The Wage Slave of July 23 has an inquiry in it from Comrade J.J. Spouse of Detroit, Mich., relative to the position of the I.W.W. and political action. The comment of the editor as to reasons for not indorsing any political party does not state the position of the I.W.W. on that point, and as I consider the questions raised by Comrade Spouse to be pertinent, I am going to try and make the position of the organization clear – not only for Comrade Spouse, but others who are interested in the question.

I have no desire to carry on a discussion – have not the time always at my disposal.

Comrade Spouse says “I do not see much difference between an organization that lays all stress on the political action and another that lays all the stress on the Industrial.”

Comrade Spouse wants to know “how is this revolutionary body going to express itself politically,” and “if it is going to hop through the industrial world on one leg?”

A little investigation will prove to comrades that while the workers are divided on the industrial field, it is not possible to united them in any other field to advance a working class program.

Further investigation will prove that with the working class divided on the industrial field unity anywhere else – if it could be brought about – would be without results. The workers would be without power to enforce any demands.

The difference, then, is of laying all stress upon the essential point. The point where the working class must unite in sufficient numbers before it will have the power to make itself felt anywhere else.

Will it not follow that united in sufficient numbers and guided by the knowledge of their class interests such unity will be manifested in every field wherein they can assist in advancing the interest of the working class? Why, then, should not all stress be laid upon the organization of the workers on the industrial field?

Would a clause endorsing any political party or political program serve in the place of the knowledge of what is and what is not the economic interest of the working class?

With that knowledge is any such clause needed?

The illustration used by Comrade Spouse – in which he likens the economic organization to a one-legged concern, because it does not mention political action – is not a comparison that in any way fits the case.

As well might the prohibitionists, the anti-clerical, or any other advocate of the many schools that claim the worker can better their condition by their particular policy, say that because the declaration of principles of the economic organization made no mention of these subjects, the I.W.W. was short a leg on each count.

These questions also have some bearing on the ideas and actions of the workers as a class – that bearing is always determined by the knowledge the workers have as to their class’ economic interest.

The Essential Point

The preamble of the I.W.W. deals with the essential point upon which we know the workers will have to agree before they can accomplish anything for themselves. Regardless of what a wage worker may think on any other question, if they agree on the essential we want them in the I.W.W., giving their assistance to building up the army of production.

The “two legs” of the economic organization are knowledge and organization.

The only value that political activity has to the working class is from the standpoint of agitation and education- it’s educational merit consists solely in proving to the workers its utter inefficiency to curb the power of the ruling class and therefore forces the workers to rely on the organization of their class in the industries.

It is impossible for any one to be a part of the capitalist state and to use the machinery of the state in the interest of the workers. All they can do is to make the attempt and to be impeached, as they will be, and furnish an object lesson to the workers of the class character of the state.

Knowing this, the I.W.W. proposes to devote all its energy to building up the organization of the workers in the industries of the country and the world; in drilling and education the members so that they will have the necessary power and knowledge to use that power to overthrow capitalism.

I know that here you will say “what about the injunction judges, the militia and the bullpens?” In answer, ask yourself what will stop the use of the same weapons against you on the political field if by the political activity of the workers you were able to menace the profits of the capitalist?

If you think it cannot be done turn to Colorado, where, in 1904, two judges of the supreme court of that state – Campbell and Gabbert – by the injunction process assumed original jurisdiction over the state election and decided the majority of the state legislature, the governorship and the election of the United States senator.

Turn to Coeur d’Alenes, where the military forces of the United States put out of office all officials who would not do the bidding of the mining companies of that region.

Turn to Colorado, where a mob did the same thing in the interest of the of the capitalist class of that region.

The only power that the working class has, is the power to produce wealth. The I.W.W. propose to organize the workers to control the use of their labor power, so that they will be able to stop the production of wealth except upon terms dictated by the workers themselves.

The capitalists’ political power is exactly the measure of their industrial power – control of industry; that control can only be disputed and finally destroyed by an organization of the workers inside the industries – “organized for the everyday struggle with the capitalists and to carry on production when capitalism shall have been overthrown.”

Industrial Power

With such an organization, knowing that an injury to one member of the working class is an injury to every member of that class, it will be possible to make the use of injunctions and the militia so costly that the capitalist will not use them. None of his industries would run except for such length of time as the workers needed to work in order to get in shape to renew the struggle again.

A stubborn slave will bring the most overbearing master to time. The capitalist cannot exterminate a labor organization by fighting it – they are only dangerous when they commence to fraternize with it.

Neither can the capitalists and their tools exterminate the working class, or any considerable portion of it – they would have to go to work if they did.

It is true that while the movement is weak, they may victimise a few of its members, but if that is not allowed to intimidate the organization they will not be able to do that very long.

Persecution of any organization always results in the growth of the principle represented by that organization, if its members are men and women of courage

If they are not, there is no substitute that will insure victory.

The I.W.W. will express itself politically in its general convention and the referendum of its members in the industries throughout the land in proportion to its power.

The work before us is to build up an organization of our class in the field wherein our power lies.

That task must be accomplished by the workers themselves. Whatever obstacles are in the way must be overcome, however great they seem to be; remember that the working class is a great class, and its power is unbounded when properly organized.

As we organize we control our labor power. As we control our labor power a little we control industry a little; as we organize more we will control more of our labor power and also control industry more.

When we control enough of our labor power we will meet in our representative assembly – the convention of the I.W.W. – and tell the boss how long we will work and how much of what we produce he can have.

The sooner all the members of the working class who agree with this program lend their efforts to bring it about – by joining the I.W.W. – the sooner will the struggle be ended in spite of all the machinations of the capitalist and his judges and armies.

Therefore, it will never be necessary for the I.W.W. to indorse any political party, whether they will gain support or not by so doing.

Neither will the I.W.W. carry on a propaganda against political action – to do so would be as useless as to carry on a campaign for it.

We are forced, however, to point out the limitations of political action for the working class in order that the workers be not led into a cul-de-sac by the politician, and because of that lose all idea of ever being anything but slaves for generations to come.

This we can only do by devoting our entire effort to the work of an organization and education on the industrial field.

To those who think the workers will have to be united on the political field we sat dig in and do so, but do not try to use the economic organization to further the aims of the political party.

Transcribed by Juan Conatz