The London Ex-Servicemen’s Movement Against Fascism launched a campaign leading to a demonstration in Victoria Park on August 30th (1). This had the support of the Jewish Labour Council, which consisted of Jewish workers from Trade Union, Labour and other social organisations in East London and elsewhere. The fight against Mosley was becoming more urgent as a result of fascist activities openly supported by some leading newspaper proprietors. A year had passed since the 7th World Congress of the Communist International. All that was happening had already been forecast as a result of their analysis of the world situation. Except for the Moscow trials. The British Medical Unit was on its way to Spain, seen off with the blessing of Arthur Greenwood (2). Zinoviev, Kamenev and fourteen others were sentenced to death. The prisoners accepted their fate calmly. Marachkoveky greeted his with ‘Long live the Leninist Party.’ (3). Trotsky called for a judicial enquiry. The Daily Worker said, ‘. . .it should be noted that he issued his statement after the sixteen were dead’ (4). This sounded a strange way to answer the call for an enquiry, since those who were against such a proposal had themselves carried out the death sentences before any question of doubt in people’s minds could be answered through such an enquiry.

J.R. Campbell wrote an article in the DW entitled, ‘What is the difference between Zinoviev and Franco?’ (5) I didn’t pay much attention to the obvious historical differences. Zinoviev according to the trial was on the same side as Franco and I was on the other side. Faithful Party members had to have faith. The fight against Fascism and war was being led by the Communist Party! It wasn’t difficult for me to decide.

The internal position in the Stepney branch of the Communist Party was getting very strained. The Branch Committee was in conflict over the tactics to be employed in combatting Mosley. More and more Sarah Wesker, ‘Chick’ Segal, Ruby Silkoff, ‘Ginger’ Greenblatt, Morrie Segal, Alf Finkelstein and Phil Piratin were attacking me and those who agreed with me, for allegedly wanting to fight the Fascists on the streets and conducting mass activity among the unemployed workers, whereas they were engaged in ‘Trade Union Work’, which was much more important. ‘Ginger’ Greenblatt and Phil Piratin were in fact businessmen and not engaged in ‘T.U. work’ at all, but they were in agreement with the others who were against me. They all said I had neglected this kind of work. This fight had been going on in one way or another for over five years.

Phil Piratin and Alf Finklestein were relatively new recruits to the group who opposed me. The matter came to a head as a result of an incident at a closed branch meeting in August 1936. I had been advocating more open branch meetings for some time, whereas Phil Piratin in particular, was for more closed branch meetings, at this time. On this occasion, Jack Lynch among others and some Young Communist League members were not allowed into the meeting. Mrs Finklestein and Mrs Piratin were present and I objected on the grounds that they were not members and should not be privileged because they were married to members of the Branch Committee. In fact one of them had been a Party member, but had since lapsed.

It will be easier to understand the importance of this sort of thing, if you have any experience of organisations where voting is a major means of making decisions. Mrs Finklestein and Mrs Piratin had to leave. At the next Branch Committee meeting, Alf Finklestein raised this matter and said that my action was the result of a personal vendetta which I had been conducting. It is true that I had made complaints including detailed charges against Phil Piratin, concerning his conduct in Stepney. My charges were supported by Bert Teller another member of the Branch Committee. The details were contained in a written statement which had been sent to the District Committee several weeks before. The District Committee had failed to deal with the matter in any way. They simply ignored us and the matter was left hanging in the air which resulted in increased tension in the Stepney Branch Committee. When the question of the two wives arose, it became clear to me from the reaction of some members of the Committee that decisions were being made outside of the Committee. Instead of opposing me on the ‘wives issue’, Alf Finkelstein gave in. Another committee member E. Hartley, who was not fully committed to one side or the other, presented the view that I no longer enjoyed the confidence of the Committee. I agreed with that. There were six or seven members who I felt had sharp political difference with me. However, I felt I enjoyed the confidence of the overwhelming majority of the membership.

Although my opponents agreed with Hartley, they saw the danger of attacking me and directly challenging my position as Secretary. They retreated and contented themselves for the time being, in engaging in backstair private consultations with members of the District Committee, who were against me and what I was doing in Stepney. We had frequent visits from fulltime Party officials including John Mahon, Ted Bramley, D.F. Springhall, Bob McLennan and Pat Devine. The last named was spending a lot of time in Stepney. Branch Committee meetings were very often attended by a ‘District Representative’ who put the ‘Party Line’ on almost every issue. They did not always get their way.

We were presented with a decision of the District Secretariat, that a fulltime Organiser had been appointed for East London. We were not consulted.

There was no vote. I didn’t know where he came from, I had never heard of him, but I had to agree to work under his direction and co-operate with him as he would be representing the District Committee’s views. He had no previous connection with Stepney and he was too young to have been there or in East London before my time, without my knowing him. His name, Frank Lefitte, was unknown to all my contacts in Stepney. He was slightly built and did not try to bulldoze his way into our lives. He could make all the appropriate noises at inner Party meetings. He knew how to use all the phrases in all the right places. Between meetings his favourite method of contact with me, whenever he could not find me, was to leave messages in writing, in any one of half a dozen places I would be likely to visit during the course of an evening’s activity. Thanks to these written messages I have proof supporting what I shall have to say about some important events which happened later in my story.

One of the things I urged him to take up with the District Secretariat, was the complaints made by myself and Bert Teller, several weeks earlier.

I received the following note written on a piece of paper,

‘The Secretariat of the DPC consider Comrade Jacobs’ accusation against Comrade Piratin to be unfounded and ridiculous. They do not think these accusations worth further discussion but if Comrade Jacobs insists on further discussion, they will agree to see him personally. The Secretariat further feel that the attitude of Comrade Jacobs is unhealthy —indicates an approach that must be detrimental to the life of the branch.’

No consultation, no discussion, no attempt to deal with the specific charges, and no mention of the political differences were made. They wished to treat the matter as personal without regard to the fact that I was the Branch Secretary and that the complaint was made by Bert Teller as well as myself. This was an issue which concerned the Branch Committee and the membership.

Why, if this was the District Committee’s view of me and my actions, did they allow me to continue in my position? Was it because they knew the membership was in agreement with me, at that time? That is what I thought.

However, I could not afford to be complacent or fail to see what was happening. That is, that the leadership of the British CP was behind those in Stepney who had a political point of view which I opposed.

Phil Piratin was one of many who were used by the leadership to further their ends. He was like so many others who in my view, could use any organisation to further their ambitions. The working class movement is full of thousands of cases which show how so-called ‘militants’ could become T.U. leaders, M.P.s and even Cabinet Ministers. Many of these people have come along through the ranks of the Communist Party or with active support of the CP. They are the sycophants who are good material to be manipulated by the ‘organisers’ seeking to further their own ends.

Lew Mitchel, for instance was a good outdoor orator and in many ways a likeable bloke. He was also a one-man fan club for Harry Pollitt. I don’t need to say much about the ‘Personality Cult’ and how it can be used. I was always wary of those who lived or behaved in ways different from ordinary workers.

At this time, when old Bolsheviks were being sentenced to death for alleged crimes against the Party and the working class, I felt the need for great vigilance in respect of the type of person who might do harm to the Party.

Zinoviev had been Secretary of the Communist International for a long time. He was dead, branded as a counter-revolutionary traitor, agent of Imperialism.

Why should I not be alive to the existence of people who would enter the Party for ulterior motives of one sort of another? This was no personal matter for me. I was very suspicious of those in the leadership who would not take notice of complaints which were political and linked to a person or person’s behaviour. I was not in favour of witch-hunts. I looked for lessons to be learned through discussion of people’s actions. The big purges which were to come, in the Soviet Union, were not part of my thinking.

At this time, Alec Sheller arrived home and we learned in more detail what had happened to him before he parted from Nat and Sam. His return was not reported in the Daily Worker and he was not asked to say anything.

We in Stepney invited Alec to report. The advert inserted in the DW read, ‘Stepney CP meeting at ‘Circle House’ at 8.30pm. A. Sheller—back from Spain speaks. Sympathisers welcome.’ (6) Others who had returned from Spain were welcomed and given publicity in the DW, but not Alec. The fact that he did not wish to stay and fight, was no different from the actions of some others. Of course it would have spotlighted the fact that Nat Cohen and Sam Masters were fighting and setting an example. Was there any connection between thse facts? I certainly began to think so.

There was a joint meeting of delegations from the Executive Committees of the Labour Party and the Trade Unions. Harry Pollitt wrote an open letter to them, outlining our position and what we thought they ought to be doing (7). Dimitrov on behalf of the Communist International, wrote an article published in the DW under the headline, “Dimitrov answers Citrine’ (8) He said Spain would be doomed if Citrine’s advice was taken. This was a reference to a telegram from the Labour and Socialist International and the International Federation of Trade Unions, signed by De Brouckere, Adler, Citrine and Schvenels, which Dimitrov said was, ‘.. . sent in such haste to the Soviet Government regarding the trial of the terrorist Trotsky-Zinoviev Centre.’ The article went on to interpret the meaning of this criticism of the trials as an attack on all anti-Fascists, ‘which could only bring aid and comfort to the enemies of the working class.’ It was a powerful argument, full of vituperation for the trial victims and the senders of the telegram.

The editorial in the same issue was an attack on the campaign to get a ‘Neutrality’ policy adopted in respect of the Spanish Civil War (9). The big guns in the Party were going around explaining the Moscow trials. In Stepney, we invited all Communist, Labour and Trade Union friends to discuss the trials. The speaker was our Bob McLennan (10). Headlines in the DW almost screamed. ‘Moscow answers lies’ ‘War menace behind lies’ ‘Pollitt says, ““Neutrality is treason” ’. (11) August had gone. Nat and Sam were now writing to their friends in Stepney, but still the DW did not report what they were doing.

On the lighter side, the Jubilee Street cell of the Stepney CP, organised a moonlight trip to Brands Hatch, to take place on September 5th. Dancing, supper and coach trip, from 10pm to 3am. All for four bob (12).

September opened with renewed battles in East London. The Fascists were in earnest now. They must have been encouraged by the success of their friends in Spain, Germany and Italy. The press at home must have been a great help to them in every possible way. The police and the government supported by the courts were openly hostile to anti-Fascists, while actively assisting Mosley. An Ex-Servicemen’s march against Mosley to Victoria Park, was supported by the local Labour Party. J.H. Hall, our M.P., was photographed on the march. Both Fascists and anti-Fascists were arrested. Harry Goodrich, a leading Labour Party member in Mile End was one of the latter. He became a good friend of mine (13).

At this time D.N. Pritt, K.C., M.P., who attend the Moscow trials said, ‘I was indeed impressed. The great Soviet land showed me that it can build and maintain in the profession I understand, a fine system and a fine tradition.’ In an interview with C.R. Attlee, Leader of the Opposition, in the DW, he said, ‘Russian people feel they are running their own show. D.N. Pritt said, ‘the Zinoviev trial showed fine legal tradition. (14). There you are! How could I believe the right-wing press!

The National Council of Labour was under attack for their policy of support for ‘neutrality’ in the Spanish Civil War. After seven weeks of fighting there was a desperate struggle going on for the town of Irun. The Independent Labour Party held a meeting in the Shoreditch Town Hall in support of the Spanish Government forces. Speakers included James Maxton, Fenner Brockway, Dr. E. Conze and John McNair, just back from Spain (15). The DW reported all this but still did not report anything about Nat Cohen and Sam Masters.

* * * * *

Life had to go on and we had to have some relief from so much work including our political activity. The Jubilee Street Cell’s proposed Moonlight trip to Brands Hatch took place as arranged. We assembled at the ‘Popular Cafe’ in Manningtree Street to await the arrival of the coach at 10pm. We left in good spirits and headed out of Stepney across Tower Bridge in the direction of Kent. At this time Brands Hatch was a group of fields with a large hut-like building to one side. It had been a favourite camping ground for many of my friends. We had to leave the Maidstone Road by way of a narrow side road.

The coach driver lost his way in the dark. We were looking towards a light in the distance which we thought must be the building we sought. It was past 11pm and it took some time before we finally found a road which would take us to our destination. We were enjoying ourselves so this was all part of the fun. On arrival we had some refreshment and proceeded to dance to the music provided by a small band. We left at about 1.30am; A good time was had on the journey home to Stepney where we arrived at about 3am.

Since we had to attend a demonstration in Trafalgar Square at 3.30pm we were not likely to get much sleep that night. After all we had to escort one another home and were not going to get to bed much before dawn. It was great fun and was by no means the only occasion for light relief in an otherwise busy time engaged in very serious endeavours. The Stepney branch of the National Unemployed Workers Movement had just had a meeting against the Government’s unemployment regulations, at St Georges Town Hall.

The speakers were Tom Mann and Pat Devine (16). It was all happening. Karl Radek told how the Trotsky Terror Centre was started. Rakovsky made a statement about the same thing. Piatakov told of a ‘. . . crime unique in history.’ All the articles were copied from Jsvestia and Pravda (17). Meanwhile, Irun had fallen to Franco (18).

In Trafalgar Square, Lord Listowel, Dorothy Woodman, Sir Norman Angel, Tom Mann, Harry Adams (Builders Trade Union leader), Ted Hill (Boilermen) all spoke in support of Spanish Republicans. Herbert Morrison was attacking ‘neutrality’ saying ‘Spain has the right to buy arms.’ (19) Fellicia Brown, English sculptress was killed fighting for the Spanish Government (20). Fascists were making big headway in Spain. There was still no mention of Nat Cohen and Sam Masters in the DW.

We made a big drive to raise sales of the DW in Stepney. The first weekend selling was from 6am to 8am on Saturday and Sunday, from 10am till 2pm. Then we had a demonstration to Trafalgar Sqaure and then more selling until midnight (21). 40,000 attended the Trafalgar Square demonstration (22). The collection amounted to over £600.

The Stepney branch Committee met regularly through all this and had the usual arguments as well as arranging some hard practical activity. The Jewish Labour Council! supported the Spanish Republican struggle by holding a meeting in the Ladies Tailors Union hall. The speakers were J.L. Fine, S. Joseph, J. Jacobs, I. Rennap and Aitken Ferguson (23). This was September 9th. In France, workers were going on strike. Protest against ‘Neutrality’ was growing in the Seine factories. The Blum government’s cabinet met to discuss the situation. The Trade Union Congress was meeting and were due to discuss and debate the international situation and Spain. Harry Pollitt in the DW article said, ‘The T.U.C. faces its gravest decision today.’ His long article set out to answer the question ‘Would aid to Spain wreck the Blum Government?’ The answers were an example of the difficulties of reconciling the French Government’s support for ‘Neutrality’ and the demand for active support for the Spanish peoples’ fight against Fascism. The article resulted in a presentation of what amounted to a balancing act, with the usual pitfalls (24).

The Stepney CP Branch Committee urged all its members to attend the ‘Circle House’ for an important meeting (25). I have mentioned some names of those who did nct agree with me about the way we should handle the fight against Mosley. I have said I thought I enjoyed the support of the majority of the members. If this was not the case, I’m sure I could not have remained Branch Secretary at that time because in addition to contending with local opposition the whole District Secretariat and the East London Organiser were critical of me and what I was doing. Nat and Sam were in Spain so I had to continue the internal fight without them. Since Nat had been my close comrade and teacher, it was difficult not having him round. His ideas were behind everything I thought and did. I had faced this situation before, and managed to survive. Now it was different. The issues were more complex and we were involved, as never before, in daily practical activity on events in Spain and the pressing issue of the unemployed. The growing menace of Mosley was turning the streets of East London into a battle ground. Fights with the Fascists, aided by the police, were a daily occurrence.

We acquired a new branch office in Fieldgate Street (26). A very convenient spot. It consisted of two front, ground-floor rooms of a house occupied by ‘Old-man Mason’, father of Harry Mason, the boxer. ‘Old-man Mason’ had used these two rooms for his one-man pressing and cleaning business. He was getting on and decided to give up work. He had become very active in the unemployed workers movement and also joined the Communist Party. He let us have the rooms for a very low rent.

The people closest to me were my old friends, mostly in the Jubilee Street Cell, my local basic unit of the Party. There were many others in other units. Bert Teller was probably the closest friend Nat Cohen had, and one of the longest serving Party members in the local organisation. Yetta was Nat’s close companion before he went to Spain. They were my friends too. Pearl and I were indivisible. We shared every aspect of a common involvement inseparable from our personal attachment, even if it did mean that I only caught up with her late at night on many occasions. How she managed to put up with all the burdens I heaped on her, in addition to her own, I'll never know. Sam Waldman, a former short-term, East-London Organiser, was a close personal friend and a tower of strength particularly as he was an active member of the Shop Assistants Union alongside Ruby Silkoff, whom he opposed. There was Pearl’s brother and still my very intimate friend Harold Cohen, now leading the Ex-Servicemen’s Movement Against Fascism, and a leading member of the local CP.

Other friends included Paddy Byrne, a seaman, docker Pat Coleman, unemployed Alf Cerhnoff (later Sheldon), Morrie Silver, Morrie Goldstein, and a Scot, Don Renton, full-time organiser of the Stepney branch of the Unemployed Workers Movement and ‘Tubby’ Rosen, who was to become an outstanding fighter in Stepney’s tenants struggles, a few years later. He was also active with me in the National Union of Tailors and Garment Workers, even later still. ‘Old-man Lazarus’, his son Alf and daughter Sadi were close too. As were ‘Old-man Levitus’ and his two sons, Max and Morrie who were leading lights in the local Young Communist League. Max became a Communist Councillor in Stepney some years later. Many old friends from Bedford Street, now Cavell Street, where I lived, were still very much around—Sam Berks, Leon Grill, Mick Brenman, ‘Ubby’ Cohen, Archie Fiddleman and Alec Sheller. Other members of the Jubilee Street Cell included ‘Old-man Michealson’ and his wife ‘Tubby’ Goldman, Hetty Stern, Jack Ross and Hymie Goldstein. Some names escape me and I beg forgiveness if I’ve left you out.

Some names which I do remember from other units are, ‘Harry the Barber’, Joe Sims, Bert Foote, McNulty, ‘Shorty’ Brooks, Esther Wynne and Jack Cohen. There was another Jack Cohen who was affectionately known as ‘Stinker’.

There were others, not always so close to me, like ‘Chirps’ Steinberg, Victor Marks and brother Jack in the YCL, Lew Mitchel, the young Bretmans, Bessie and Shavie, daughters of that character I told you about, ‘Chaim Sholam’. Then there were Lew Holt, Beatie Piratin and her sister Pear] and another sister whose name I can’t remember and my Pearl’s younger brother Arthur and his girl Betty, who became his wife. There were also coming into the Party Betty’s brother Joe Prince and other members of that family and their many friends, ‘Ginger’ Brodt in particular, plus ‘Shimmy’ Silver and Lew Kravits and a whole group of people centred around them, as well as Shimmy’s brother Danny and sisters Miriam and Pearl, older sister Anne and her husband Hymie Cohen, brother of Nat Cohen.

There were all the people in the Workers’ Circle, I. Rennap, Alf Holland and many more. Many friends in the Labour Party were active in support of our efforts on the streets in the fight against Mosley.I wish I had kept the membership lists, I could have told many stories of some wonderfu! people and their activities. One name I can’t leave out is Narvo, who was a typical CP member. Very sincere but quite unable to refrain from stating his set-piece at every meeting, whether or not it had anything to do with the subject under discussion. My old pal Willie Cohen was now the full-time secretary of the London District Committee of the YCL.

My mother was working mostly on Fridays until sundown, which ushers in the Jewish sabbath, resuming work on Sunday morning, continuing into the small hours of Monday. All this to provide a feast for the guests at Jewish weddings, Bar-mitzvahs and other functions. I saw her when I came home for lunch most days, early morning and most Saturday mornings when I did my best to have a long lie-in. As usual my young nieces would arrive to see their grandmother and used to get me out of bed in the process. Most Saturday afternoons other activities permitting, Pearl arrived to see my mum and enjoy a high tea. We all failed to meet my mother’s standards of quantity to be consumed. That’s about al! my mother saw of me. I was too busy with more pressing issues like Spain.

The Trade Unions officially decided in favour of ‘Neutrality’ in Spain. Ralph Fox, (killed in action later) wrote in the Daily Worker about the difficulties of the French Communist Party. He said, ‘French Communists won’t break with the People’s Front’. The concluding paragraphs revealed that this problem was not confined to the French Communist Party.

‘In the struggle, the question of Spain plays the key part. The Blum Government, by its initial proposal of ‘neutrality’, which the Government of the Soviet Union was reluctantly compelled to follow and which our own reactionary Government seized on as a relief in its intrigues with Hitler, made a great mistake. We are its best friends when we ask it to revise this policy’ (27).

The Stepney Council for Peace and Democracy held a meeting at the ‘Grand Pallais’, Commercial Road, on Spain and World Peace (28). A Nazi Congress at Nuremberg called for a crusade against Bolshevism. A Daily Worker report was headlined, “British Communist hit by Fascist machine guns’. From our own correspondent. Barcelona.

‘Richard Kish, a member of the Communist Party of Great Britain, is in hospital here with a machine-gun bullet wound received when fighting in Majorea.

He is in the General Hospital (San Pablo), but may be moved shortly to another hospital.

Kish joined the People’s Militia early in the fighting here and was a member of the Third Centuria (Battalion).

With him were two other English men and an English woman. Their centuria was the first to make an effective landing in Majorca and penetrated some distance inland. Owing to the superior armament of the Fascists further progress became difficult, and Kish was hit during a very gallant attack uphill against machine-gun fire in an attempt to seize the heights commanding the coastal country.

His English friends brought him down from the hill under the fire of two machine-guns without suffering further casualty.

Kish was stooping forward, climbing uphill when a machine-gun bullet entered behind the shoulder and passed out through the ribs at the back.

The wounds are healing well, and he may be fit enough to travel in some weeks.

The Deputy Administrator of the British Medical Unit has visited him in hospital with myself today. The Medical Unit will of course do everything necessary to help in his return to England when that is possible.

The number of English comrades who have joined or are joining the People’s Militia here in Barcelona now seems to be over a dozen. There will of course be others in Madrid’ (29).

I have quoted this report in full to show how detailed it was, yet it did not mention any names of the people who were with Kish. This could not be a matter of security because Nat and Sam were already known to be fighting in Spain. I cannot believe that the correspondent did not know the names of some of the English people referred to in the report. I assumed that the article had been sub-edited to exclude the names of my friends for the same reasons as had been applied ever since they had entered Spain to join the Republican forces. Surely it could not be long before the Daily Worker would report what we had heard from Nat. An editorial appeared in the Daily Worker explaining the position of the USSR and its difficulties regarding its position in Spain because of its commitments under the Franco-Soviet Pact (30). I could not follow all the arguments advanced.

At last, on the 19th September, exactly two months after Nat, Sam and Alec had arrived in Spain, the Daily Worker printed the following report including a photograph of the banner and members of the Tom Mann Centuria. Beneath the photograph was a caption (see photo) ‘English Centuria’. Here is the report in full.

‘A unit of the militia in Barcelona has been named the “Tom Mann‘

English Centuria.

Leader of the centuria is Nat Cohen, member of the Communist Party of Great Britain.

On July 19, the day the rebels started their civil war here, Nat and a push-bike were crossing the Channel for a holiday in France. It was not long before he and his companions were crossing the Pyrenees.

After landing in Majorca, 1,000 men who chose Nat as their delegate were short of food for four days. Battleships four miles out and planes ten thousand feet up reported extraordinary military activity in one of the valleys: this was Nat getting food for his men. He got it.

His unit had light casualties, and captured five machine-guns. This man from Stepney proved to be a natural soldier.

When they came back from Majorca his men went home on two days’ leave. They returned to Barcelona with over 200 new recruits, brought into the militia by their stories of Nat’s leadership’ (31).

I already knew a lot about what Nat had been doing. I had a few letters and photographs relating to his activities in Majorca and the subsequent formation of the ‘Tom Mann Centuria’.

In a book written by William Rust, some time editor of the Daily Worker, published in 1939, it states,

‘.. .the first move to organise a British group of volunteers was initiated by Sam Masters and Nat Cohen, two East London garment workers who were cycling in France at the time of the revolt and immediately hurried across the frontier to Barcelona, where they founded the “Tom Mann Centuria’ which was joined by half-a-dozen other Britishers who began to arrive during the first days of September’ (32). (Britons in Spain, by William Rust, P20.)

This account is not quite correct and leaves out some important facts. The Daily Worker report was a garbled version of what really happened. Nor could | I forget the long, in my view, deliberate delay in reporting the activities of my friends. Firstly, Nat, Sam and Alec (who is not mentioned at all), arrived at the Spanish border on the day the revolt started and must have been among the first foreign volunteers to enter Spain. There were lots of people from many countries who had gathered for the Barcelona Olympiad and were already in Spain. There were other people who had been there for some time.

I don’t know what all these did. I do know that the British team returned home and so did many others including Alec Sheller. Nat and Sam deliberately volunteered to take up arms alongside the Spanish anti-Fascists. Early reports and information which we had a little later show that they were involved in the actual fighting within a couple of weeks after their arrival in Barcelona on the 19th July. Nat told me how the train from the border was held up to get their bikes onto the train, which was due to leave as they crossed into Spain. The reason they were allowed to join the train without a lot of administrative delays was because the bloke in charge was an Anarchist friend who Nat knew from his stay in South America. Nat and Sam parted company in Barcelona, Sam joined the militia fighting north-west of Barcelona. Nat joined the unit which invaded Majorca. The “Tom Mann Centuria’ was formed early in September, some six or seven weeks after the fighting had started. Sam was not with Nat at the time, and had no connection with the ‘Tom Mann Centuria’.

William Rust says nothing about what Nat had been doing before he formed this unit, which was clearly designed to initiate the idea of foreign volunteers fighting under their banners. In fact, this was a clear lead for the formation of an International Brigade, which did not emerge with the approval of the CP leaders until several months later, after a period of hard fighting in which foreign volunteer units took part. Nat could have done what Sam did and join a Spanish unit, as so many others did. That would not be like him. Because he always looked for that kind of initiative which fitted the circumstances, as he saw them. He always looked ahead to how people could be persuaded to act as he thought would be desirable. In my view he was the conscious initiator, in practice, of the idea for the International Brigade, for which he has not been given due credit. Many writers give the impression that it was the work of some great leader of the Party which made this great movement possible. Rust had this to say:

‘ _.The idea of the International Brigade arose spontaneously in the minds of men who, up to July 1936 were engaged in peaceful pursuits and were probably taking little interest in the affairs of Spain. Few of them had ever contemplated fighting for principles and ideals’ (33).

This is only partly true. Spontaneous response, yes, but there are those like Nat and Sam who had known what it is to fight for principles and ideals.

There are always people who know how to respond spontaneously, but that is not divorced from previous experience. What I am saying is, that it does not require either so-called inspired leaders of political parties or so-called completely ignorant workers to respond in some mysterious way, spontaneously.

Rank-and-file workers who reflect what is felt by many others, emerge during the course of struggles, and, like Nat and Sam, are seldom given credit for the important role they play as real, natural, healthy leaders by example.

Anyhow, Nat’s great work was reported in the Daily Worker and the knowledge was no longer confined to a few of his friends in East London. I’m sure he was making his presence felt wherever he happened to be. I continued to hear from him and others had heard from Sam, and we were very proud of them. Lots of people outside Stepney who were involved in the fight for anti-Fascism, still did not know about Nat and Sam in any great detail. The Daily Worker did not report anything about them for some time. Many books have been written about the International Brigade which do not refer to Nat or the ‘Tom Mann Centuria’ in any way. One book by Tom Wintringham, who must have known about this and other matters, does not mention Nat. He does refer to Sam Masters who he says he met at Huesca in connection with the ‘Thaelman Centuria’ (34).

Meanwhile we at home were preparing for yet another march to Hyde Park and the ‘Left Book Club’ was gaining ground, attracting wider interest to ‘Left’ politics (35). More ‘urgent and private’ Stepney CP branch meetings were convened. The advert for one said, ‘Admission by Party Card or circular. Two District Party Committee members to lead important discussion’ (36). These meetings are what Phil Piratin in his book, Our flag stays red, page 18, was referring to when he spoke of ‘verbal battlefields’. In Spain all able-bodied persons were called to the front in defence of Madrid.

Daily Worker reports read, “ ‘Critical hour coming’, say leaders in an appeal to the Spanish people. The Secretariat of the CPGB call for greater effort (37). Herbert Morrison again attacked ‘neutrality’ ’’. “Must Fascism be allowed to conquer in Spain?” asked John Strachey (38). A National March of unemployed was on the way to London. From far away Aberdeen and other places, seven columns in all were converging (39). ‘The enemy is almost at the gates of Madrid!’ British Labour had hardly moved, said the Daily Worker. There was no mention of the “Tom Mann Centuria’ (40). Frank Pitcairn was back from Spain for a few days, writing about his work as Daily Worker correspondent (41).

The Stepney Peace Council held a meeting in the St George’s Town Hall with CP and Labour Party speakers (42). The headlines read, ‘Toledo falls’.

Big Fascist advances were being reported (43). Women were trampled on, many injured at a Blackshirt rally in Leeds. The Fascists were diverted from marching past the Jewish quarter. There was massive police protection for the Blackshirts (44). Food for the Spanish people was arriving from the Soviet Union (45) and September came to a close.

Notes

1. DW, 24.83.1936.
2. DW, 25.8.1936.
3. Ibid.
4. DW, 26.8.1936.
5. Ibid.
6. DW, 27.8.5936.
7. DW, 28.8.1936.
8. DW, 29.8.1936.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid.
11. DW, 31.8.1936.
12. DW, 1.9.1936.
13. Ibid.
14. DW, 2-3.9.1936.
15. DW, 3-4.9.1936.
16. DW, 3.9.1936.
17. DW, 4.9.1936.
18. DW, 5.9.1936.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid.
22. DW, 79.1936.
23. Announced DW, 5.9.1936.
24. DW, 10.9.1936.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid.
27. DW, 11.9.1936.
28. Ibid.
29. DW, $2.9.1936.
30. DW, 16.9.1936.
31. DW, 19.9.1936.
32. William Rust, Britons in Spain, p 20.
33. Ibid, p 4.
34. Tom Wintsingham, British Captain.
35. DW, 19.9.1936.
36, DW, 22.9.1936.
37. DW, 24.9.1936.
38. Ibid.
39. DW, 25.9.1936.
40. (bid.
41. DW, 26.9.1936.
42. Ibid.
43. DW, 29.9.1936.
44. Ibid.
45. DW, 30.9.1936.