10. Three Tailors from Stepney in Spain

The 23rd July 1936 saw a radical change in emphasis in the presentation of the news from Spain. The front page headline read,— Eye witness story of Barcelona—Frank Pitcairn—Special correspondent (1). There was as yet no major call for solidarity action from the Party, certainly not from the Daily Worker. The same issue carried a report of the abandonment of the Barcelona Olympiad. ‘British team all safe’ Message from Spain, ‘Everything O.K. Notify parents. Situation well in hand. Don’t worry.’ ‘Members of team are in splendid spirits, and are reported to have left Barcelona by steamer for Marseilles last night,’ said the report. We wondered what had happened to our friends, Nat, Sam and Alec. Had they reached Spain? Were they on their way home? Pearl and I had to make a quick decision. The pressure was mounting.

Could we go ahead with our plans for the holiday? The next couple of days made it only too clear that there would be no holiday that year. The Stepney CP branch met to discuss the situation, which I thought was not being taken as seriously as it merited (2). The Daily Worker headline for July 24th read ‘Fascists face failure’. Kay Beauchamp, a leading party member, had just returned from Spain, and Frank Pitcairn was reporting directly as the D.W. special correspondent (3).

Judging by the large headline in the DW on the 25th, decisions from the Executive Committee of the Party had, at last, been made and the Party line was to be presented. Really big headlines now. No messing. ‘All into action now!’ ‘Defend Spanish Republic’ (4). This was no small revolt of army officers, but a full scale, well prepared armed fascist attack on the Spanish Popular Front including the government and workers’ organisation. There was a stirring call from Harry Pollitt to ‘Rally all support possible for the Spanish Republic’ and to meet at Trafalgar Square on Sunday 26th (5). Pollitt and others were to speak. A big meeting was called at the Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street, with speakers from the Liberal, Labour and Communist parties.

No more than one or two days’ notice was needed to fill this or any other hall, where the events in Spain were being discussed. There were meetings going on all over the place. (6)

The British sports delegation to Barcelona had returned home by the 26th (7). There was still no news from Nat, Sam and Alec. I went to see their parents and families, wondering if they had heard anything. There had, been no message from any of them. Knowing Nat Cohen, I was sure he had reached Spain by the 19th as arranged, so I could only conclude that he and the others were in Spain when the fighting started. We would have to wait for news.

Those interested in coming to the aid of the Spanish Republic had issued a call for a massive turn-out on August 1st, to meet in Hyde Park (8). An appeal for funds was responded to immediately. Large donations came from the official Trade Union and Labour movement. The Daily Express and other right-wing newspapers made no bones about where they stood. A report as early as July 23rd, said rather gleefully, ‘It looks as though the rebels are going to win in Spain’ (9). I’d never seen the Daily Express in support of ‘rebels’ before. It seems that it was alright for anti-working class forces to make an armed rebellion against a legally constituted government, but not for working class and progressive left-wing forces. They reacted right away to the efforts of the supporters of the Spanish Republic, by declaring in an editorial, that the British would be better advised to give their money for causes nearer home, e.g. the unemployed (10). It seems the Daily Express had also suddenly become concerned about the plight of the unemployed. Where was this concern before the people in Britain began to show their support for the Spanish Popular Front?

Once again, this was a time for taking sides, standing up, ready to be counted. It was becoming easier to see who were your friends and who were enemies. If I had not known before about the pressure of being active in the movement, I was to learn in the next few months, how really hectic things could become. What with the unemployed, Mosley and all the rest, we now had Spain, which was to play such an important part in the history of this century. It was a good job my annual holiday came at the beginning of August, because I don’t know how I would have been able to continue working during those two weeks. The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War demanded all our attention during the first few weeks and a lot of our time for some time to come. I did not have to worry about any domestic matters; my mum continued to look after me. Pearl was always there. So was her family. I hadn’t seen my sister Debbie for some time, and as for my brother Hymie, it must have been all of eighteen months since I had seen him. I did see my young nieces on Saturday mornings, when they visited their grandma. That is all I can remember of my personal life at this time.

As early as August 1st., there were reports of German and Italian bombers going to the assistance of the ‘rebels’ in Spain. The Communist Party through the DW, under the heading, ‘What to do’. said, ‘We cannot be content with opening a fund to assist the fight of Republican Spain.’ (11) It called for protest demonstrations and meetings in unity with democratic forces here in Britain and throughout the world. At the same time there were demonstrations against the new Means Test regulations. This issue was linked to what was going on in Spain, as part of the struggle of workers in all lands. There was as yet no call for volunteers to actually go to Spain, despite the direct intervention of open sympathisers on Franco’s side.

The French government made what I thought was a strange initiative for a ‘left-wing’ body. It appealed to the principal governments concerned, for the rapid adoption and rigid observance of a common programme of non-intervention in the Spanish Civil War (12).

The ‘Real’ Berlin Olympics were in full swing. We organised a demonstration to the Italian embassy to protest against Fascist intervention in Spain (13). The DW printed an article by Karl Radek from Moscow, headed ‘Germany and Italy plotting war’ (14). British volunteers were flying planes sold to Franco by British aircraft firms (15).

Unemployment figures published by the government stood at 1,652,072. A drop of over 50,000 from the figures given on June 22nd, six weeks earlier. The growing war threat was beginning to alter the domestic scene in East London, as in other places (16).

The day the unemployment figures were published in the DW and elsewhere, only the Daily Express reported the news I was waiting for. Alongside a report from its correspondent about current events in Spain, on page two there was a four inch column in heavy print, headed ‘Three Tailors from Stepney Turn “Soldiers” ’ It went on:

‘Nathaniel Cohen, thirty-one-year-old British Communist deported from Buenos Aires, has joined the Government forces in Barcelona with two other Londoners, S. Masters and A. Sheller.

All three live in Stepney. They left England together in July on a cycling tour—were discovered in Barcelona by Daily Express Staff Reporter Sidney Smith.

They told him that while in southern France they heard of the Spanish trouble and crossed the border.

The three men are tailors. Four years ago Cohen arrived in England abroad the Argentine ship Chaco with other political agitators; was landed near Gravesend. See Opinion—Page Hight.’ (17)

This report was used to provide the Daily Express Editorial writers with an opportunity to state its position on Spain. They immediately saw what was implied in the action of my friends. As things turned out it was a very significant initiative. Here is that editorial headed ‘Opinion’.

The Bull Ring

‘If Spain wants revolution and counter-revolution, street murder and firing squads, we cannot stop them.

If Spaniard must slay Spaniard before Spain can get the government she deserves, it is a terrible business, but it is Spain’s business. Civil War must have an end some day. But history teaches that the longest, bloodiest and least decisive of all civil wars—and therefore the start of others—are those that are backed by foreign interventionists. So keep out of the Spanish Bull Ring.

A British Policy

Three voices there are in Britain giving advice to the British people about Spain.

Part of the press favour the rebels. Their Spanish policy is to help the militarists, clericals, and semi-Fascists who compose the Spanish “‘Right”’.

Another section of our newspapers want this country to confer its benefactions on the Madrid Government. Their Spanish policy is to demand aid for the Radicals, Socialists, Syndicalists and Communists who represent the “Left”’.

The policy of the Daily Express is not Spanish, neither “Left” nor “Right”, but British, both ways and in the middle too. The Daily Express advises that in no circumstances whatever should this country allow itself to be drawn into the quarrel.

Tinker, Tailor

Did you ever hear the old song “‘A trader sailed from Stepney Town’”? It told a tale of buccaneering in the blood-and-thunder days on the Spanish Main.

Well, now here’s a new song for some one to write called “Three tailors cycled from Stepney Town.” They’ve gone buccaneering too—on the Spanish mainland.

The three tailors, Communist in sympathy, mounted their bicycles and sped to Spain to join the Red forces and have a go at the army chiefs there.

If the soldiers and their friends should capture them and put them against the wall, the ‘“‘Left’’ Press here will bawl for British battleships to bring them home. And bawl, let us hope, in vain.

Guerrilla War

On the other side it is said that airplanes brought in Britain are being flown to the rebel camp.

If these machines are shot down by Government guns, or if the pilots fall into the hands of the guerrilla bands fighting alongside the Government troops, then we shall get a cry from the “‘Right” to avenge these British dead.

And it will be a powerful cry, commanding considerable sympathy. For what the Spanish guerrillas did to the prisoners they took from Napoleon would make the Abyssinians blush (18).

The rest of this scurrilous ‘impartial’ editorial was devoted to referring to historical ‘incidents’ and appealing to its readers to avoid becoming involved in the events unfolding in Spain.

On the same day the DW had reports from George Elvin and Reg Underhill, assistant manager of the British sports team, as eye witnesses of events in Spain. Page three also had a full report from Maurice Thorez on the results of the Popular Front in France. This was a reference to the Daily Herald report of differences in the Communist Party and with other sections of the Popular Front, circulating in France. Thorez said,

‘The communists of France, faithful to their doctrines, their programme and their ideas consented to a compromise on a programme which was voluntarily limited to enable the Radical Party and all Republicans to accept and defend it. . . We have the firm conviction that the carrying out in its entirety of the Popular Front programme will. enable the Republican majority of the Chamber to go back to the people with honour at the end of the term.

If the policy of the Popular Front had no other result than to prevent the advent of Fascism in France, this in our eyes would have been sufficient reason for it.’

Dealing with the success of the stay-in strikes in France, Thorez then declared,

‘it is now our role to see that the working class does not isolate itself from its allies, and when we said we must know how to end strikes, they showed their confidence in us. Revolutionary workers understood when we pointed out that when they had obtained their main demands it was necessary to resume work, for otherwise we could have risked compromising the future of the Popular Front. We replied to Marceau Pivert (extreme Left Socialist), when he said everything is possible, “No, everything is not possible yet.”

According to the DW this speech was greeted with tremendous applause, and the Daily Herald’s report of ‘grumbling’ among French Communists looked more like the ‘wish being father to the thought’. The article added ‘in order to fulfil its wish the Daily Herald does not hesitate even to give false reports.’ The report went on to explain more of the French Communist Party line in relation to the Popular Front (19). I for one was not very pleased with the explanations.

I looked in vain, in this issue of the DW, for some reference to my friends who had decided to join the Spanish Republican forces. I did not understand all that was going on. There could be no doubt about the need to step up our efforts to support the Spanish Republic. Indeed it looked like this fight would in fact be for a workers’ revolution over all the forces of reaction in Spain. There were others beginning to think so, not only in the ranks of our supporters but on the side of Franco and his allies throughout the world.

It was difficult to keep up with all the reports in the press from Spain, in addition to the activities of those for or against, in almost every part of the world. Once again people were being olbiged to take sides in a way which became more manifest: The DW for August 6th, devoted a whole page to an article by Harry Pollitt. It put two phrases from the article into special spaces to emphasise them.—‘No neutrality! All those people in Britain who accept democracy should understand that the Spanish people are giving their blood and their all in its defence. . .’ and ‘Their aim is not Soviets but defence of democracy. (20) This made the Party Line as decided by the leaders, quite clear. I don’t recall any discussion or consultation with the membership about the political issues posed by the Spanish struggle. We had become accustomed to accepting the Party Line from the leaders as a matter of necessity for a disciplined Vanguard of the working class. This attitude still exists in most forms of political organisations. There is a charade of so-called political democracy operating which is rarely able to oppose the entrenched leadership effectively.

For several days I looked for some reference to my friends, Nat, Sam and Alec, in the columns of the DW. Surely something would be said after that report in the Daily Express. Despite world-wide protest and demonstrations the German and Italian Governments continued to help the revolt against the Spanish Republican Government. This was aided by all sorts of moral and practical assistance from the right-wing forces as was clear from the attitude of the British press in particular. Reports in the DW were inclined to give the impression that the Republican forces were gaining over the efforts of Franco and his allies. I had no reason to think otherwise. On our side protest and demonstration was beginning to be combined with more practical forms of aid. The Co-op launched a campaign to send a food ship to Spain. Ideas for medical aid units to be sent to the fighting forces were being suggested (21).

The idea for the International Brigade was still a long way off. Yet at that very moment my comrade Nat Cohen was already thinking and putting into practice just such a proposal. I had no knowledge of what he was doing at that time and I did not see the full significance of the spontaneous action of my friends’ decision to join the workers’ fight in Spain. The fact that the DW did not mention them, did not help me to understand their actions in a way which should be encouraged.

Back home, the Blackshirts were stepping up their activities in East London. There were open threats to kill Jews. Street corner meetings were becoming occasions for fights between Fascists and police against antifascists.

At the same time Ribbentrop was appointed German Ambassador to London (22). The Spanish Medical Aid Committee held a meeting at ‘Friends House’ on August 10th, to support the sending of the first British Medical Unit to Spain (23). Among the speakers were, Dr Christopher Addison, George Lansbudy, Ben Tillett, Hannan Swaffer, Ellen Wilkinson, Viscount Churchill and our CP representative, Isobel Brown. The Popular Front idea seemed to be catching on here in Britain. At our local branch meeting we had a representative of the District Committee to open a discussion on the situation in Spain (24). I don’t remember what was said, but I took this opportunity to enquire, privately, why there was no mention of Sam, Nat and

Alec in the DW, when there was so much talk about them in our locality.

The District reps didn’t seem to know and would not commit themselves by way of a personal opinion. A day or two later there was a report from Monica Felton ‘. . . who left in the last British warship to take off British subjects.’ The article was headed ‘Revolt in Majorca.’ It described the Fascist attempt to take over the island. (25) Alec Sheller was on the way home!

At the same time I received my first letter from Nat Cohen. He had joined a large number of the Spanish Militia to invade the Balearic Islands to deal with the revolt which Monica Felton had reported. Sam Masters had joined another unit of Workers Militia fighting in Northern Spain, South-West of Barcelona. Nat wasn’t quite sure exactly where at the time. Nat had already met a young Spanish woman, Ramona, who was fighting in the same unit. He included a picture of part of this group after they had landed on Mallorca (see photograph). Knowing Nat I could hardly believe he had failed to report what he was doing to the Party here in London. Yet there were no reports of his activities or of Sam and Alec. In the East End there was a great deal of interest in my friends who had so many other friends and acquaintances there as well as their families too. When I spoke to members of the District Committee about all this, I felt the response was not altogether one of approval of Nat’s actions. There were not ready to approve, while at the same time they did not come out openly against it.I thought this partially explained why the DW had remained silent about this interesting matter. This was not the first time I had experienced hostility to Nat’s ideas and activities on the part of our leaders. I still regarded the reports I was getting as interesting if nothing more. The idea that this was the beginning, in practice, of the International Brigade, did not dawn on me until a few weeks later when I began to get fuller reports from Nat.

Harry Pollitt made a stirring appeal in the columns of the DW declaring, ‘Neutrality is Treason.’ The whole front page, on Saturday, August 15th, was devoted to reports of British aid to the Spanish rebels by supply of airplanes and other war materials backed by lying press reports from Spain. There was a call for more action by British people in support of the Spanish Republic (26).

On the home front there was to be an all London demonstration to Trafalgar Square against the National Government’s Means Test for the unemployed (27). Some tailors working for a large clothing firm, McCombie Bros, were on strike after the sacking of a shop-steward. Conditions in this firm had become unbearable as a result of the firm’s anti-trade union attitude (28). As if all that was going on was not already difficult enough to understand and cope with, another startling headline apperaed in the DW.

‘Moscow Trial —Zinoviev and Kamenev.’ The editorial said,

‘The revelation of the terrorist plot to assassinate the Soviet leaders, a plot instigated by Trotsky and engineered in its details by Zinoviev and Kamenev and others will fill all decent citizens with loathing and hatred.

These people long ago deserted every Socialist principle, they worked increasingly to retard, hinder and destroy Soviet culture, they conspired to murder Serge Kirov a Bolshevik leader beloved of the whole country.

They accepted political responsibility for the murder, adjured their own view and deeds at their trial only in order to cover up the actual machinery of their murder organisation.’

The crowing infamy of all was the evidence showing how they were linked up with the Nazi Secret Police, which provided false passports for their agents.

‘So they stand revealed, tools of the world Fascist attack.’ (29) What to think of all this? I was confused and mystified.

The support for Spain in Britain had resulted in sufficient funds to equip a Field Hospital. Even the unemployed were contributing their coppers to help (30). There were clenched fists from George Lansbury and others on the platform in Trafalgar Square at a meeting organised by the National Council of Labour, the London Trades Council, and the Co-ops and supported by the Communist Party (31). Unity of all anti-Fascists seemed to be growing at last.

Quicker than many of us could have hoped for only a short while ago. The French Government’s proposals for neutrality in the Spanish civil war, had me guessing. I could not understand this position in view of the massive support and strength of the French Communist Party and the Popular Front.

Some explanation seemed to be hidden behind the idea that somehow or other governments could support neutrality and this would condemn German and Italian intervention on Franco’s side and make it. more difficult for them to operate. What a hope! Hitler and Mussolini were pouring their murder weapons as well as personnel into Spain while the so-called democracies were trying to agree on proposals for operating a policy of ‘neutrality’. Almost by instinct ordinary workers could see that being neutral only helped the Fascists.

In practice, Nat and Sam among many were beginning to show that there was another answer to the intervention of Mussolini and Hitler. Did the position of the French Government supported by the French Communist Party, have anything to do with the attitude of the British Communist Party towards Nat Cohen and Sam Masters, at this time? I didn’t know. I was a bit puzzled. Things did not stay like this long enough to cause me to continue my contemplation along these lines. Support for what Nat and Sam were doing was on the way.

Reports from Moscow said, ‘Zinoviev admits Stalin murder plot. Admits working with Gestapo and Trotsky.’ Incredible! But there you are, these were confessions made in open court and reported to the whole world. It must be true. That’s how I felt at the time. It would all become clearer in time. As we prepared for yet another demonstration in Hyde Park, to be addressed by Harry Pollitt, I reflected it was now over one month since I had said goodbye to Nat, Sam and Alex when they left for their holiday in Spain. “Trotsky was our leader’ So said Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin, Sokolnikov, Rykov and Tomsky, at the Moscow trial. They had formed a terrorist bloc in 1932.

Radek and Rakovsky after recanting their Trotskyist views were both reinstated in the Party and called for the death sentence on their former comrades.

Tomsky had committed suicide according to reports. (33) Such behaviour from so many. old Bolsheviks who played such leading parts in the Russian Revolution didn’t seem to add up. Press hostility to the Soviet Union made the most of these trials and persuaded me that above all, I could not be on their side.

Stalin must be correct. There was a world wide conspiracy led by the Fascist and other imperialist powers to smash the workers state in Russia.

This was consistent with a policy of ‘burrowing from within’ which led to the corruption of some weak elements led by Trotsky, a sworn enemy of Stalin, to co-operate for the overthrow of Stalin and the Communist Party. The Soviet Union was the only major country actively supplying arms and food to the Spanish Government against the Fascists. How could one separate these things from what was being enacted at the trials? Whatever the doubts, I could not see how I could do anything but continue my political activity as a loyal member of the Communist Party. The alternative as I saw it, was to be in the enemy’s camp, whether I liked it or not.

Notes

1. DW, 23.7.1936.
2. DW, 24.7.1936.
3. Ibid.
4. DW, 25.7.1936.
5. Ibid.
6. DW, 27.7.1936.
7. Ibid.
8. DW, 31.7.1936.
9. Daily Express, 23.7.1936.
10. Ibid.
11. DW, 1.8.1936.
12. DW, 3.8.1936.
13. Ibid.
14. DW, 4.8.1936.
15. DW, 5.8.1936,
16. Ibid.
17. Daily Express, §.8.1936.
18. Ibid.
19. DW, 5.8.1936.
20. DW, 6.8.1936.
‘21. DW, 10.8.1936.
22. DW, 12.8.1936.
23. DW, 13.8.1936.
24. Ibid.
25. DW, 14.8.1936.
26. DW, 15.8.1936.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid.
29. DW, 17.8.1936.
30. Ibid.
31. (bid.
32. DW, 20.8.1936.
33. DW, 21.8.1936