Nation-wide protests indicate that the decade-long despotism of General Pinochet may soon come to an end. Pinochet came to power in 1973 with the support of Chile’s business class, the multinational corporations and the U.S. State Department culminating several years of right-wing mobilizations. The coup was a response to the "Peaceful Road to Socialism” trumpeted by the par- ties of the Popular Unity Coalition as well as to the more direct actions by workers and campesinos, such as land and factory takeovers. Such actions posed an alternative that threatened capitalist rule and were often opposed by the Popular Unity parties as well. When the mass movement was finally faced with the immediate threat of violence from the armed bodies of the Chilean state, 300,000 people rallied to demand that Allende’s Popular Unity government distribute arms — a demand that the government rejected. (The character of the popular movement in Chile in the early 1970s is analyzed in the pamphlet Strange Defeat, which we are re-printing in this issue of No Middle Ground.)

Pinochet's economic policies followed closely the “monetarist” philosophy of Milton Friedman, which included privatizing economic sectors formerly in the state domain, lowering subsidies and tariffs, and further reliance on the international “free market.“ This policy worked for a while, as the Gross National Product grew by over 7% each year in the late '70s.

In the last two years the economic situation has turned upside down: last year Chile's unemployment doubled, the GNP fell by 13%, the National Bank has had to assume the debt of several major firms, the foreign debt has risen to $18 billion. Chile's fiscal crisis, and the anti-working class policies of the fascist rulers, have brought an end to universal education and social security. (The regime’s policies these areas are discussed in the article “Dictatorship on shaky ground,” by the Grupo Pedro Nolasco Arratia, in this issue.)

Of course, Chile is not the only country suffering from the current state of world capitalism. The world recession has led to a copper glut — reducing Chile’s revenue. As markets contract, nations and companies find it harder to pay their debts.

The Chilean government’s police state policies haven’t changed over the course of the last several years. The leftist and Catholic opposition to these practices have, until recently, not been sufficient to mount nationwide strikes or protests. The impossibility of movement-building under the eyes of Pinochet’s National Intelligence force, his ability to ‘‘disappear”” dissidents or torture them, have prevented the opposition from mounting a serious threat to the regime for almost ten years.

I am not an economic determinist, but the recent history of Chile points to the world depression as the factor that has provoked the recent protests and unified the currents of opposition.

One pole of opposition is the neighborhood command centers, local groups operating out of meeting places provided by the church. These are centers of communication and medical relief during the pro- tests, especially in the shantytowns. They operate independently of the political party system and include those who advocate direct action as well as those seeking negotiations.

Chile’s parties have been prominent actors in the current protests. The Christian Democrats have moved from their ten-year stand of “loyal opposition” to one of demanding Pinochet’s resignation in speechs and at rallies, though they have been willing to meet with the government to negotiate for concessions that will help them gain a first foot in the door of the “soon to be opened” national assembly. Even some elements of the military are reported to lean towards a Christian Democratic solution to current discontents.

The Christian Democrats have been the prominent force in the Democratic Alliance — a coalition of conservative and liberal parties, but not including the Communists and major fragments of the Socialist Party. The Democratic Alliance is given credit in the international press for organizing the protests of the last several months. One problem with this explanation is that in September many parts of Santiago were barricaded by burning tires. Marches, meetings and sabotage occurred for more than four days running. Santiago University was also held for three days by students. (See the “Chronology of recent events” for a description of the protest events of the last several months.)

The leftist advocates of a guerrilla strategy, such as the MIR, have very little following though they claim credit for attacks on employment offices and power facilties.

Anarchists or libertarian socialists have also been involved in recent organizing; the article ‘‘Re-emergence of Anarchism,” describes the stance taken by a recently-formed libertarian association, Socialist Ideas and Action (PAS).

At this point, most of the population appears to support the strategy of nation-wide civil disobedience and hopes that a social transition to a freer society will take place with a minimum of additional deaths.

Whether a ““non”-civil war develops very likely depends on the support Pinochet can muster from foreign capitalist institutions — financial and military. The French have been supplying weapons to Pinochet's “forces of order,” and this year the U.S. lifted its ban on military assistance to Chile — a ban put into place in 1978 as part of the Carter administration's token campaign against human rights abuses.

Jan. 15: The Chilean government took control of the nation’s largest banks at the behest of the International Monetary Fund’s austerity program. Chile is scheduled to pay $3.5 billion dollars on its loans this year.

Mar. 26: Riots and demonstrations occurred in four cities. The military was called out against the population for the first time since 1974.

May 8: A general strike and plant occupation by the National Union Command, a confederation of Chile’s largest unions, was called off because Pinochet sent tanks and troops to three of the largest mines and threatened to “invade” any occupied facilities. Instead, the Union Command sponsored the first national day of protest on May 11th.

May 11: 70% of the nation’s students boycotted classes. Motorists blocked business-related and military traffic by packing the streets with automobiles. Marches and rallies of sev-eral thousands occurred. Demonstrations by lawyers led to beatings in the national courthouse.

May 14: Soldiers seized about 2000 people in pre-dawn raids on two areas that had shown resistance on May 11th. The detained were held in soccer stadiums. About 200 union militants were arrested, and striking miners were fired.

June 10: At least 550 miners were fired, 350 arrested and three killed in strike actions at the El Salvador copper mine, Chile’s third largest. The El Salvador and Chuquicamata copper mines were put under direct military occupation.

June 11: Hundreds of thousands march in the second national day of protest. Shantytowns in major cities throughout Chile were barricaded with piles of burning tires and trash. Clashes between rock- and glass- throwing protesters and tear gas-, water canon- and rifle-firing “forces of order” led to 1300 arrests, many injuries and several deaths. Students held campuses, particularly the University of Santiago for three days. When they marched off campus, the police attacked with clubs and drove them back. To protest human rights violations, the Pinochet’s constitution was ignominiously burned outside the supreme court before hundreds of demonstrators. Several city buses were destroyed by fire. Bombs exploded at seven electric power facilities.

June 20: Union leaders and the communist Party disavow the violence which they claim is due to “splinter groups” outside their control.

July 12: The junta arrest Gabriel Valdez, and other leaders of the Democratic Alliance — a coalition dominated by the Christian Democrats — for organizing the third national day of protest. Lawyers throw small change at government prosecutors in the national courthouse, protesting detention and arrest proceedings.

Aug. 12: As street demonstrations continued for the third straight day, the commander of the Air Force — Fernando Matthei, a member of the junta — publically questioned the government's account of the violence and informed Pinochet that the air force would not participate in further repression. In late August, Brigadier General Carol Urzoa Iban—the military governor of Santiago — is assasinated.

Sept. 3: Rodomiro Tomic—a christian Democratic leader—said that if Pinochet would reach minimal agreement with the people, the protests would be unnecessary.

Sept. 8: 6000 people formed the funeral procession for Migúel Angel Zavala, a bus driver killed at a demonstration. 30,000 people lined the streets. The march, led by clergy and members of the Chilean Human Rights Commission, was stormed by police after it had entered the municipal cemetery. Gabriel Valdez announced that any further dialogue with the junta was inconceivable.

Sept. 13: The fourth straight day of protests included maintaining the barricades of burning tires to block military/police related traffic, marching, pot-banging, throwing rocks at cops, and assembling, through most of the night. Approximately 36,000 people were involved in La Leguna along, one Santiago shantytown.

Oct. 5: A protest of 10,000 students and miners in Santiago, called to support out-of-work miners, burned an effigy of Pinochet. Riot police fired buckshot and tear gas when the crowd tried to march on the national palace with the slogan “Enough of crime and torture.”

As an entirely new experimental model, Chile is now suffering the consequences of economic policies which have led to the destruction of the country's productive potential. In its aim of putting all production in the hands of private capital, the dictatorship has forgotten that industrialization in Chile has always been promoted by the State, which has historically provided technical and economic support to the most productive enterprises.

Having destroyed the social movement by outlawing the CUT1 and imprisoning or disappearing its leaders, the dictatorship imposed by decree a new work code that dissolved the unions. Moreover, the dictatorship has drawn up a new "constitution" with the intention of developing an entire socio-political system that destroys social security for Chilean workers.

Throughout the Chilean dictatorship, there exist certain elements permitting us to understand that the ideologues behind Pinochet possess a fragmented intelligence, thereby contributing to the atomization of Chilean society.

The regime has skillfully imposed a reform of the educational structure. The Ministry of Education's functions have been relegated to the municipalities. Control of 5,156 scholastic establishments has passed to the municipal administrations.

In the municipalities, an infrastructure for providing medical aid to the poor was created. In keeping with the U.S. model, all social services were transferred to the private sector. The system of free medical aid is run by young doctors who are leading mouthpieces for Pinochet.

Employment agencies also exist in the municipalities. In each community, an infrastructure has been constructed that permits the regime and its apparatus to develop and control an entire complex of activities. These are: the Bureau of Women, the Bureau of Youth, the Bureau of Corporations, etc., all of which function at the community level. This typical proselytism of military regimes has functioned perfectly in Chile.

A new union organization has denounced this state of affairs in its documents: "The regime needs this community work to consolidate its power at the base; considering that after this `transitional period,' a Parliament will be formed, along with political parties serving the regime. The young lackeys and official political activists who control the community work will be the future candidates of Pinochet's party. Consequently, the advance of the regime's power and of the capitalist system becomes more and more dangerous every day...

"Confronted with this new reality from which our people suffer, neither political parties nor traditional union structures have responded coherently or shown a capability of unifying Chileans to change their oppressive situation of domination."

The traditional opposition to the right includes the Christian Democrats, the Socialist Party, the Communist Party, and the remaining armed-struggle advocates of the MIR [Left Revolutionary Movement].

But it is certain that the Pinochet regime does not fear the opposition of political parties as much as it fears rank-and-file movements, as was evident after the demonstration of May 11th.

In effect, repression is always exerted on the poorest sectors, the marginals, and the representatives of independent unions. Political parties are not serious rivals to Pinochet's dictatorship.

This article was excerpted from an article by the Pedro Nolasco Arratia Group (a group of Chilean libertarian workers in exile) which appeared in Le Monde Libertaire, June 16, 1983.

• 1Libcome note: Following the military coup on September 11, 1973, General Augusto Pinochet's regime outlawed the Central Única de Trabajadores (CUT), the country's primary trade union federation, as part of a sweeping suppression of leftist organizations and labor rights.

It's encouraging to realize that the anarchist movement is reborn, even in Chile, where a U.S.-backed military coup and dictatorship had seemed to have completely obliterated it, along with everything else. Yet, in spite of the pitiless, on-going repression, accompanied by deep economic depression--for which the military authorities are, to a large extent, to blame--Chilean anarchists have begun to organize together.

In 1979, a new federation of various anarchist tendencies was founded. It goes by the name Socialist ideas and Action (PAS). Here, long-time anarchist militants were joined by libertarian socialists who, during the presidency of Allende (1970-73), had been independents in the Unidad Popular coalition and later members of the socialist party called MAPU. Immediately following the economic and military destruction of the Chilean revolution and reform government, the socialist movement completely collapsed and broke down into various factions. Some of these factions, having experienced the break-up of the Unidad Popular and their inability to organize effective resistance to the dictatorship in the years immediately following the coup, decided to unite with the PAS.

In July '82, at a national conference, held in Santiago, the PAS worked out a "Declaration of Principles" which clearly addressed libertarian themes. They declared their goal to be "the destruction of the capitalist State and the abolition of capitalism's mass misery through the creation of a new social order based on the free federation of the people for mutual aid and cooperation in the production of social wealth, its collective distribution and egalitarian consumption, and its public control."

The PAS remained flexible as to strategies and tactics. They left it open how and where to intervene or propagandize. They also made clear that no individual who doesn't agree with an action decided to by a majority would be required to participate. In the section of their declaration entitled "International Experiences of Revolutionary Unionism," the PAS proclaimed the necessity of a break "with the political bullshit of bourgeois democracy," as well as "with the crap of the traditional, bureaucratically-structured unionism." The PAS defines their own unionist strategy as "collective action; on-going, critical analysis of real social development; direct action, which requires each person to be a responsible activist in struggle; the continual oversight and immediate recallability of all brothers and sisters who take on leading roles in elective bodies."

Given the existing conditions, Chilean anarchists are forced to carry out an underground struggle. And the requirements of this struggle have imposed on them the "choice" of a secure type of organization. Collective decision-making takes absolute precedence over spontaneous actions by individuals. None of the PAS militants can permit themselves the luxury of individual political initiatives, which may endanger the safety of the other members.

In a document worked out in Nov. '82, the PAS analysed the current situation of the Pinochet regime. They concluded that the junta has marched to a crossroads. They must either accept bourgeois democracy and a new capitalist social consensus or else heighten the potential for a new Chilean revolution by continuing on the road of intensified oppression and exploitation. Without pretending to have a crystal ball, the PAS militants feel that an attempt at re-establishing bourgeois democracy is most likely. Even if this direction is taken by the junta and the bourgeoisie, it will not undermine the movement to destroy capitalism. The PAS feels that it may simply lead to a greater explosion, as the revolutionary movement re-emerges into the open, as the flame hits fresh air.

The PAS is decidedly opposed to all so-called "democratic" politicians, who would make deals with the junta while they ride on the backs of the people.

The PAS appeals for the further development of the autonomy of the people in their unions and neighborhood groups, in the struggle against the junta.

"No to Fascism! No to Phony Bourgeois Solutions! Strengthen the Popular Organizations! The people must organize themselves to fight for a socialist, revolutionary and free Chile!"

1909: The Gran Federacion Obrera de Chile (GFOC) is formed in September by the more conservative labor groups to bring together the workers' cooperatives. Cooperativism is strong in Chile at this time, with 55,000 people in 433 workers' co-ops.

1917: At the GFOC congress of 1917, a more revolutionary tendency becomes dominant, replacing the more conservative faction, and the name of the organization is shortened to Chilean Workers Federation (FOCH). Their goal was the complete abolition of capitalism and its replacement by the workers' union federation, which would control industry.

1922: The first serious effort at direct manipulation of the workers' movement by political parties occurs. A delegation headed by Luis Emilio Recabarren appears at the 2nd National Congress of the FOCH. Recabarren has just returned from the USSR and announces his intention to form a Chilean Communist Party. FOCH abandons its federalist organizational practice in favor of centralism. The domination of CP politics alienates libertarian, syndicalist or social-democratic unionists, leading to a split in 1925.

1919: The Chilean IWW is founded as an anarcho-syndicalist workers organization in Valparaiso and spread rapidly throughout the country. The IWW espouses, as its tactic, direct action, and, as its objective, abolition of wage-labor and direct control of production by the workers.

1920: Arturo Alessandri Palma is elected president and responds to worker activism by propagating a "corporatist" work code, inspired by Benito Mussolini, which aims at control of the working class.

1924: A coup d'etat takes place. At first only the IWW opposes the new regime. But a new wave of repression hits the workers' movement, with massacres, imprisonment, tortures.

1927: A new military regime comes to power with Carlos Ibanez del Campo at its head. A ferocious dictatorship destroys the unions one by one. There occur a series of assassinations of militants in plain view as meetings are letting out. Dawn kidnappings. Tortures. People forced into exile. The Chilean IWW ceases to exist. FOCH almost totally disappears.

1931: The fall of the dictatorship. The workers' movement enters a period of reorganization and Chile passes through a period of institutional crisis. The economic crisis amplifies this situation. The anarcho-syndicalist unions create the CGT (General Confederation of Workers). Though inspired by the IWW tradition, the CGT is built more on the federalist model of organization such as the Argentine FORA. Throughout the period of 1931-34 the unions of the CGT are involved in strikes and movement-building. During this process the General Association of Teachers is formed. The various political parties, such as the Socialists (SP), Communists (CP),the bourgeois Radical Party (RP) and the right-wing Phalange, advocate a legalized, regulated form of unionism. The CGT unions reject the legalistic approach as a method for "dominating the revolutionary workers movement." Meanwhile, the CP has been trying to rebuild the FOCH but its support is weak. During this period the union movement is subject to no one but its own members, striking for its own principles and its revolutionary goals. It is not controlled by any political party seeking to dominate the labor movement for its own purposes.

1932: As always the armed forces fulfill their tragic role. On June 4 a group of politicians and military men carry out a coup d'etat and install the government of Marmaduke Grove who declares Chile a "socialist republic," but the workers and the unions have no avenue for participation. On June 16th the military bring the 12-day-old "socialist republic" to an end.

1934: The Confederation of Chilean Workers (CTCH) is formed under the auspices of the Socialist and Communist parties. The Communists adopt the Popular Front tactic of alliances with other reform-oriented parties and "progressive" sections of the ruling class. The Chilean workers' movement now finds itself divided into two camps: the revolutionary unionism of the CGT, and the party-controlled unionism of the CTCH.

1938: Pedro Aguirre Corda, candidate of the Popular Front, is elected to the presidency. Although a national campesinos organization is formed in 1939, strikes during the harvest season are outlawed by the Popular Front government. CTCH leaders are elected to parliament and the CTCH becomes committed to the defense of the government and its policies. In 1939 the CTCH fails to support a printers' strike organized by the anarcho-syndicalist CGT. Internal democracy within the CTCH begins to suffer. Due to the failure of the Popular Front government, the CTCH splits into opposing Communist and Socialist factions.

1946: G. Gonzalez Videla, a member of the bourgeois Radical Party, is elected president with the support of the left parties. Videla propagates a "law of the defense of democracy" which is used to outlaw the CP, and also a campaign of repression is unleashed against the labor movement.

1952: Carlos Ibanez del Campo, whose bloody dictatorship in 1927-31 could hardly be forgotten by the working class, is elected president. To develop a common front against the bosses, the CTCH factions appeal for unity during 1st of May mobilizations.

1953: Unity discussions lead to the merger of the CGT and the two CTCH factions; in February the Chilean Workers Central (CUT) is born. The National Committee consists of Clotario Blest (President-an independent left-wing Christian), Baudilio Cazanova and Isodoro Godoy (Socialists), and Juan Vargas Puebla (a Communist). The National Council of the CUT consists of two Christian Democrats (a reformist Church-supported party), seven Socialists, a Phalangist, a Communist and four anarcho-syndicalists (Ernesto Miranda, Ramon Dominguez, Hector Duran and Celso Poblete). The unification of the labor movement is followed by a period of unity and action. Manual workers, intellectuals, campesinos, students and professional workers join up with the CUT. The workers are developing a consensus towards a confrontation with the bosses and the State. This is reflected in a 15-point program drawn up by the National Council. The CUT develops a campaign of partial work stoppages, preparing for a general strike. The workers are demanding changes that are social and political as well as economic.

1956: It is in this social climate of rebellion that the national general strike of July 1956 takes place. For 48 hours nothing moves in Chile. Ibanez threatens to resign and give the responsibility for running the country to the CUT. However, 70 percent of the leaders of the CUT are of the marxist parties. Ibanez calls upon the left-wing parties for a solution to the crisis. The parties of the left ask the leaders of the CUT to call off the general strike. A committee is set up by the CUT, headed by the CUT president, Clotario Blest. When the committee presents a list of demands to the Ibanez government, Ibanez demands that the workers return to work before he will respond. With the Communists, Socialists and Radicals supporting this proposal, the general strike is called off. The four anarcho-syndicalists on the National Council protest that the strike should not be called off without first consulting the rank-and-file, but they are overruled. The return to work creates disorientation and demoralization. Having gained nothing, Chilean workers cannot understand why they should return to work.

1957: A new general strike is called, to back up the original demands made during the July 1956 general strike, which had not yet been fulfilled. This strike is a failure and the government responds with strong repressive measures. After this experience, the four anarcho-syndicalist members resign from the National Council.

The 1956 general strike, and its aftermath, demonstrated the destructive role of the political parties, which prevented revolutionary unionism from accomplishing its work of social transformation. The interests of the political parties were successfully imposed above those of the workers. After 1957, the CUT became a fish pond, with the parties fighting for control of the unions. Under the government of Allende, the CUT continued as an arena for the manipulations of the marxist political parties, and the Christian Democrats perfected their competition for control, as well.