Rendition of Anti-Comms
PURGING OF THE PARTY & POLITICAL SOCIETY
EDITORIAL BY SGF John ‘Ka Ho’ Holt.
Director SIB. Chairman of the Proletarian Society of China.
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2016 – Our 40th Year of Membership of the Communist Milieu
“This is an example of the arrogance of the Party. The central criticism the Proletarian Society has of the Party. That it does not have the confidence to build among the advanced layers of the working class in Hong Kong and instead rules by going over the heads of the very people that the Party is to serve.” Ka Ho
THE POLITICAL ASSASSINATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY AND OF THE REVOLUTION
RENDITION OF FORMER MILIEU OF THE ‘70S GROUP’ OF ANARCHISTS FROM HONG KONG AND THAILAND
Rendition is the legal removal of a person, by force, without need for specific warrants to be declared by a judicial or state official acting in Oversight and Compliance.
In the absence of judicial or state sanction the only authority is that of the Communist Party and the ministry, the ‘Zhōnghuá Rénmín Gònghéguó Guójiā Ānquánbù’.
In order to commit rendition the target(s) must be thoroughly investigated and the general whereabouts of the target(s) known. This is the work in part of the Intelligence Service of both the public and private sector, including the quasi-statutory bodies such as the Security Intelligence Bureau, the SIB. Formulated from the underground it has served to involve itself, as is Party directive, as Communist Patriots from Europe, South Asia and South East Asia. The standards of such are exacting and outside the competence of the western intelligence agencies. Indeed the level of informant network is a part of the web like network throughout Hong Kong and key overseas territories and complements the work of ‘Bureau 3’ of the Ministry of State Security in interdiction on the international plane of conduct in the interests of the people.
The poor cousin is the infiltrated former colonial Police who’s record is a patchwork of interested groups maintaining a paternalistic interaction with the communities and does not form a representation of civil society. The Hong Kong force is still reeling from the ‘Occupy Central’ uprising in which it was shown to hold a lack of understanding as to the balance of forces and overreacted to events its leadership could not comprehend. Tactically outwitted and out smarted by an advanced layer of student youth who’s ability to correctly judge the mood of their own people led to such an effective campaign. Albeit under the direction of a clique of ruling elite adults in Hong Kong.
MINISTRY OF STATE SECURITY
Officers are based in all capital regions where nationals and others do engage in activities referencing a threat to the national interest. This includes Thailand and the remainder of Indo-China as well as South-East Asia. The MSS infrastructure allows a flexibility and specific teams are permanently based in the Administrative Regions as well as overseas. For example, Thailand and Burma have long been favoured conduits for trafficking and bases for Chinese arms dealers and the MSS has historically interdicted to prevent such establishment where the overseas state is ineffectual or complicit in such trades. Non patriotic groups including Vietnam and Taiwan based Qi Gong sects and reactionary groups such as the former anarchists of the 70s Group milieu. All have been under surveillance and observation since their inception as have all groups in opposition to the interests of the working class.
The Provisions of the Basic Law of Hong Kong allows for such rendition by local intelligence organisations. It is also permissible that foreign nations commit Rendition and such is a reciprocal policy. In the last 2 years in particular such has been legally committed from Hong Kong by the corresponding counterparts of most South East Nations including the Philippines. The main foreign nation in conduct of such has been the USA. Removal to safety of nationals of European countries for own safety is a common continuance. It is an aspect of trafficking of persons. In the same way the migrant groups are a part of the milieu of the group smuggling, such as in the case of the remnant LTTE, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam, who alike groups such as the Salafi and Deobandi Islam who infiltrate Europe in a like way. The Party and military do that which is committed by so many elements in society. It is a direct means of authority in security situations.
Hong Kong has a peculiar history engaged in a focused way for the imperial interests of foreign powers who have long held interests in investment and revenue source from China. It has been a field where accommodation of all political factions has been placed under an unwritten ‘non conflict agreement’. The accommodation current is of multi various factions of the traditional political organisations, warlord clan families, corporate and foreign state prescience and interdiction alongside functioning as an offshore base for Asian indigenous corporations. Under the British, a favoured base for criminal organisations.
Political organisations that countenanced every regional war and civil war and coup in the region have had an offshore base to plan and execute. Hong Kong has been such a base. There has never been a situation of overall control of the state and society by any major force.
China has long been assisted by patriotic societies outlawed by the British and the services of compatriot Communist organisations such as the SIB that have the conduct of Revolutionary Duty.
PRC WORLDWIDE JURISDICTIONAL INTERDICTION
The nationals removed from Hong Kong in such cases are invariably Chinese nationals, South Asian based terror cell members, Filipino drug cartel members, KMT non compatriots, Organised crime, Political crime group members, Pedophiles and errant cadre of the Communist Party of China.
There is a global dimension to the work in that in the last two years for example, there have been some 200 such cases of rendition from the USA, Canada and Australia to PRC. Again of former Communist Party cadre.
THE NATIONAL SECURITY LAW OF THE PRC
As promulgated on 1st July 2015 such is fully in force in the Special Administrative Region and governs the conduct of individuals, state officers and the intelligence and security industry. Any crime committed that is considered potentially a threat to the national integrity of society and economy must be investigated. The SIB is also obligated under such to abide by the defined and highly professional standards in any conduct. This includes the media. The printing and distribution of scandalising material is an historic and so all encompassing tactic of reactionary groups.
However, the sheer and astounding level of nonsense that is produced by groups such as the Causeway Bay Bookshop of the ‘Mighty Current’ Publishers all ‘70s Group’ milieu is an increscent disinformation campaign and is a part of coordinated psychological operations.
Jimmy Lai of the Giodarno Group and Next Media Group is a prime example of the mass agency ensuring a continuous stream of offensive and untrue scandalisation with direct and loathsome attacks on individuals which are gutter journalism in style and which are designed to cause the maximum level of trauma to a person.
Article 23 of the Basic Law and the National Security Law are in part designed to ensure integrity in journalism standards. To end the abuse by self serving elements of the elites of Capitalist society of media and communications. It is not a censorship nor is it any form of fetter to the ‘free press’ to close down such psychological operations media that aim to destroy people because they oppose the interests of the Capitalist elites. It is the opposite, the defence of accuracy and standards in information. In other words, no more lies.
Character assassination is the basic tool utilised in abuse of media. The abuse of the Gay Movement and those seeking gender equality by the use of publishing media to raise reactionary responses to political persons by raising ‘allegations’ of homosexuality against them in a negative connotation is a standard, ‘Pink Baiting’, ‘CIA Baiting’, Pedophilia Baiting’ are all regular allegations that are used against individuals with no base for such.
It is an abuse of the people of orientation, gender, victims of child kidnap and rape and is detrimental to the causes because of the negative connotation. Such utilises diversification and engenders reactionary positions to such. It also cuts across the integration campaigns that fight racism, homophobia and uranophobia. The Party is accused of societal control for advocating liberation whilst these elements are the ones promoting oppression.
It is reflective of the homophobia and the uranophobia of the ‘workerist’ groups of the left and of the elites of Capitalist society.
This is why there is such opposition to Article 23 and the National Security Law. Laws that are progressive and democratic, that are there to defend the privacy and rights of individuals are a threat to the conflict mongers. The part-time revolutionaries of the elite.
The response of the Party is to ensure that the forces of reaction are being disarmed.
RENDITION AND PARTY OVERSIGHT
Despite the definition of Rendition as being without Judicial or State Oversight and Compliance, it does have such internally within the Party. The MSS and affiliates conduct themselves under OPSEC (Operations Security). Information on activities is retained and is known only in its generalised form externally as conventions and monitoring is engaged in observance on a secondary level of the same groups.
The SIB has a long history of overt operations within the left, in the capacity of Observation and Monitoring, as it has for organized crime and terror groups. A Social Weather Station that sends its investigators into the groups themselves, openly or discretely. Only as is legally required where a situation is developing that may be considered as a threat of a strategic nature will any report be made. The SIB whilst subject to the discipline of OPSEC has never hidden its role and purpose, nor political affiliation.
Operations of the Party are legitimate. The Party is a massive group that is embedded in the mass of society and in particular, the working class. Any group that is claiming a base in society is also to hear the Party’s weight.
The Party is the highest cultural expression aside from workers in struggle. It has oversight over the groups in opposition to the interests of the working class. The elements in political society who themselves engage in clandestine affairs that are seditious are observed and rarely is any action taken. In reference to the nature of the psychological operations of the remnant milieu of the ‘70s Group’ it is only now that it is essential that they be corrected. Their Rendition in its leader, Lee Bo, from Pattaya, Thailand in November 2015 as well as the Causeway Bay Bookshop milieu and of its printing company Directors from Hong Kong is not a matter that endangers their lives. They are also free to publish all materials of fact and truth and are free to maintain high standards of integrity, but to lie and destroy and ferment opposition based on self interest of the elites is dishonest and intolerable. In no uncertain terms, this malicious slander stops. If these elements fail to professionalise themselves then their ongoing detention is permissible legally if the Hong Kong state fails to intervene. House arrest should be the main sequestration used, as is. Trials are the consequence of the most detailed of investigation and result in charge only when the evidence is assured. Non of the lies by way of omission of evidence that the judicial system of foreign nations pride themselves on.
This applies across the editorial boards and the publishing editor’s desk of all media.
The MMS is subject to OPSEC. It cannot talk of its interdictions. In the 90s and the early 2000s the SIB had infiltrated certain Left groups. Members of the Proletarian Society joined the April 5th Action Group of Leung Kwok Hung and the bodies in Hong Kong that were a part of the ‘Anti-Communist’ protests over ‘Tiananmen’ such as the Club 64 Group of Grace Ma as well as the ‘pipelining’ groups (paperless passage of political refugees) such as the foreign Trotskyist elements. The resulting findings of the direct financial link of ‘Old Wealth’ such as the Democrat and Barrister Martin Lee who’s family was dispossessed of vast warlord resources and wealth by the revolution and the organisation of Jimmy Lai who were financing these groups and in particular the April 5th Action Group were revealed. Long suspected, the truth of the nature of the inter-relationship were revealed.
The modus operandi was simple. Issues were fabricated and placed in the media of Jimmy Lai and protests then financed through April 5th. Many of these demonstrations were designed to disfavour the agreement to withdraw and return Hong Kong to China in favour of Capitalist interests and to ensure deferment of privacy laws and so forth.
The Club 64 elements were found to be closely linked to the state apparatus, especially the Special Branch (MI6), of the British colonialists. This organisation similarly infiltrated by SIB.
In the ‘Occupy Central’ movement it was fully known that Jimmy Lai was a ‘black hand’ behind the abuse of the students and youth who joined the protests out of genuine grievance. Genuine youth utilised as cannon fodder by these pedo-sadists.
In Occupy, we had the abuse of our youth and students being misled and directed into confrontation with the Hong Kong state as a tactic. A tactic that removed the democratic right of this section of society to raise their grievance with the State of China. In the view of the SIB this was a most revolting abuse that requires prosecution of those law lecturers, lawyers, politicians, media magnates and capitalists that cared nothing for our youth and students and encouraged that debacle. Such was nothing less than the denial of the democratic rights of those aggrieved and an act aimed to destroy their legitimate claims. Real democracy is in peoples committees and mass involvement in the control and determination of society, not fake bourgeois party elections to legitimise the dictatorship of Capital.
Specifically it must be noted; the preparedness of these petty bourgeois elements to do as they did, marshal a group of unarmed students, around 50 or so, to march and occupy the grounds of Government offices. The SIB was insitu to witness controllers and stewards line these youth up to engage the state directly by an act of civil disobedience. Like the officers of an army sending cannon fodder off into battle. Except this time it was our youth being sent to, in many cases, oppose their own parents who were in uniform. The officers of course standing safely behind the lines to observe. A Napoleon Syndrome characteristic of the self-delusional and self-important petty bourgeois men.
A particularly galling error is the subsequent prosecution of both youth and uniformed whilst the seditious petty bourgeois elements are allowed liberty. However, they are the very law lecturers in the vanguard of the organisation of these protests that drafted the very laws and interpreted their application who have peers in the administration. Precisely because they were a branch of the administration. The Hong Kong elite do not prosecute their own. Akin the respect for officers of opposing armies, they are given preferential treatment whilst the rank and file soldier is executed.
In this we condemn the C.Y. Leung administration of preferential treatment, a perversion of the law.
In Occupy, no longer could the likes of Jimmy Lai feign that they were not pursuing a self interested line in seeking an undemocratic rule of theirselves in what was in effect a battle of factions of the Hong Kong elites.
In the 90s no such evidence existed, however the infiltration of these organisations revealed the evidential basis to oppose the anti-societal intent of these groups. The 2003 movement over Article 23 collapsed immediately after an agreement to engage in further consultation over its implementation was announced.
In the introduction of the National Security Law, 2015, there was muted opposition and the amendment of the application has resulted in the law now existing in force in Hong Kong and is only deferred where a conflict of laws exist was at the behest of the administration of C.Y. Leung. Given that we have no parallel or opposing law given the deferment of Article 23. the National Security Law is enforced as the Basic Law is silent.
The National Security Law is the statutory basis and authority in the rule of law that allows the Rendition of criminals.
THE POLITICAL LEFT OF HONG KONG
The persons’ Rendition in Thailand and Hong Kong are known to the SIB as former radicals of the 70s Group of Anarchists. Long acquainted and political opponents to the Ultra-Left factions in Hong Kong, remnants of the organisation of the expelled founders of the Communist Party of China and of the forces of the Cultural Revolution. Ironically the 70s Group came out of the Proletarian Society milieu, adopting increasing accommodation with British imperialism and capitalism.
The factions and milieu of the Political Left include
70s Group milieu (Lee) (Former Anarchist)
April 5th Action Group (Leung, Lai) (Former Trotskyist)
The October Review Group (Wang Fanxi) (Trotskyist)
Pioneer Group (Trotskyist)
Spark Commune (Maoist)
Proletarian Society of China (Chen Duxiu, Jiang Qing) (Ultra-Left Communist)
Within each racially defined community their own left are established. The Communist factions of Philippines in particular.
THE PARTY IS ABSENT
The Party has relied upon social strata in Hong Kong and in particular the vacillating petty bourgeois and petty capitalist. With the closure of the underground network the Party sought to rely on the unreliable backward ruling elites. Many allowed to enrich themselves and these groups have been allowed to conduct themselves in a revolting self interested manner despite and resulting in the impoverishment of the mass of Hong Kong society.
Sadly for the layers and bankers and professionals, the billionaires and the not so, the tide has turned and the Party has engaged in a war against self enrichment through imbalanced economic units. The Party to continue such effectively will now have to involve itself in the working class of Hong Kong to find a base for its social support. The Capitalist elite cannot be wrangled, it has to be bypassed and neutralised in the process.
The leftward move of the Chinese proletariat is a pole of attraction and a natural orientation of both Party and People. For Hong Kong, we must build support for the Communist Party in every estate, workplace, school and college.
The error of the Party in not allowing in Hong Kong the recruitment into the Party openly and in particular with the Young Communist League is being paid for. This has resulted in the absence of explanation, little is understood outside a hostile media environment of the nature and fluidic program of the Party. The natural constituency of the Party are the youth, students and above all the working class of Hong Kong. This going over the heads of the people must now stop. Otherwise the Party will face opposition from those such as we in the Ultra-Left milieu and the people themselves.
OPPOSITION OPPORTUNISM
Whether left or right, we are of the same organisation and at key stages the struggle within the Party on tactical and political orientation and the resulting battle can inflict a civil war in society as in the revolutionary upsurge of the 1960s or in the rightward aftermath of the 1980s. This because of the ingratiation of the Party in the people. Battles within the Party are battles of the Nation. This is what the reactionaries aim to foster.
The experience of the lurches of policy in the Party is fought to the death. The overthrow of the leadership at the behest of the then Communist International removed the likes of Chen Du-xiu from the Party in 1927. By 1950 the once mass base and majority tendency in the Party of the Ultra-Left was annihilated. Few remnants escaped to Hong Kong and some to the USA.
The second major conflict of the Cultural Revolution again left a nation reeling from a civil war of an ideological nature that engaged the whole nation, precisely because the Party is rooted in the working class and then the peasantry.
The Party is now at present and under the pressure of a layer of politicised women comrades, our factory workers, the Party is decisively moving to the left in terms of the opportunity of the going over to a socialisation program. At the same time in preparation of a war economy. Major purges of the military and Party have taken place as Party discipline under the principal of Democratic Centralism is rightly being enforced. The scale of events worldwide necessitates that the Party strengthen itself. It is the spine of the Nation and it is the founder of the Revolution. Hence the launch of ‘Occupy Central’.
In the areas where anti-communist forces predominate in terms of cultural control, the Party must now exercise its authority.
The destabilising forces reigned against the Party are immense and with the destabilisation of relations with Vietnam and Philippines and the move of tendencies to move to border clashes, including maritime, stoked by the provocation of the USA, the former colonial and renegade states are a bulwark of reaction unless the tide towards class defence is taken. Aside the preparation of war economy, a matter that is not dealt with here, the nations states such as Philippines, an otherwise natural ally of China. is moving to the left. The leadership contest for the Presidency has Duterte in a command position at 35% of the support of the electorate. He represents the no nonsense approach of the best of the wealthy, a vanguard whose strict protection of the person is illustrated in Davao where a city encircled by insurgency and sectarian war with the political machinations of foreign powers at play has the most surprising facet of capacity to be one of the most safe of cities in Asia. If one excuses the extra judicial execution of criminals and terrorists that run at some 10-15 per month. The membership of the SIB as an affiliate of the auxiliary militia of the Armed Forces of the Philippines in Mindanao under the West Mindanao Centralised Command (WestMinCom) has been criticised by Human Rights Watch ngo as involved in the intelligence operations to ascertain the evidential basis of the paramilitary actions sanctioned by the military of Mindanao and the political authority of Duterte. That Duterte and the faction of society he represents, an overwhelmingly proletarian base, will most likely command national power in 2016 presents an alliance potential with China and the move of the Philippines to the Sino-Russia block.
This explains the recent interdiction by US forces in the area. Philippines must be oriented to as an ally and the interlink of political factions in Hong Kong with the left and Duterte is established.
Formal and direct links were established between the left of Philippines and the Ultra-Left of Hong Kong in 1981 through the offices of the SIB. Similarly with the left officer corps of the military.
END OF COLONIALISM
In 1996 the Proletarian Society as with most patriotic organisations from the Heung Yee Kuk, the former Guerilla Army and representatives of the indigenous clans of the New Territories to former proscribed societies under the British colonialist regime abided by the call of the Communist Party of China to cease all anti imperialist activities in anticipation of the return of Hong Kong to the motherland. The 70’s Group and April 5th, Pioneer Group as well as October Review ignored the demand. Their position is to protest without a consistent program. Dialogue, though continuously offered on a civil basis, is not taken up. The Left plays the victim where non exists.
In that period to 2003, the mass industrial unrest in North West China (1999-2006) led by the Maoist base of the Party, turned the Party and the people to the left. This movement, unlike the movement 1987 to 1989 ‘Tiananmen’, was organically linked to the Party through its workers’ committees. The ‘Tiananmen’ period showed clearly that the Party had forgotten to link to the youth and the student cadre.
中国共产主义青年团 Young Communist League
The Party sought to regularise legal positions of the intelligence and security community and define the role of Chinese nationals and Compatriot Non Chinese. In Hong Kong the deferred implementation of Article 23 of the Basic Law from 1st July 1997 – for 5 years – deferred after the petition of political groups in Hong Kong – was to be implemented. In the period to such the defined law, amended by collective consultation was tabled to be placed to the Legislative Council.
The 2003 mobilisations in opposition to Article 23 that reached 2 million, or 1/3rd of the population marched on the regional legislature.
The mobilisation had more to do with the reaction to the leftward turn of the Party, under pressure from the demands of the working class of China. The exiled former ‘imperial’ China families, the ‘Old Wealthy’ whom were exiled Hong Kong, Taiwan, Macao, Philippines, as well as the US and Pacific colonies where a significant part of the ‘Anti-Communist’ camp base. It is a consistent development whereas the oppositionists respond to China developments, based on sympathetic reactive movements, whom may have genuine grievance, who are diverted into the protest platform of those oppositionists.
The reactionary mass mobilisations against Article 23, the localised version of the National Security Law, the SIB ensured the movement of the likes of April 5th to the parliamentary and elections plane and the SIB was instrumental in advising Leung Kwok-heung whilst the SIB was affiliated.
In late 2013, Hong Kong-based publisher Yiu Man-tin, also known as Yao Wentian, was arrested and detained in Shenzhen. At the time, he was working on a dissident's book about President Xi Jinping. Yiu was detained with seven bottles of undeclared paint he brought from Hong Kong to Shenzhen. In May last year, Yiu, 73, was sentenced to 10 years in jail by a Shenzhen court for "smuggling ordinary goods". This is overkill and unnecessary.
The marginalisation of these elements is effected by a direct and open presence in a battle to reclaim the streets of Hong Kong for the proletarian cause. Errors such as not preferring House Arrest for these criminals is intended to cower these elements when the threat of state sanction is in absence to the ability to use protest of the community as a whole to marginalise these elements. It is therefore a continuation of the going over the heads of the people by the Party.
The opportunities are there and the left turn of the Party is to be guided by the program that evolves in the left in the next period. However, we are confident that the mainly women workers of our factories will play the preeminent role, as they have begun to.