incident (11).

The man in the rafters was our seaman friend McNulty. He finished up on the water front near Cardiff, so I was told many years later. His spirit was never broken by our enemies, but I am pretty sure his so called comrades didn’t help to keep this ‘bright spirit’ in the working class movement. Twenty five people appeared in court following Olympia, among them Barney Becow from Stepney who was fined three pounds and sent to prison for one month.

We set about raising funds for the injured and others who needed help. The brutality of the Blackshirts was described in detail in the press (12). I did not succeed in getting inside Olympia because I had arrived a bit late and by that time it was not possible for many people to get through the police cordon and the approaches to Olympia. We did manage to keep things alive even if we were not all in direct contact with actual Mosley supporters other than the police (13).

After Olympia Mosley’s forces were routed in many parts of London when they tried to hold meetings. A rally in Hyde Park was held to protest at the Blackshirt brutality at Olympia (14). Questions were asked in the House of Commons and Parliament discussed Olympia. Sir John Gilmore, the Home Secretary, called for greater police control of meetings, which was very clearly aimed at the anti-Fascists (15). The Communist Party and Young Communist League were emerging more than ever as the ‘leaders’ of the fight against fascism. Internal reorganisation was proceeding with a view to making this more effective.

A meeting of all the cell leaders and instructors was addressed by DF Springhall, London Organiser who called for a big drive for new members (16). Reports of Mosley activity were now a daily feature of the news. I didn’t notice it at the time but a new member had arrived, among so many, who was to become known as Communist MP for Mile End, Phil Piratin. He wrote a book in 1948 called Our Flag Stays Red. William Gallacher MP wrote the foreword in which he says that the big rent struggles made it easiér to oppose Mosley at a later date. I don’t know if this is a deliberate piece of distorted history, but I would point out that Mosley’s defeat on 4th October 1936 came long before the rent struggles in Stepney to which he refers (17). Even Piratin’s book makes it clear which came first. I learned from this book that Piratin was born 15th May 1907. That he had been a sympathiser for some time but had not joined the CP until a few days after Mosley’s Olympia meeting on 7th June 1934. The first chapter of the book is called ‘but no one asked me to join’ (18).

I’m not sure what he is getting at, unless he wants to explain why he did not become a party member before he actually did. So far as I remember, there were few meetings which did not include an appeal for people to join and there were more opportunities through the Daily Worker and other publications for anyone wishing to join. He says he was interested in politics for a long time and mentions the General Strike way back in 1926 when he must have been about 19 years old. He repeats, that all through this period up to his entry into the Party, no one had asked him to join. Eventually it was ‘Shimmy’ Giver and Lew Mitchell who did ask him. According to his book he had settled down to being a business man, married, and was leading a normal life. In all the time I knew him, I did not discover what his particular line of business was. I knew his wife had a small millinery business but I don’t know if he was connected with that.

After describing the Olympia meeting he makes a strong point of condemning a Labour MP who thought Mosley should be allowed the right to be heard and should not be opposed by means of attempts to break up his meetings. This is an important point in view of future events in which Piratin was a participant. By 1935, he says, Mosley was emphasising the anti-semitic character of his policies. That’s true. But Hitler had been demonstrating his attitude to the Jews for a very long time. Mosley had started calling himself a Fascist in 1933. It should be pointed out that Mussolini had been in control of Italy for a very long time, without the Jewish people being any different from other people in their general attitude. In fact when Kid Lewis joined Mosley in the beginning, he like some other Jews would have been happy to support some form of Fascism, if only it had not been anti-semitic.

I’m sure many German Jews could have been quite happy with Hitler if he had not seen the need to make the Jewish people the scapegoats in his fight against Communism. The Jews have been used by many different kinds of so called politicians where any means to an end is deemed permissible. And not only the Jews either. What about the coloured people? With Mosley’s growing activity and support from people in high places, the Jews could do nothing but join in this fight against them. Many found their way into the Communist Party. Piratin’s wife Beaty, her two sisters and their boy friends were with us. As was ‘Chirps’ Steinberg, Victor Marks, his brother Jack and so many more.

‘Chirps’ was a very strong young man, son of a weil-to-do local butcher. He was one of the first young men to drive a high powered sports car that I knew in the East End. He was chauffeur to the Russian Ambassador for a time. Later he became a Stepney Communist Borough Councillor. In the end he returned to being a successful business man.

Victor Marks founded a big business after the second world war which was taken over by Courtaulds. Quite a good bloke was Victor as indeed was ‘Chirps’. They just happened to be closer to Piratin than to me when they all arrived on the scene.

* * * * *

It seemed to me then that the Council for Civil Liberties was taking over more of our functions in the ILD. George Allison was concentratng more of his work in the direction of wider united front possibilities through that organisation than through the ILD, which was based on local branches as well as national and international organisation, which was largely working class in character (19). The CP announced coming soon a pamphlet by R P Dutt on The Rising Storm in Germany Crisis of Fascism. The news for Germany and Austria was of mass murder and the crushing of all workers’ organisations (20).

Von Papen resigned. Hitler was in complete control of Germany. The Tom Mann trial opened, defended by D M Pritt, KC. Both Pollitt and Mann were acquitted a great victory (21). The ILD were facing big debts arising from the Pollitt-Mann defence. We appealed for a special effort to return all monies collected as soon as possible (22).

We proposed a big anti-Fascist demonstration to Victoria Park in East London (23). I welcomed this as a better place than Hyde Park in Central London. Mosley had proposed to hold his third big rally in White City, but it had to be called off. No doubt the authorities were thinking of the Olympia affair (24). The ILD were still campaigning for the release of Thalmann and other German anti-Fascists.

A demonstration to the German Embassy resulted in another 11 arrests and more work for the International Labour Defence (25). We held a special meeting to consider our position on funds. An advert was put in the Daily Worker calling for a special effort for all monies to be sent to Bert Teller, c/o Andy’s Cafe (26). Over 5,000 marched from Aldgate to Victoria Park in a well marshalled organised effort. Because of Mosley’s partial success in the area through which we had to pass special precautions were necessary. Harry Pollitt praised this effort in a special article in the Daily Worker (27).

At the North West Ham Labour Exchange the unemployed decided to break the Trenchard ban on meetings and marches (28). Dollfuss was reported dead in Austria Schuschnigg took over (29).

* * * * *

My personal life was quite enjoyable, as Pearl and I became more attached to each other and were accepted by all our friends as being permanently associated. I had started to talk more freely about my family to Pearl and at long last I asked her to meet my mother, She was delighted to do so, as it confirmed my long lasting intentions towards her, although she must have known that marriage was still a long way off.

She was almost 19 years old when she first came to see my mum, one Saturday afternoon for tea. My mother put on a big spread and the flat had been turned inside out. She was anxious to make a good impression and to do me proud. She never let me down.

From the very first meeting they seemed to get on famously. I was delighted that I had managed to overcome all my apprehensions concerning Pearl’s introduction to my family. I need not have worried at all, Pearl was concerned with me and not with what kind of family I had.

Throughout the long years, Pearl contributed to my mother’s limited enjoyment of life in every way. To my knowledge, there was never a bad word passed between them. Pearl’s visits became a regular thing and before long she came and went as freely as I had been going to her home for such a long time. I knew that my mother was not happy about the possibility of my marriage at an early date, as she would be left to live alone. I hastened to assure her that I did not contemplate marriage for a long time. She was happier than she had been for a long time.

She was worried about my activities and not a little disappointed that I had not paid more attention to ‘getting on’, as some other young men had done. Her attention to the self imposed task of making life as comfortable as possible for me never flagged. She extended this devotion to Pearl and this was appreciated greatly. Nothing was too good when it came to preparing meals for us.

My sisters’ visits were becoming a little more frequent and in due course Pearl met them and they got on very well whenever they met. Not very often for about two years. But as time went on she got to know them along with the rest of my family. My young neices were delighted with her as she was with them. So I was much freer to get on with the work in the movement, which Pear! shared fully.

* * * * *

It must have been around this time that Nat Cohen was to leave Stepney for quite a time. I can’t be sure exactly when but I know that he was not around when the big blow fell. I was on ‘my own’ at last. I had to work out my own problems without his aid. I was virtually running the Stepney ILD from where he had left off. I don’t know where the decision came from but it was decided that Nat needed a long holiday. He was sent to the Soviet Union.

I got some cards from him. One I remember well was from a Workers’ Sanatorium in Yalta on the Black Sea. While there he learned to speak as well as read and write Russian. He must have been away for at least nine months.

I don’t know what else he did there. Nat was always very careful when talking about such things. From what I know about Len Wincott’s stay in the Soviet Union as well as Sarah Wesker, there was usually some form of training in revolutionary activity and education.

It must have been a short time before Nat, that Len also went to the Soviet Union the first time. I can’t remember these dates exactly. In his book Len gives the date of his appointment at the International Seamen’s Club in Leningrad as 24th May 1934 (30). I remember seeing him off at the time.

He decided later to stay in the Soviet Union. During the second world war he served in the Red Army, but later was arrested as a ‘British spy’ and spent 11 years in a labour camp in the Northern Urals. In 1957 he was released and cleared of all charges when the gates of the labour camps opened after Krushchev’s denouncement of Stalin.

I met Len Wincott again in July 1974 when he came to Engiand to launch his book about the Invergordon Mutiny. He was 67 and living in Moscow with his fourth wife Lena, whom he had married in 1965. He decided to return to the Soviet Union because he had no intention of trying to start a new life at his age, in his very bad state of health, when his wife had all her friends and relations in Russia where they were now quite comfortable with reasonable jobs and access to good medical and other facilities. So anything Len could tell me about why he was sent to the labour camps will have to remain untold and much he could have told me and others about this and life in the USSR in general he refused to tell, even to an old friend like me. News reporters at the time of his visit to London were very disappointed.

That he was unable to tell us about the Soviet Union says a great deal about the state of affairs existing in Russia today. Len’s silence in 1975 made a very loud noise!

* * * * *

Meanwhile, back in East London in 1934 we continued to deal with all the many issues facing the movement. Mosley held an inaugural meeting at Medway Road, Bow (31). The Fascists had to be rescued by the police who got them away in a police van. The London District Party Committee called a special meeting of all members living on LCC estates or engaged in ‘tenants’ work’, to be addressed by J R Campbell. This was to deal with a campaign against rent increases (32). The two people arrested in the attempt to break the Trenchard ban at West Ham Labour Exchange were fined (33).

The newspapers headlined the news from Austria—Civil War Sweeps Austria (34). I wondered why not Germany? Mosley henchmen were having a hard time in places like Southampton and Brighton among others. The BUF announced a rally to Hyde Park on 9th September (35). Our immediate reaction was stated in the Daily Worker

—Turn Fascist Rally into an antiFascist triumph. Act on September 9th--Fascists must not succeed’ (36).

Mosley threatened to deal with any attempts from any opposition. There could be no doubt what he meant. We called a special meeting at the ‘Circle House’ to prepare our September 9th campaign (37). A meeting of the ILD in South Wales was attacked by police with drawn batons, who rushed the hall. Alun Thomas, our National Secretary was there (38). At this time Sid Elias was released from prison after serving his two year sentence. His welcome home was organised by the NUWM (39).

Our 9th September preparations were going ahead with great success. Many Trade Union organisations among all the other anti-Fascist organisations were mobilising for the big day. A statement from the official Labour Party Trade Union and Co-ops, the National Council of Labour signed by Walter Citrene and Arthur Henderson, called on the workers to have nothing to do with the Mosley rally in Hyde Park (40). The Communist Party roundly condemned this statement and all those associated with its circulation to all Labour organisations. We produced an ‘Anti-Fascist Special’ which sold thousands of copies. Harry Pollitt wrote an article in the Daily Worker headed—‘You can’t argue with a tiger!’ (41).

Our attitude was very clear. This article referred to events in Germany and in reply to the National Council of Labour’s statement, calling for a free hand for Mosley’s thugs, it pointed out that all working class organisations were in danger. D F Springhall on behalf of the London District Party Committee said, ‘Olympia had been a smashing blow—make September 9th a bigger blow’ (42).

The anti-Fascist campaign was one of the best organised efforts I can remember. The Bedford Street group of the YCL (Bedford Street is where I lived) called a meeting at Rutland Street School to hear Johnny Gollan and Barney Becow a local Young Communist who had just retumed from

Germany (43). The International Youth Day celebrations were held in Victoria Park. Speakers were the two just named and Willie Cohen my old pal, as well as an ILP representative (44).

The Daily Worker said in an article—‘London Trades Council officials funk fight against Mosley’. Once again Harry Pollitt wrote—‘Make September 9th a landmark in the fight against Fascism!’ (45) William Joyce, Director of Propaganda for the BUF had summonses issued against the proprietors of the [i]Daily Worker for inciting others to commit a breach of the peace in Hyde Park on September 9th. The case to be heard at Old Street police court (46).

We carried out a very good stunt during an organ recital from the Trocadero Cinema, Elephant and Castle, which was being broadcast by the BBC (47). A group grabbed the mike during the broadcast and managed to say ‘March against Fascism—All to Hyde Park 9th September’ before being switched off.

The Communist Party issued a leaflet in Yiddish to Jews, to warn them that they must learn the lesson of Germany. This was done because 9th September happened to be the eve of the Jewish New Year, when most Jews would be in their synagogues. We called on Jews to do their ‘duty’ and go to Hyde Park (48).

The Law Courts in Fleet Street was covered in scaffolding, which gave one of our comrades a grand opportunity to hang an enormous banner high up on the building with the call—‘March against Fascism September 9th’ (49).

Likewise a banner was unfurled on the top of the BBC building, in Portland Place calling for a March against Fascism—Hyde Park 9th September. This banner was in position for 25 minutes during the early afternoon. Showers of leaflets were thrown from the roof of Selfridges in Oxford Street and from the Post Office in Newgate Street. Over 1,000,000 leaflets were distributed during the campaign.

At this time the case against R K Haseldine and A L Morton of the Daily Worker was dismissed (50). Clearly the anti-Fascist forces were so strong that the authorities did not wish to add fuel to the fire.

Another good ‘stunt’ took place when two of our people suitably dressed visited “Romanov’s Restaurant’ where Lou Preager was to broadcast a dance music programme. They managed to grab the microphone and shout, ‘Demonstrate against Fascism on Sunday next in Hyde Park—Down with Mosley’s Blackshirt gangsters!’ Once again this was managed before anyone could prevent the message from reaching millions of listeners (51). I know all the people who did these things but I see no point in naming them.

The detailed planning of the march to Hyde Park was very comprehensive and was published on the whole of the back page of the Daily Worker. Over 150,000 opposed Mosley in Hyde Park on 9th September. The rally was described as an utter fiasco. The Fascists marched in at 6.00pm and out again at 7.00pm protected by a massive force of police (52).

The speakers were never heard and the Fascists were effectively kept apart from the crowd which surrounded them while in the park. There was no riot and no bloodshed. The East End had a tremendous turn out. There were only 18 arrests and some were given short prison sentences or fined. The whole front page of the Daily Worker reported this as, ‘Only the first step in organising our mighty forces’. It said, ‘Drown the Blackshirts in a sea of working class activity!’ (53)

A few days later the Eastern area ILD held a meeting at the Grand Palais, Commercial Road, where I had my full name billed in company with John Gollan, Ernie Wooley and Dr Cullen of the ILP. I tell you that simply to indicate that I was developing as a public speaker and generally gaining experience as a conscious worker in the movement (54).

Other activities were also bearing fruit. Tenants won a rent reduction in Stratford East. This was cited as the good work of the High Street cell of the CP (55). The Soviet Union joined the League of Nations. Reports were coming in of an increasing opposition to Mosley from all parts. Manchester was preparing to receive Mosley’s proposed visit to Belle Vue (56).

Pollitt and Gallagher called for the building of a mass Communist Party. In London we held a special conference to further this objective (57). The Relief Committee for the Victims of German Fascism, was widening its support from people like Aneurin Bevan and Ellen Wilkinson (58). In Manchester the call went out to follow London’s lead—Rally to Belle Vue 29th September (59).

* * * * *

We in the Eastern Area ILD were continuing all our routine activities at the same old furious pace. But some of our work was being undertaken by the Council for Civil Liberties (60).

Spain was in the throes of revolt. A General Strike was complete in 15 provinces. Our slogan advanced was—‘Fight for Soviets’. Reports said—Spanish troops join revolt. Regiments mutinied and officers were killed. Catalonia established its own government. Factories were sieged (61).

We carried out two more good stunts. The Red flag was hoisted on the German Embassy and flew for 20 minutes. Slogans were painted on the side of a German ship in the Surrey Commercial Docks (62). The press reported that the King of Yugoslavia and a French minister were shot dead in Marseilles (63). A demonstration in solidarity with the Spanish revolution was held in Hyde Park (64). Crowds of 10,000 smashed a Mosley meeting in Plymouth (65). The borough council elections were approaching so the leadership in London called a special meeting of all sub-district committee members, to prepare (66). In support of the campaign for the release of Thalmann and all prisoners in Germany, we organised another very good stunt. This time it was at a cinema called the London Pavilion in Piccadilly.

As the film was being shown there suddenly appeared on the screen the words calling for the release of prisoners (67). The manager when interviewed said he had no idea how this was done. It was suggested that someone must have had a projector in the audience which was focussed on the screen. You don’t need much knowledge to see that this was almost impossible. The film itself was examined and it had apparently not been tampered with. I never did see an explanation of how this was done, published anywhere.

I can assure you that it was not all that difficult if you knew exactly when the projector would be unattended for a few seconds. Have you never seen a performer making images by intercepting a beam of light focussed on a screen? Some of them use small cardboard cut-outs which they hold to make the images more life like. In support of the same campaign the Eastern area ILD organised a gala variety and surprise night at the Empress Hall, Cambridge Road, E1 on 27th October (68).

For quite some time there had been a campaign against the government’s intention to introduce a bill designed to strengthen the law against Sedition. This followed the Pollitt-Mann case when these two had succeeded in getting the charge of sedition, dismissed by court. This was another case for demonstrating yet again in Trafalgar Square (69). Mass lobbying of MPs was organised and all this activity was disrupted by the efforts of the police.

Mosley held a meeting in the Albert Hall with an invited audience and this time only about 5,000 demonstrated. I don’t remember why this meeting was not opposed in any real strength. Alun Thomas was one of those arrested on this occasion (70).

The Municipal election resulted in a big victory for Labour in the London Boroughs. We got our usual few hundred votes here and there (71).

Once again I can’t remember exactly how or when, but it appears that Barney Becow had been arrested for anti-Fascist activity so we had to runa Release Becow Campaign. A Poster Parade organised by the ILD assembled in Ford Square (72). This was my old corner. Do you remember?

We held more meetings locally in the St. Georges Town Hall in addition to many outdoors. But Becow had completed his three months sentence and we organised a welcome home, at the Bow and Bromley Town Hall (73).

The Solidarity movement for the Spanish workers was discussed at International level. Jennie Lee and James Maxon participated (74). On the Whitmore Estate in Bethnal Green, the tenants were organising against the disgusting state of the houses. They sent a delegation to County Hall (75).

This kind of thing was going on in other places. Willesden in West London registered some big victories over rapacious landlords. They recovered over three hundred pounds in excess rents as well as securing big rent reductions.

All the work Of the Deacon Road cell of the CP said the Daily Worker (76). This was the time when the Trade Union Council were getting worried about the growing number of people who were co-operating with the CP.

They issued the infamous ‘Black Circular’ which excluded all Communist Party members from holding positions in the Trade Unions or being elected as delegates to conferences, etc. (77). This started another round of active campaigning, within the Trade Unions, against this ‘splitting’ tactic.

The general work of the NUWM was never ending. The unemployed were still suffering from the administration of the Public Assistance Committees with its Means Test and Labour camps which now began to include married men who were separated from their families.

We regarded the proposed marriage of the Duke of Kent to Princess Marina as a sort of comic relief. But we lost no time in contrasting the lavish expenditure with the plight of the unemployed (78).

Like a bolt from the blue the headlines screamed—‘Kirov assassinated in Leningrad’ (79). At the same time, the Home Office announced a massive increase in the ‘Special Branch’ of the Metropolitan Police, the political wing of the force (80).

Inner Communist Party meetings were being made more secure. Nearly all the adverts for such meetings instructed members to bring their membership cards to obtain entry (81). We did not neglect completely our international obligations, so we held a meeting in the Mile End Baths to commemmorate the 7th Anniversary of the Canton Commune and declared our solidarity with the Chinese workers and peasants. Fenner Brockway joined in this effort (82).

The Daily Worker ‘What’s on’ column recorded the death of Mrs Silver— mother of revolutionary sons and daughters. (This was ‘Shimmy’s’ mother.) Buried on 7th December (83).

The near-east sub district of the CP called an aggregate meeting which when advertised said that all those not attending would be regarded as no longer belonging to the Party. Admission by paid up membership card only (84). Things were hotting up. The arguments regarding our so-called ‘street work’ being ‘in opposition to Trade Union work’ were growing stronger inside our Communist Party branch. Phil Piratin speaks of ‘verbal battles’ in his book (85).

Then came the incredible news that Zinoviev had been arrested for involvement in a terrorist plot! 16th December. Funny, this was the old Bolshevik, former secretary of the Communist International! Still it must be true. There had been confessions! One headline in the Daily Worker said, ‘Stalin murder plot confessed!’ (86). No doubt it would all be explained in due course. It was a bit perplexing, but I could not bring myself to believe that Stalin could be wrong. Damn clever these imperialist agents. They would surely know how to undermine the revolution from within. Sure enough the explanations followed and I was so sure that the Communist Party leadership could not be wrong. because if that was so, who then would be able to lead us to overthrow the capitalist system? To me the idea that the Communist Party could not do so was unthinkable. So it must be true. Zinoviev and Kamenev were guilty. After all, Kirov was dead.

Meanwhile fighting continued in Spain, and 1934 was over. We held the Sth Anniversary of the founding of the Daily Worker. The paper carried the news from Moscow in its first edition for 1935, that those accused in the Kirov case should be sentenced to death (87).

The Mosley anti-semitic campaign was becoming more emphatic. In many places throughout the East End the slogan—‘Perish Juda’—was whitewashed on the walls. Eventually the letters ‘P J’ were sufficient. The Jewish people reacted by joining our side in ever greater numbers. Who else was there that showed such determinism to fight Fascism? Certainly not the Labour or any other party. The Jewish leaders could only give advice, which said, that the Jews should not draw any attention to themselves by taking part in anti-Fascist action on the streets. They seemed to think that it would only play into Moseley’s hands if he could point to more and more Jews as Communists.

The Jewish leaders always pleaded for dignified behaviour and support for religion and trust in the authorities to be fair and decent. Germany didn’t seem to show that this attitude was right. There was still a long way to go before we learned all about the extermination policies of Hitler and Co.

After a great deal of the usual discussion and negotiating between the NUTGW and the firm of L Coleman & Company Limited, women’s clothing manufacturers, it was decided to give one week’s notice of an official strike.

A hundred workers withdrew their labour. This was over three weeks after the firm had sacked 50 workers including the shop stewards (88). As a result of the good work by the stewards and committee which had secured back pay for people who had actually been working below the Trade Board Minimum Rate, the firm decided to try to break up the organisation in the factory.

I’m not quite clear what the position really was at the time because ‘Chick’ Segal, a Party member, was the shop steward. Most of the Party members were in the UCWU. There must have been some who were members of the LTU as well. With three unions catering for Ladies’ Tailors in London the position was a bit confused. If you happened to get a job which was organised by any one of the three it would be necessary for you to change your membership from one to the other. So, it would happen that during the course of time one person could have been a member of all three unions for short periods.

Anyway, the UCWU and also the LTU supported this official strike called by the National Union. The CP called its usual aggregate of all members in the clothing industry to decide policy and action in support of this strike. The strike was conducted officially from the Buckle Street offices where a Mr Rollin was then the secretary of the Ladies’ Tailoring section. There was the usual picketing and fund raising in addition we organised marches and poster parades (89).

The UCWU held its own meeting at the Mile End Baths in support (90).

While the strike was occupying some of our time, we read that Zinoviev and Kamenev and 17 others had confessed! An article in the Daily Worker was headed, ‘Who is this Zinoviev? A record of tricks and hypocrisy!’ (91) Remember this man was an old Bolshevik and one time secretary of the Communist International. It took some swallowing but somehow I was able to swallow along with many others. Then as in the future, if you could not fully understand, or had any serious doubts, it was possible to say, well even if something is wrong, it could only be corrected if you remained a member and fought from within for your point of view. In any case there were the confessions to be explained. If they had confessed, then how could you say the allegations might be false?

The District Party Committee moved its offices to 133 East Road, N1 (92) and I had reason to visit them very often during the following two years.

An interesting advert in the ‘What’s on’ column of the Daily Worker announced the birth of Karl, Erst—a soldier for the revolution, to Tubby and Cissy Goldman. 12th January (93). That’s the ‘Tubby’ Goldman who was a member of my party cell, who became a very successful capitalist. So, you never really know about some people.

The unemployed continued to fight the cuts in benefits which the government continued to impose. The Coleman strike was still going strong. The East London Anti-Fascist Committee called a preliminary conference to prepare for a demonstration on 3rd March. This was at the Ciro Ballrooms which was now owned by my half-brother Harry who had become a successful caterer (94). The 17th Congress of the CPGB to be held in Manchester was also being prepared.

A Finsbury Committee of Action was being formed to demand a 25% cut in rents (95). There was a big battle in Sheffield over the Means Test and the Slave camps (96). King George V’s silver jubilee was also on the way. Once again contrasting the condition of the unemployed and the ease with which money could be found for circuses but not for bread.

At the Whitechapel Art Gallery there was a united meeting of clothing workers ta support the Coleman strikers, addressed by Robertson, NUTGW, Fine, LTU, and ‘Chick’ Segal, strike leader. Mr Fine, who the Communists had been attacking for so long, made an appeal for unity of all clothing workers (97). This policy was later adopted by the CP itself when it liquidated the UCWU and conducted a campaign for amalgamation of the then existing LTU and NUTGW which became effective just before the outbreak of the second world war in 1939.

Meanwhile, two people were arrested for whitewashing slogans supporting the Coleman strike, and the ILD paid the fines. Four more people were arrested while using a loudspeaker, from a van on behalf of the strikers (98). At Riverside Gardens in Hammersmith the tenants were conducting a battle against very bad housing conditions (99). This whole period was full of intense activity on every conceivable front in the class war.

Notes

1. DW, 16.4.1934.
2. DW, 18.4.1934.
3. Ibid.
4. DW, 24.4.1934.
5. DW, 2.5.1934.
6. DW, 6.5.1934.
7. DW, 16.5.1934.
8. DW, 17.5.1934.
9. DW, 28.5.1934.
10. DW, 8.6.1934.
11. Recent BBC programme said two people climbed on rafters —confirmed in contemporary Daily Express report: ‘crowds of Communists singing the “International” hurled defiance at Police and Blackshirts all night long.’ Daily Express and Daily Mirror reports, 8 and 9.6.1934.
12. DW, 9.6.1934.
13. The recent BBC Radio Four programme (October 1977) in which eye witnesses including Mosley himself, former Fascists, police, uncommitted and CP members (Julius Jacobs and Ted Bramley, both of whom are cited in this book) described Olympia, confirmed the unprecedented brutality of Fascist stewards and supporters at this meeting. Many contributors suggested that this rally resulted in alienating potential supporters of Fascism and destroyed the movement as a ‘respectable’ conservative force. Henceforth it is claimed the thug and ‘Lumpen’ elements predominated among the Blackshirts. Lord Rothermere with his powerful Associated Press chain of newspapers withdrew support for Mosley after the rioting which occurred at the Olympia rally. Many witnesses testified to spotlights being turned on communist demonstrators interrupting Mosley’s speech inside the hall and to the fact that these hecklers were beaten up and jumped on by Fascist stewards in full view of the audience. Mosley claimed he needed his private army because the police were no good in preventing the protesters from disrupting the meeting.

According to the programme the police did not protect the Fascists, at least not enough for the Fascists’ own liking. The point was also made that the night of the long knives in Germany occurred only three weeks after Olympia and that the two became associated in people’s minds. Also the undoubtedly large East End Jewish contingent among the protesters was seized upon by Mosléy and it is after Olympia that his propaganda became openly anti-semitic. Whether it was Olympia which sealed the fate of British Fascism is open to question. (Editor’s note).
14. DW, 11.6.1934.
15. DW, 12.6.1934.
‘16. DW, 23.6.1934.
17. Phil Piratin, Our Flag Stays Red, pp 28, 33-49, 55, 56.
18. Ibid, p 1. 35. DW, 18.8.1934.
19. DW, 26.6.1934.
20. DW, 30.6.1934.
21. DW, 5.7.1934.
22. DW, 10.7.1934.
23. Ibid.
24. DW, 13.7.1934.
25. DW, 13 and 16.7.1934.
26. DW, 16.7.1934.
27. DW, 23.7.1934.
28. DW, 25.7.1934.
29. DW, 26.7.1934.
30. Len Wincott, op cit, p 175.
31. DW, 26.7.1934.
32. Ibid.
33. DW, 28.7.1934.
34. DW, 30.7.1934.
35. DW, 18.8.1934
36. DW, 18 and 21.8.1934.
37. DW, 21.8.1934.
38. DW, 20.8.1934.
39. DW, 21.8.1934.
40. DW, 24.8.1934.
41. DW, 27.8.1934.
42. DW, 28.8.1934.
43. DW, 1.9.1934.
44. DW, 3.9.1934.
45. DW, 5.9.1934.
46. DW, 6.9.1934.
47. Ibid.
48. Ibid.
49. DW, 7.9.1934.
50. DW, 8.9.1934.
51. Ibid.
52. Ibid.
53. DW, 11.9.1934.
54. DW, 13.9.1934.
55. DW, 14.9.1934.
56. DW, 17 and 18.9.1934.
57. DW, 20.9.1934.
58. DW, 22.9.1934.
59. Ibid.
60. DW, 24.9.1934.
61. DW, 6 and 8.10.1934.
62. DW, 9.10.1934.
63. DW, 10.10.1934.
64. Ibid.
65. DW, 12.10.1934.
66. DW, 18.10.1934.
67. DW, 22.10.1934.
68. Announced DW, 25.10.1934.
69. DW, 29.10.1934.
70. DW, 30.10.1934.
71. DW, 3.11.1934.
72. Ibid.
73. DW, 8.11.1934.
74. Ibid.
75. DW, 17.11.1934.
76. DW, 13.12.1934,
77. DW, 19.11.1934.
78. DW, 29.11.1934.
79. Report DW, 3.12.1934.
80. DW, 6.12.1934.
81. See e.g. DW, 27.11.1934.
82. DW, 8.12.1934.
83. DW, 10.12.1934.
84. DW, 8.12.1934.
85. Phil Piratin, op cit.
86. DW, 24 and 28.12.1934,
87. DW, 1.1.1935.
88. DW, 4.1.1935.
89. DW, 7 and 12.1.1935.
90. DW, 12.1.1935.
91. DW, 17.1.1935.
92. Ibid.
93. DW, 21.1.1935.
94. DW, 25.1.1935.
95. DW, 2.2.1935.
96. DW, 7.2.1935.
97. DW, 9.2.1935.
98. DW, 11 and 14.2.1935.
99. DW, 6.2.1935.