LA Teachers Strike Over the Emptying Out of the City's Classroom

Following the six-day teachers' strike in Los Angeles, January 14-22, 2019, a look at union demands, contract results, and a union with a history of following the commands of the capitalist Democratic Party.

Submitted by AfricanPrint on January 26, 2019

Los Angeles Unified School District is emptying its schools. With a student population of 500,000, the second largest school district in the nation (after New York City) has lost 250,000 students in the past 15 years with half going to semi-privatized charters within the District and the other half being lost to outward migration east of the city or to the neighboring states of Nevada and Arizona. Why move east? Los Angeles is experiencing intense gentrification citywide but especially focused on neighborhoods surrounding the downtown area that have been home to immigrants. And few L.A. parents can afford the westside where cities such as Beverly Hills and Santa Monica have their own school districts. The lack of affordability is exemplified by the 50% of families in L.A. Unified who qualify under federal guidelines for free school lunch in a district in which 73% of the students are Latino and only 10% are white.

Given this reality, the teachers union (United Teachers Los Angeles/UTLA) had been in negotiations for the past twenty months with its former Superintendent Michelle King, a district insider who fell ill and took early retirement and then with current Superintendent Beutner, a multimillionaire and businessman with no education experience. The union was justifiably critical of Beutner’s ties to real estate developer Eli Broad, a L.A. billionaire whose stated goal is for the district to be half charter in a state in which the Democratic majority in the California legislature have both legalized charter schools and legalized their sharing the same campus on a public school if space permits. During negotiations the union, led by President Caputo-Pearl, focused on the fight against privatization on a platform that included demands to regulate charter school growth, increase funding for public schools, reduce class size, and increase salaries. As the union geared up for a strike, it ratcheted up slogans against neoliberal privatization, but it never incorporated the plight of the district’s working-class parents into its movement. It never brought to light the high rents forcing them to flee the district nor did it seek to raise the parents’ political consciousness by suggesting they organize a rent strike to coincide with the teachers’ strike. Instead working-class parents were relegated to the role of cheerleaders on the picket line or suppliers of morning deliveries of doughnuts and pan dulce. A fight against the capital of neoliberalism must be led by the working class and focus on working class demands. A movement that falls short will reincorporate into the capitalist class and its Democratic Party which is exactly what UTLA has a history of doing.

Exemplifying the history of the union’s incorporation into the Democratic Party is former LA Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa who just made an unsuccessful run for California Governor in November 2018. Villaraigosa was a UTLA staff member who helped organize the South LA area during the last teachers’ strike in 1989. His political circles intersected with Marxist-Leninists, and the Democratic Socialists of America included him on a list compiled in the 1990’s of “A-List” activists in the city. After his tenure at UTLA, Villaraigosa moved up the political ranks to Assemblyman, Speaker of the Assembly, and then Mayor. As Mayor he would eventually side with the privatizers in the charter industry who helped fund his failed campaign for California Governor.

The current LA Teachers’ strike was resolved with UTLA’s term-limited President Caputo Pearl meeting with Superintendent Beutner at the LA Mayor’s office where the Mayor served as mediator. Unbeknownst to most teachers, Mayor Garcetti’s Democratic mayoral campaign was also funded by Eli Broad, the school privatizer and ally of Beutner. Few teachers even knew during their labor strike which was primarily focused on limiting charter growth that charter schools are a state law. The district cannot independently halt charter growth though teachers were fed this misconception by the union which claimed the strike was not about money. (Also, few teachers know that their union, which suggested they take out a bank loan to help tide them over during the six-day strike, takes in $40 million per year from their dues.) Following the signing of the new teachers’ contract by both Caputo-Pearl and the Superintendent during the morning of Tuesday, January 22, UTLA rushed to have their teachers vote on the contract while the teachers were still standing on the picket lines. The union gave teachers a window of two hours to read and vote on a forty-page document the union had been negotiating for twenty months. As teachers voted on Tuesday, the union made an announcement that the contract had been approved even though as of Thursday January 24, 5,000 teachers had still not voted. Of the 25,000 who had voted, 80% approved the contract, and the union gave those who had not voted one more day to vote and only at one location in a district that covers 906 square miles. On charter growth the contract merely calls for a vote by the district to ask the state to cap charter growth. Class size will be reduced by one student next school year and one student in a few subsequent years, and the salary increase of 6% is the same that was offered by the district prior to the strike.

In spite of liberal publicity campaigns touting this strike as a victory, one must not believe the hype. And both the DSA and International Socialist Organization (ISO) will applaud the strike and contract because they have teacher activists in the union who serve as their schools’ union rep. Yet these two organizations, just like union President Caputo-Pearl, will quickly acquiesce to the demands of the Democratic Party and incorporate themselves into mainstream capitalism. The fight to end the privatization of public schools and other public resources must continue, and that fight must include a variety of sectors of the working class.

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Submitted by Agent of the I… on May 12, 2023

I am of the opinion that people who think syndicalism has some aspects of it that link to fascism really have no proper understanding of syndicalism. But I don't really understand what those aspects are and how they got it into their understanding about syndicalism. It just seems so impossible because these two ideas are so opposed to each other, as you already know. Yet, somehow some people think syndicalism is a precursor to fascism. Some even think it sufficient to cite some famous syndicalist leader turning to fascism as an example.

What do you think?

Fozzie

3 years 5 months ago

Submitted by Fozzie on May 12, 2023

Other people will know the history better than me, but the only time I’ve seen this has been in connection with the early Mussolini in Italy.

Kind of in the same way that idiots try to pretend that Hitler was a socialist - populist fascist movements try latch on parasitically to workers grievances and movements.

Reddebrek

3 years 5 months ago

Submitted by Reddebrek on May 12, 2023

It's a pretty simple and disingenuous argument to discredit syndicalism and often anarchism by extension. I doubt that any of the people pushing it really believe in its merits.

sherbu-kteer

3 years 5 months ago

Submitted by sherbu-kteer on May 13, 2023

It comes from a lot of places... partially it's just smears from Marxists/liberals etc but these theses have been put forward in a number of more respectable places, eg Zeev Sternhell's "Neither Right nor Left" which launched a major debate about these issues.

The theses are based around a) ex-syndicalists joining fascists, and b) anti-democratic sentiments within revolutionary syndicalism that inspired or influenced fascism.

Generally I do not think the theses are credible. It's telling that the advocates of these theories only point to France and Italy as proof, nowhere else in the world where the syndicalists numbered in the hundreds of thousands...

There were syndicalists who became fascists, but they were generally small in number and the bulk sat at the margins of the revolutionary syndicalist movement. The case of Alceste de Ambris is indicative. He was part of the Italian movement (USI) but occupied a fairly right wing position within it. At the international syndicalist congress in London in 1913 he opposed anti-state sentiments being expressed in its declaration, and eventually left in a huff. He then got elected to parliament back in Italy and led a very small pro-war split from the USI, which joined with Mussolini. Eventually he headed the Fascist's trade union body before splitting and ending his life as an anti-fascist.

Thesis b) is more complicated but even then doesn't really lend itself to a "syndicalism is proto-fascism" viewpoint. When people like Émile Pouget scorned democracy it was because it was a form of bourgeois domination, in that it divided people up into individuals instead of recognising what they were as social classes. The working class did not act as one massive whole either, but was driven by revolutionary minorities – union militants, communists, etc, even the handful of activists in a worksite that may stir the rest into action. A democratic viewpoint based on either parliamentary democracy (obviously bankrupt) or the right of the majority over the minority (more nuanced) was going to result in workers being chained forever. Note: at no point did this anti-democratic viewpoint ever come close to justifying or supporting dictatorship.

People like Sorel *did* make anti-democratic arguments that were less linked to socialism, resting on ideas of cultural and national renewal and so on, but even then they're hard to spin into fascism. Books/articles by Shlomo Sand and Robert Jennings are worth reading on this – some of them are on libcom & libgen but others are harder to find. Sorel himself did wind up seeing Mussolini as a renegade and supporting Lenin instead. And even still, Sorel only had a marginal influence over the syndicalist movement, which was never the intellectual tendency people sometimes think it is. The intellectuals sat on the edge and interacted with some of the union militants, but they never had influence over them.

So on the face of it, the theses can look like they have some credibility, but the more you look the more ridiculous they seem. The vast, vast majority of the revolutionary syndicalist movement was violently anti-fascist.

You'd also be surprised at how often people get confused in English about the word "syndicalism" – in Romance languages it's just the word for plain unionism, when people mean revolutionary syndicalism they say "syndicalisme revolutionnaire" or something similar. I've seen people point to examples of "syndicalists" becoming fascists that in reality are cases of random union officials, maybe of a reformist or Marxist or conservative disposition, becoming fascists.

Pierre Biétry, for instance, is sometimes described as a case of a syndicalist becoming a fascist, but in actual fact he was a Guesdist Marxist before he became a right-winger and yellow unionist, and the Guesdists distinguished themselves in the union arena by being against evolutionary syndicalism, not for. This nuance is lost in English language debates. On wikipedia, he is described as simply being a "syndicalist", implying revolutionary syndicalism.

While most libertarian socialists don't take these ideas seriously, they do have a bit of a chilling effect. The anti-democratic beliefs of revolutionary syndicalists are understudied because people think they're conservative and elitist, when they're anything but.

Sorry that was a longer comment than I thought it would be!

asn

3 years 5 months ago

Submitted by asn on May 13, 2023

The rise of fascism in the 20's and 30's was also connected with a crisis in the labour movement - a certain layer of workers being alienated from the Social Democratic controlled unions due to the machinations of the union bureaucracy - and also the failure of the resurgent syndicalist movement such as in Germany and Italy to sufficiently expand and wipe out the base of this bureaucratic unionism and go on to carry out the revolutionary objective. In the case of Germany in 1919 the FAUD (Free Workers Union of Germany) achieved its largest membership of over 100,000 stemming from from massive break aways and membership transfers from the Social Democratic Party controlled unions in such sectors as the Ruhr amongst such groups as coal miners and metal workers. Subsequently with the rise of the Communist Party controlled unions supported with Moscow Gold, the Comintern and workers illusions in the early Bolshevik regime following the coup in October 1917, the FAUD was drawn into a cycle of catastrophic splits and then post war recession leading to major membership departures. The FAUD spiraled into marginality in the German labour movement. During the later years of the Weimar Republic - key figures in the FAUD were willing to throw aspects of syndicalism "out the window" such as support for direct action and register with the Weimar Republic industrial relations/industrial bargaining legislation. However the Weimar Govt. wouldn't allow it presumably due to fears of a syndicalist tiger still lurking under the seeming house cat fur. The FAUD in most of Germany became more of a sect and cultural/educational phenomena. With the exception of one small armaments making company town in the Ruhr - where the whole or most of the Social Democratic unions base had gone over to the FAUD, (1) In this context of worsening circumstances one small section of the FAUD involving actual workers became a seed of the Nazis.
Also an important point is that in Germany during WWI - a pro war movement developed amongst mostly sectors of the middle class which later was drawn into ultra rightwing and Fascist movements - the key figures in this movement was particularly worried about sabotage and industrial militancy affecting major railway centres - work shops/marshaling yards affecting troop and munitions transport - and organised amongst a layer of highly skilled patriotic metal workers in these workshops - to counter revolutionary action - they later were drawn into the fascist movement.
Notes
(1) See "Revolutionary Syndicalism: An International Perspective edited by Marcel van der Linden and Wayne Thorpe" - see essays on Germany and Italy.

Red Marriott

3 years 5 months ago

Submitted by Red Marriott on May 15, 2023

An article and long discussion following it where some of the misinformation/smears of kingzog and Reid Ross on the subject are corrected; https://libcom.org/article/anarchosyndicalism-against-fascism-response-recent-insinuations kingzog was later reported to be associating with the far-right and Reid Ross to be working for a far-right think tank; https://libcom.org/news/reid-ross-falls-victim-his-own-absurd-narrative-15032021 [Edit; see RT comment below for correction]

R Totale

3 years 5 months ago

Submitted by R Totale on May 15, 2023

In the interests of accuracy, I would stress that it was a centrist rather than a far-right think tank that Reid Ross ended up working at, the Matthew Lyons write-up is pretty good on it:
http://threewayfight.blogspot.com/2021/05/network-contagion-research-institute.html

"In addition to Rutgers, the NCRI lists “affiliations” with three entities: the Anti-Defamation League, Open Society Foundations, and Charles Koch Foundation. The ADL is one of the most prominent watchdog groups monitoring the U.S. far right, but it’s no friend of the left. The organization has long misused the charge of antisemitism to attack Palestinians, Palestine solidarity activists, anti-racist activists, and others. In the 1990s, it was revealed that the ADL had spied on a wide range of progressive organizations for decades; as recently as 2017 it publicly urged the FBI to spy on antifa groups, a call it later retracted.

The combination of Open Society and Koch foundations is pivotal to the NCRI brand. Open Society (George Soros’s grant-giving network) figures in countless right-wing conspiracy theories while Koch is one of the most hated capitalist names on the left, so by listing the two together the NCRI declares that it transcends political divisions by bringing together staunch liberals and conservatives. Put slightly differently, the combination of Soros and Koch support evokes an attempt to foster a broad—but anti-Trump—coalition within the ruling class."