This book is not just another local history, or the autobiography of a working man, although it is both of these things. It is one man’s highly individual view of a period of major political change. The great depression, the rise of Fascism and the approach to the Second World War all colour this story. The British Communist Party at grass roots level is the book’s major feature. This is a controversial story. It was meant to be.

Joe Jacobs was born in 1913, the son of Eastern European, Jewish immigrants in Whitechapel in the heart of London’s East End. This book describes the grinding poverty of ghetto life, its heartbreak, but also its humour and its cultural richness. It describes the gradual integration of Jew and Gentile, adolescence and first love in the early ’30s, unemployment and the struggle to survive. It describes the seamier side of life, the gambling and the criminal world, the world of sport and of play, but above all it describes those young people around Joe and his friends attracted to the Communist Party of Great Britain. Joe’s early years as a militant in the local Stepney Branch of the CP are parallelled with his personal life and those of his friends and increasingly with national and international events. The first part of the book charts the turn of the World Communist Parties from the building of International movements to support for United Front Policies and deep entry into Social Democratic institutions. The gradual run down of the Communist International from 1934 onwards features prominently here. At the time Joe did not understand fully what was happening, but it is from this date that puzzlement and unease with the Party first began.

The first half of this story also deals with local industries and especially with the tailoring trade in which Joe and his friends and relations mostly worked. Features stressed are the ‘sweat shops’, the seasonal nature of the work and the highly individual nature of its organisation and that of the local clothing Trade Unions. More is explained about this in the second half of the story. More is also told of the personal life of Joe’s family and friends, but increasingly militant activity takes over as the main story. This is because of two things. Firstly there was the Spanish Civil War which broke out in 1936 and secondly and more immediately the increasing menace of Oswald Mosley’s Fascist Blackshirts and their threatening behaviour especially in London’s Jewish district in Stepney. This reached its zenith in the same year of 1936.

Throughout the second half of the book constant reference is made to events in Spain. The implication in this carefully documented account is that much more of the volunteer movement which led to the setting up of the International Brigade of foreign fighters to aid the anti-Franco forces than is commonly assumed, was due to private initiative rather than conscious sponsoring by the CP. Spain, however, is the background story. The main story is that of the activities of the British Union of Fascists, Mosley’s Blackshirts and the fight of Joe’s East End against them, for it was in 1936 when Joe was Secretary of the Stepney CP and this is the year of the famous ‘Battle of Cable Street’. On October 4th, 1936, 250,000 East Enders stopped the Blackshirts marching through the Jewish part of Stepney. Joe tells of resistance to the British Fascists in the first half of the book from 1933 onwards. In the second half the pressure mounts and the circumstances surrounding the ‘Battle of Cable Street’ are fully described. He tells of Fascist terror raids and of growing arguments at a local level as to how the Fascists should be dealt with. Increasingly Joe claimed the British CP adopted a more and more passive attitude to the question of Fascism and he and his friends did not agree with this. Unfortunately Joe Jacob’s untimely death in March 1977 has deprived us of his own detailed account of the consequences of this difference of opinion, but I have attempted at least to reconstruct the sequence of events from 1937 to the end of 1939, using as I shall explain in the text, the copious correspondence between Joe and various CP officials at local and national level and also using Joe’s own rough notes. These documents chart the widening gap between Joe Jacobs and the CP leadership.

The story ends with Joe’s expulsion from the Party in 1938, his appeals against expulsion, his marriage and mobilisation into the wartime Army in 1940. It is a story full of passion and sympathy for the people with whom Joe grew up, and for the people in the rank and file of the CP with whom Joe fought. It is a story highly critical of the CP Organisation which it eventually indicts for the sabotaging of the revolutionary movement, but the point should not be laboured. For Joe the painting of an epoch and the description of everyday life was as important if not more so than the making of political points. He trusted people to draw their own conclusions. He hoped that the minute and detailed painting of what was going on from day to day in ‘his’ East End as well as in the CP would be sufficient to put the record straight. He didn’t require that his readers share his precise political interpretations of his experiences. Not all of them were made at the time. Some are the result of hindsight. I remember him telling me that he had tried to exclude as much hindsight comment as possible, but inevitably it is there. As Joe would have said, ‘You will have to decide for yourselves’.

It is necessary, however, to mention that Joe’s disagreement with the CP did not turn him away from militancy. He was prominent in clothing strikes - in the 1950s (including a temporary re-uniting with the CP, which was, however, very shortlived) and in various political groups. Later in the 1960s as a postman, he participated in action by the postal workers. Later still, despite ill health, he was actively discussing, probing, questioning and following with interest the younger, newer movements in all spheres of life. He had begun writing about some of these. It is hoped eventually that some of Joe’s writing about his experiences in the ’50s, ’60s and ’70s will be published. They show that Joe did not live in the past. It is also clear, however, that the story published here is not without relevance for today, either.

This book is published because it was its author’s fervent wish that it should reach a wider audience. It has also been the wish of his family and friends that this desire should come to fruition. We also believe, however, that the book will make an important contribution to history. The text has been revised and notes added and the last two chapters are the editor’s own extrapolation from documents. Any mistakes in the notes and explanations are my responsibility alone. It must be added, however, that virtually nothing of the substance of the original text has been changed. This is Joe Jacobs’ book and not that of its editor. The words used are his own. It is for this reason that nothing has been censored from the text. Incidents are quoted and names are named except where Joe himself thought it prudent not to do so. Some of those still alive, mentioned in this story, may not like what is said about them. As all who knew Joe would testify, he was not a person to mince his words. But I must remind them that most of them have already had a chance to explain themselves in their own version of history. I refer readers to their books for other versions of the events described in the following pages1 . I cannot posthumously censure because of the risk of offending people. Anyone is free to reply on any point. I feel sure that those who read this story will recognise the innate humanity and compassion of the writer and know that cruelty or lack of consideration were not part of his nature. These were passionate and difficult times when, as Joe said himself, it was necessary to take sides2 .

Finally I would like to thank all those who helped me in the preparation of this book. I hope I will be forgiven if I leave some people out, but special thanks are due to Mr Gerald Nurse of the Tower Hamlets Central Library, Bankroft Road, Stepney, for his invaluable assistance3 . Thanks also to David Brown, Graham Jimpson, David Levy, Helen Maclenan, Ian Robinson and especially to Henri Simon.

Janet Jacobs Simon
London, February 1978.

• 1James Kluggman, The History of the Communist Party of Great Britain.
• 2See Robert Benewick, Political Violence and Public Order, especially useful are chapters 8, 10 and 11. Phil Piratin, Our Flag Stays Red.
• 3People wishing to consult their valuable local History collection should telephone the Library in advance.

There is not much to add to the notes and epilogue that have been attached to the translation of this book, except to thank those who contributed to its publication: Annie for the translation, Janet for linguistic advice and proofreading, Claire, Vincent and François for their various contributions.

For French readers, even more so than for British readers, this book is more than just the biography of an activist in his early life. It is simultaneously a document of life in the Jewish ghetto of the time, in the suburbs of East London, and of proletarian life at the time. It also offers insights into the twists and turns of the Communist International, particularly in relation to antifascism.

It is regrettable that Joe's death prevented him from writing the sequel for which he had amassed an impressive amount of material that only he could organize according to the thread that only he possessed. This concerned the period of the Second World War when he was imprisoned for striking an officer during an altercation, as well as the long post-war period during which, as a proletarian among proletarians, he carried out, often as a "strike leader," trade union and political activity in the Communist Party, then in a Trotskyist group, and finally in the Solidarity group from which he was eventually expelled when this group abandoned the class struggle to promote the politics of Cornelius Castoriadis.

Whatever the temporal limitations of this book, it gives a precise idea of ​​what Joe's personality was like, which he had to assert from early childhood in the face of early adversity.

And that is the great merit of this book and what makes it, above all, interesting.

Henri Simon

French text from https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.wordpress.com/2022/10/20/preface-dhenri-simon-a-nouvelles-du-ghetto-de-joe-jacobs/ improvements to translation welcomed.

The beginning is always a good place to start. If only I knew where it all began. It had to be the East End of London. My East End.

During the last half of the 1800’s up to the outbreak of the first world war, thousands of Jewish people left Russia and Eastern Europe to start a new life in all parts of Europe and the Americas. London was a magnet for many of them, who for one reason or another were fleeing from impossible economic conditions, to say nothing of the pogroms and antisemitic persecutions which most of them had experienced. A large number of young men were running away from conscription into the army, which was obligatory at that time in the old Russian empire.

They were followed by wives, sweethearts, parents and other relatives in large numbers. So that by the time 1914 came, and the war had started, many thousands of these immigrants had managed to pack themselves into a small area consisting of Aldgate, Spitalfields, Whitechapel and parts of St Georges, Mile End, Shoreditch and Bethnal Green. As the numbers grew because of the generally large families which the immigrants produced, the boundaries of this area were steadily pushed outwards into Limehouse and Bow to the east, Shadwell and Wapping to the south and Hackney northwards. The City of London was a barrier westwards, in which very few people actually lived.

The population had become so concentrated particularly in Whitechapel where I was born, that not more than 10% of the children attending the different schools in Baker Street, St Rutland Street, Myrdle Street, Settle Street, Fairclough Street, Bemer Street, Dempsey Street, Smith Street, Hanbury Street, Christian Street, Underwood Street, etc, were gentiles. In addition there were Jewish schools supported and run by the Jews themselves. The Jewish Free School, Stepney Jewish and an Infants School for Jews in Commercial Street (see Map).

My parents arrived within a couple of years of each other at the turn of the century. Mother was born in Karlish, Poland in 1877. My father, who was much older, came fron: Kiev in Russia. He left behind a wife, three sons and a daughter. My mother had one daughter from her first husband who had been conscripted in Poland and had deserted my mother in the process. She came to London to join her two sisters and their families who arrived here a little earlier. A younger sister and husband followed later. An older brother had already found his way to New York where he spent the rest of his life without ever seeing any of his family again, except for this younger sister who went to the USA after the war.

I know very little about my father’s origins. Anything I have managed to find out is confused because among other things, when the immigrants arrived and reported to the aliens’ department, which was administered by the police, very few were able to speak any English much less read or write. My mother remained completely illiterate and died without ever managing to write her own signature. Important things like names had to be made up on the spot simply because the immigrants could not understand what the questions were all about and the officials could not spell out the sounds made by them. This is why there are so many Jews called Cohen or Levy, for example. These were the names adopted according to which of the original 12 Jewish tribes one happened to belong and this if nothing else, was always known. For instance, my father-in-law’s name was Chochulsky. The ‘ch’s’ pronounced as though you were clearing your throat, in addition to suffering from acute bronchitis. By the time the policeman had finished asking, ‘How do you spell it?’, my father-in-law had become—Morris Cohen, instead of Moshe Hash Chochulsky.

I discovered much later, that my father had been known by three names— Shlipuk—Jacobs—Bagatersky, at different times throughout his life. Both my parents must have satisfied the Jewish authorities as well as the English that had been properly divorced, because they were formally married at the Synagogue, Stepney Green and registered with the civil authorities. I did hear various tales about how this was done which left some doubts in my mind. Never mind, they were a devoted couple and, although they only lived together for about ten years before he died in 1916, they managed to produce four children. They were married in the name of Bagatersky but the four of us were registered at birth as Jacobs, a name which three of my father’s children had when they joined us from Russia a little while before I was born. His eldest son never left Russia. Many immigrants had problems concerning names because the younger men who had avoided conscription in the old country, as well as others, had left with false documents or none at all. The women did not have this problem as no passports existed at that time and leaving home did not meet with the same obstacles. My father seems to have frequently moved home within the district before he died of cancer. He became father to my mother’s daughter Sophie and then there was Deborah, born in 1909 at Arbour Square, Annie 1911 (I’m not sure of the address), myself Joe 1913, 111 Commercial Road and Hymie 1915, 30 Bedford Street. When my father’s other children arrived I understand that there was some friction between my mother and the eldest, Dave and daughter Shifra. So they did stay long before leaving our home. The younger son Harry who was about 16 years old at that time stayed and eventually joined the army where he became a sergeant and served throughout the war. He returned from the war and married a local girl and I am still in contact with her, her children and grandchildren.

I never did meet my brother Dave. He had been a student at the time of the 1905 revolution and was involved in much illegal activity in the years that followed. I don’t know much about this period except that my eldest sister of my father’s marriage told me she remembered being taken to meetings by my brother who used her, as a young child, to cover his movements. She too became involved before they both left to join my father in London, because things had become too hot. Dave started work with my father and became a tailor’s cutter and later a designer. He married, had children.

Came the revolution in 1917 and he was making every effort to get back to Russia. This did not become possible until the war had ended in 1918. I learned from his eldest son who was at that time 6 years old, that Dave, his wife and two children arrived in Russia early in 1919. He also gave me some interesting details of my brother’s activities. He was accepted into the Bolshevik Party soon after arrival because he knew many leading personalities from his previous involvement after 1905. He was appointed as manager of a clothing factory employing about 800 people. His son told me how on one occasion his father had been visited by a party official who gave him a bag of flour, about 1 cwt at a time when there was an acute shortage of food. My brother asked what he was supposed to do with 1 cwt of flour between 800 workers. The answer was that this was for his own personal use as the party had decided that it was politically prudent to preserve the health of party functionaries even at the expense of the masses, if the revolution was to succeed.

Dave began to question all that he saw going on which contradicted the views he had formed from reports he had read, before his return. His own ideas about the nature of a social revolution were also not in accordance with what he saw going on around him. He joined the ‘Workers’ Opposition’. His son was not very clear about the issues or events of the year which followed. He was only seven years old when it happened. He did learn more from his father in the years to come. It appears that Dave and his friends in the ‘Workers’ Opposition’ were being hounded and removed from positions of responsibility. He seems to have been a political prisoner at one time. Having some experience of clandestine activity under the Tzar, Dave now turned his attention to once again planning an escape from Russia. This time with his wife and children. A group decided that they would not survive physically if they continued their active opposition to Lenin and the majority of the Bolshevik Party. They made plans to proceed by way of Poland, through Germany to points westwards. They made it to Paris where my brother liked the people he met as well as Paris itself. He settled there and became a ladies’ clothing manufacturer.

His politics moved closer to the Anarchist position, but he was less and less active as time passed. His eldest son still carries on as a clothing manufacturer. His other children and grandchildren have all survived the German occupation of the second world war and continue to pursue their lives as good French citizens. I do not have any contact with them. Our lives were separated by distances and life style.

When Dave became an active revolutionary I was not yet born and was only 8 years old when he arrived in Paris. My own ‘entry’ into the workers’ movement in 1925 came before I knew any details about his existence. He did make frequent trips to London, in fact he chose to marry a girl from 13 Stepney after the death of his first wife. She joined him in France. I met my sister Shifra for the first time some 40 years later and have seen her only twice since, although she is still alive.

* * * * *

In 1916 my mother was left a widow with five children aged 11, 7,5, I was 2 years 10 months and the youngest just 10 months old. She had no means of support :s there was as yet no governmental schemes from which she could claim help. There were only the Poor Law relief, the workhouses and local charities, the main one being the Jewish Board of Guardians.

I don’t suppose I really remember my father’s funeral in such detail but one story was repeated so often I have come to regard it as an experience I actually remember. We were living in Bedford Street, on the 4th floor of the tenement house, part of a large terrace of such houses. The four flats were only separated by the winding wooden staircase leading to each floor and the doors of the three rooms led directly from the landing and passages, on which there was also a lavatory and a recess for a sink and a large brick built boiler for ‘washing’. There was no privacy between the four families and our lives were inevitably intermingled. I remember entering the larger front bedroom where men in skull caps some with long beards were mumbling away for all they were worth and beating their breasts. I could hear the women and other children in the rest of the house crying and wailing and I was very frightened. All the men in the room were gathered round a large box which was resting on two chairs, one at each end, which was draped over all with a large black cloth. Suddenly the drape was removed revealing a long unpolished wooden box, narrower at one end than the other, and one of the men began to unscrew the lid and proceeded to remove it, revealing my father’s body, lying there. Somebody noticed too late that I was present. I was petrified. I was picked up and almost thrown through the door into the arms of an enormous woman who almost smothered me in her breasts in a vain attempt to stop me from becoming completely hysterical.

Being the eldest son present it was decided to take me to the burial grounds situated at Edmonton on the outskirts of London. Soon after the coffin had been lowered into the ground, the prayers completed, I was given a ball made of paper and filled with sawdust to which was attached a long thin string of elastic. By attaching the end of the elastic, which was looped, to my finger it was possible to thrown the ball away and with any luck it would return to my hand immediately. Now, the point of this story is also the reason why it was so often repeated. On returning home, my mother asked me who had given me the ball and I am told, I said, ‘Daddy’. Of course, it is the only real remembered contact I had with my father.

The week of official mourning over, my mother had to deal with the problem of feeding herself and five young children. She was advised to appeal to the Jewish Board of Guardians. Their offices were situated in Middlesex Street (the world famous Petticoat Lane). She was received and questioned very closely about her assets and it was revealed that she had about £26 to come from a friendly society to which my father had contributed for quite a long time. Almost every Jewish family in the East End belonged to a burial society attached to the various synagogues and most of them in London still do. In addition many belonged to various friendly societies for extra benefit and insurance against ill health etc. Most of these gradually disappeared as Government sponsored National Health, welfare and pension projects got underway. It was suggested that she should hand over this £26 (which was an enormous sum for a worker to possess in those days) and that they would add another £26, which meant she could draw £1 per week for at least a year. In addition they offered to help out with boots, clothing, and at High Holiday times like Passover, the Day of Atonement and the Jewish New Year there would be food parcels. She agreed to this and came home relieved to know that the rent, 8 shillings and fourpence a week, would be paid, which left eleven and eight pence to pay for gas, coal, and food for her family. We did not enjoy the luxury of electricity for many years to come. Fortunately she was a wonderful cook and could produce good meals for very little money. Even so, that amount of cash could not be stretched very far. She must have been helped by relatives and neighbours who were used to making sacrifices in this way although they were nearly all very poor themselves.

The ‘poor helping the poor’ was a well known fact of East End life. My mother looked around for ways of supplementing her income. The only work she had done before marriage was as assistant midwife and nurse to mothers during the first week of confinement. This was not possible now because of her own very young family. So she started by taking in the neighbours’ washing, that is those who could afford to pay for this service. My earliest recollections are full of scenes of my mother spending endless hours at the wash boiler or over a tub of steaming washing rubbing away until her hands were red raw, ironing until her back could stand it no more. Living on the top floor meant that we had a good landing which was not used by other occupants of the house and by fixing rope lines from one wall to the other she was able to hang dozens of items for drying. From Monday to Friady, day and half the night, was one long ‘wash-day’. We were never free of masses of sheets, pillow slips and various items of clothing in different stages of attention. I remember well the awful smell which was always with us. In between of course she had to cook and attend to us. My sisters, young as they were, had to help to deliver the wash on Friday and collect the dirty stuff on Monday. In this way she was abie to earn a few shillings to enable us to keep body and soul together. As if she did not have enough troubles, as a result of a row with one of the neighbours, and neighbours were always having rows, somebody informed the Jewish Board of Guardians that my mother was working. So they stopped the payments which she was receiving. The first year was almost over anyway so she had to think of an alternative way of making a living.

It was during this year that something happened to me which was to affect 15 me for the rest of my life. I was about 3 and a half years old and my mother had strapped me in a wooden push chair and left me near the front door in the street, while she carried on with her work four floors above. The kids in our street were very rough as were most of the kids in the East End, and a boy called Oscar Pyser, whose father had a small cloth shop directly opposite where I sat in my pushchair, took it into his head to throw a handful of sand and dirt into my face. I must have screamed very loudly and proceeded to rub this dirt into my eyes. By the time my mother was alerted the damage had been done. My eyes became severely infected and for the next 3% years my mother had to take me, as an out-patient, several times a week to the clinic at the London Hospital which was situated just a few streets away. During this same period I spent many weeks as an in-patient at this and other hospitals. For a short period I was almost blind and I roughly remember being sent to Brighton for a period and I can remember the daily trips to the sea-front, being transported on the foot-rest of an invalid chair which was occupied by another child who was unable to walk. I can’t remember what was happening to my brother and three sisters during this time.

By the time I was seven years old it was discovered that I had contracted trachoma, a very serious contagious disease which attacks the eyes, and on 20th May 1920 I was sent to an isolation institution, ‘White Oak School’, Swanley, Kent, where I spent the next four years. I never saw my mother or any member of my family for the first two years at Swanley, and only saw my mother a couple of times during the last two years when one of the neighbours, a young man, brought her to see me. I know now how impossible it was for her to pay much attention to me, with all the money problems she faced at home. My eldest sister Sophie had started to work as a blouse machinist and that must have helped.

During the 3 and a half years before going to Swanley the war had ended and my mother had given up ‘washing’ and now that the girls were older she was able to go out to work. She became a cook at the many functions, weddings and Barmitzvahs (Confirmation of males at 13 years of age) which were going on all the time. However this meant being away from home for periods of 24 hours and more at a time. So the children really got out of hand. It must have been some time in 1922 when my sisters Debbie and Annie were sent off to a Jewish Orphanage at Norwood where they spent about 18 months. They came home before my return in May 1924, but Debbie was not living at home when I arrived.

Here’s why. Mother was in the habit of hiding small sums of money, to meet bills, in among the linen in a chest of drawers. Debbie, who must have been nearly 14 at the time, stole a half-crown and was seen coming down the street eating a large William’s pear. Mother caught her and asked where she got the pear from but was unable to get a satisfactory answer. When she arrived home she went to the drawer and found the half-crown missing. She was furious and realised that she was unable to cope, as the girls were developing into very difficult teenagers. My brother had acquired the nickname ‘Dustman’ by this time, because it was impossible to keep him clean for very long. He spent most of his time in the streets, running wild. Not knowing what to do about all this she was advised to report her situation to the ‘Ladies’. I believe this was a semi-official body of do-gooders, attached to the local Juvenile Court. Their office was situated near the County Court in Great Prescott Street, Aldgate. This resulted in Debbie being sent to a reform school in Stamford Hill, which I remember visiting on one occasion. This proved to be a disaster. My mother never again appealed to the authorities for help even though the conduct of my sisters and young brother, as time went on, was outrageous.

* * * * *

I must tell you a little about my stay at Swanley although it has nothing to do with the East End. It had a great deal to do with my development. I was seven years old when I went there. Trachoma is a very painful disease leading to total blindness, if not treated successfully. It does not exist in this country now due te modern antibiotics. I remember waking each morning ana having to use my fingers to get my eyes open due to the heavy discharge which had accumulated during the night causing the eyelids to stick tightly together. The treatment consisted of daily bathing with boracic acid solutions and various applications of ointment. Every two or three weeks the eyes were washed in a solution of silver nitrate which felt as though your eyes were being burned out of your head. This had the effect of partially freezing the tissue so that the eyelashes which were growing inwards could be plucked out with a pair of forceps. This caused a lot of blood to flow and what with the intense pain was very frightening. As you can imagine any attempt to educate us was very severely handicapped. We did go to school but could only do what the state of our eyes at any one time would allow. I was barely able to read or write at the end of those four years.

I forgot to tell you that both my name and birthday were wrongly recorded at Swanley. When I was first treated at the London Hospital, my mother had produced a document which she could not read. This showed ny name as Joseph Bagatersky, dated 25.5.1913. It was years later when I first saw my birth certificate that I found, I was really Joseph Jacobs, born 9.5.1913. This document was the certificate of circumcision, carried out by a Mohel (a sort of rabbinical surgeon) and the name had come from my mother’s marriage lines and the date was two weeks after I was born when I was circumcised. So at Swanley, my name was Bagatersky and at one time I was the only Jew there out of about 300 children of all ages. This did not help matters. I was called all sorts of names including Bag-of-Toffee and Bottle-of-Whiskey. Not only by other children but by members of the staff. The local Church of England vicar was also our minister and he took it upon himself to take special care of me. He often referred to me as one of God’s chosen people. This attention frequently had the opposite effect to that intended. He was a very kind man and I crieda great deal when he was buried early in 1924. I still visit his grave whenever I am near Swanley.

I was also a fat boy. I had spent several years without much physical exercise being unable to play ball games through bad eyesight, as well as being overfed. I felt that I was frequently being made fun of. I knew nothing about anti-semitism at that time. I became very frustrated and developed an uncontrollable temper. The more I was punished the more violent I became. I once hit another boy on the head with a heavy iron poker simply because he was given the job of cleaning the bathroom when I had to clean shoes on the back porch and I wanted his job. What I remember most is that I was always so very frightened.

On 19th May 1924 I was declared free of the disease and it was safe to send me home. Except for occasional short walks I had spent the whole of these four years behind a high fence within the buildings and grounds of this institution. I was taken from Swanley to Mile End Hospital, one of the East End infirmaries, where my mother was waiting to receive me. I went home. My real troubles were yet to come.

* * * * *

Everybody was pleased to see me. I was bewildered. Such strange sounds —such strange sights—such strange smells. A lot of the neighbours could hardly remember me. Nearly all the younger children in our street didn’t know me at all including my own sisters and brother. My sister Sophie had married a man several years older than herself. He worked in a bakery at the corner of our street where it met Varden Street. Being a night-worker he was still in bed when I got home. They were occupying our back bedroom which left only the kitchen and front bedroom for my mother, Annie, Hymie and now, me. Debbie was still at the reform school. Annie slept with my mother and we two boys slept on a mattress, on the floor. Later, when Debbie came home she had to sleep on a sofa in the kitchen.

What we called the kitchen was also the living room. Along one side, about twelve feet in length, was the fireplace, an old iron construction with a closed grate and oven on the side with the top enclosed and round covers which could be removed for feeding the fire. Along side this in a smail recess was an old fashioned dresser. four shelves and cupboards below, about eight feet long.

The far wall, about nine to ten feet long, was filled by a sofa, which was opened at night. The wall opposite the dresser and the fireplace also had the only window in the room. Below the window stood the table and chairs. In the corner along side was the gas cooker which you had to be careful not to hit when entering the room, because the door was where the room narrowed and there was only enough space for the side of the cooker and the door. There was hardly any room to move from one spot to another if more than two people happened to be seated at the table.

My mum managed to keep a window full of flowers and an odd assortment of things which grew from pips or pieces of vegetables she just happened to put into a meagre amount of soil in boxes or pots. She loved growing things and I often wondered what she would have done with a decent garden. After all she had spent her childhood and youth in a small village in Poland and knew a lot about growing things.

My mother was still cooking at functions for a living and so we were often left for days unattended. Sophie became pregnant and she and Max founda couple of rooms in the Aldgate district. We could not afford the whoie rent which had gone up to 12 shillings per week. So the back room was let to the people on the first floor because their family was growing too large for their accommodation. They had a father. He had his own workshop situated through the yard on the ground floor. He was a ‘rich’ cap maker. Not long after, they moved and this time the room was let at 4 shillings aweek to a spinster, Leah Goldstein. She must have been quite good looking at one time but her face was horribly pock-marked and she used very heavy make-up in an attempt to conceal the marks. She died a few years ago, suffocated and burned to death in this same room, so many years alone, after we left. The house is still there. I knew her as a lively person who used to sing funny songs in Yiddish at the local Trade Union halls. She was intimate ‘member’ of my family.

Within a matter of days after coming home my old uncle who had to work so hard to provide for my aunt and their eight children took me to a shop and bought me a pair of boots, without which entry to the local school would have been delayed. I joined Baker Street School. The headmaster was Charles Key, Mayor of Poplar and later Labour MP for Poplar after George Lansbury had died. He was mentioned in the Lynsky Tribunal which dealt with the Stanley affair into corruption of ministers and Board of Trade officials. I liked him very much at school although I had occasion to oppose him when he came to talk at one of our local Trade Union (TU) meetings years later.

I was a big boy and it was decided to put me in a class which was too advanced for me, rather than embarrass me by having to join the much younger children in the lower classes. I was making very rapid progress but alas, this was very short lived.

Before I was 12 years old, my left eye, which had never been restored to sight, began to cause trouble. Back to the London Hospital and this time I was detained and it was decided to end my suffering and save my right eye, by means of removing the left one. I can only remember being prepared for the operation and being very frightened. I was told afterwards that my mother spent the whole day crying and that neighbours had to take care of my young brother. After about a month in hospital I went home again, this time with a big black patch over my left eye which I wore for a short period. When I was 14 I was fitted with an artificial eye. I was unable to resume my schooling for a few months. (See school photograph.) That time was I believe crucial for my development. I had become very self conscious and shy. My temper had not improved and there were many occasions when I let fly in all directions. My young brother was a frequent victim and he came to regard me as a big bully, with some justification.

* * * * *

Before going on further I must tell you more about my street which was not unlike many others in my part of East London. Taking my side of the street which had the even numbers starting at the beginning where it joined Commercial Road, there was Singer’s sewing-machine shop. Then a restaurant, followed by a small china and glass warehouse. Then a tailor’s trimmings shop, a milliner’s, a tobacconist and a sweet shop, a butcher then a baker at the corner of Nelson Street, the street I was told where John Bloom the washing machine tycoon spent some of his childhood. On the next corner was a pub. Then an embroiderer followed by a barber shop complete with striped pole. This was the beginning of the long terrace of four storey houses in which I lived. A large number of the ground floor front rooms were converted into shops or workshops. All these houses had workshops at the back which were reached by going along the passage, crossing a small yard, containing the dustbins. In addition many had the top floor flats converted into workshops. Most of them were occupied by tailors or clothes makers of various kinds. My father had been a Ladies’ tailor. Like most of the men and young females he was employed in horrible conditions for long hours for very little money.

Continuing along the street the next front room was lived in, the next was a sewing machine mechanic’s workshop. Then came ours, occupied by an umbrella maker, with an open umbrella attached to an iron bracket coming out of the wall, as a sign. Then a private tailor, then a sack and bag dealer. This is all in addition to the workshops already mentioned. Three doors further along there was a furrier and a trousers maker in the same house. In many of these houses it was hard to find where the workshops ended and the living accommodation began. The whole street was similar in character with cobblers, tinkers and ever more tailors, dress makers, dealers in all sorts of goods connected with the tailoring trade and of course every kind of food shop with a large variety of smells which had originated in Russia, Poland and from every country in Eastern Europe.

There were two buildings in our street which were very important to me. The first, twelve doors from my home ‘No 54’ was different to all the others. The front door was in the centre and as you entered there were offices on either side of the passage which led to a wide wooden staircase. You could not see into the offices but there were small openings covered by panels which slid up and you could talk to a face on the other side. Climbing the stairs you would hear voices often very loud above the general gabble of conversation mostly in Yiddish. In addition loud bangs as the dominoes hit the table tops. On entering a very large room, occupying the whole of that floor, the cigarette smoke would almost cause you to choke. Here, during the daytime, were the men who were unemployed, to be joined in the late evenings by those who had been working. Tea and snacks of all kinds were available, at a small bar occupying one corner. The floor above had several rooms in which there was always some sort of meeting going on.

This was the headquarters of the local Tailors’ and Garment Workers’ Trade Union for Gents’ Tailoring workers. There were places serving the same function for other TUs through out the East End. They were Social Clubs as well as Trade Unions.

The other building was one of the biggest clothing factories in Stepney at that time. Schneiders, the makers of ‘Guards’ brand ciothes. This factory occupied almost a quarter of the whole length of the street and was situated towards the end leading into Whitechapel Road. This was the factory where I ‘discovered’ Arnold Wesker’s Aunt Sarah. She emerged during the course of a bitter strike, as a very good public speaker and as leader of the many women who worked there. She became a trade union leader and active in the clothing industry for many years to come. I was to meet her both as a trade unionist and member of the Communist Party (CP), over a period, chiefly through the many disagreements which we had. I believe she is portrayed in some of Arnold Wesker’s plays 1 . I also knew Arnold’s father who I liked very much but I didn’t know he was to have a famous son, then. I could go on describing our street for a long time and from time to time it will come into the early part of my story.

* * * * *

You would be wrong if you think from what I told you that everything in my scene was grim and tragic. The humour was rich, comprehensive, full of wit, when it was not downright vulgar, which it was quite a lot of the time. The street was full of gossiping women and children playing every kind of game you can think of, often to the annoyance of the trades’ people and mothers who were trying to get their babies to sleep. During the summer months the adults sat on chairs on the pavements outside the front doors talking, laughing, arguing very excitedly during the evening and late into the night. One reason for delaying the decision to retire was that when you did go to bed it meant fighting a running battle with the bedbugs which seemed to be everywhere.

One hears a great deal nowadays about the need for sex education for the young. Nobody paid too much attention to this then. I can tell you that we didn’t need much more knowledge from any ‘professional educators’ about where babies come from. Birth control? Maybe. How could it have been otherwise? The woman downstairs was having a baby every year and we knew exactly where they came from and how they were conceived. We were not very old before the usual games, ‘mothers and fathers’, ‘doctors and nurses’ were being played. And maybe you can tell me why all the boys wanted to be the Father or Doctor, and all the girls wanted to be Mother and Nurse? They all seemed to know what to do, if my memory serves me right. A

ll life was very intimate. You entered any of the neighbours’ homes as readily as going into your own. The doors were seldom closed. Even in winter the front doors, when shut, had a piece of string emerging through a hole which, because it was attached to the latch, enabled anyone to open the door without a key. The string was usually pulled in when the house was closed for the night. There was very little loneliness in my East End.

Memory can play tricks on you and you will forgive me if my dates are not always exact, but it must have been 1925. I was almost twelve years old with a few months to spare before returning to school. The rest of the children over the age of three to four were at school. I was in the street where I usually sought to occupy myself without daring to go far away from my small section, when I heard what sounded like a drum being beaten, coming from the direction of Varden Street, which joined my street forming a T-junction. I hurried towards the sound and as I reached the comer I saw a huge-multi-coloured banner blowing in the breeze, held by two men on either side with straps over their shoulder meeting at the waist into a brass fitting in which rested the pole supporting the banner. Walking in front was a slightly built man and I was looking into his face which seemed to have a sort of ‘far away’ look. Depicted in the centre of the banner was a painting of an oven door with a man dressed in bakers’ white trousers and vest and wearing what looked like a flat topped chef’s hat but not so high. In his hand was what I can only describe as a long wooden shovel. Across the top were the words “The London Jewish Bakers’ Trade Union’. I can’t remember the words along the bottom, but I do remember the scroll like decorations surrounding the picture and forming a background to the words. There were about 20 men following the banner and one of them was beating a drum. Bringing up the rear was a man carrying what looked like a small collapsable step ladder.

I was so fascinated that it was some time before I realised that I had left our street and was in fact several streets away, as I followed the procession in the middle of the road, I noticed we had acquired the presence of a policeman walking alongside on the pavement. I continued to follow, seemingly unable to stop and turn back. We arrived at a baker’s shop in Jubilee Street. There was a man walking up and down outside with a red armband, bearing the word ‘Picket’. He had two placards suspended from his shoulders with words painted on them. I can’t remember what they were.

Jubilee Street is where I was told Stalin stayed during part of his short visit to London. Between Jubilee Street and my street is another street running parallel—all three extending from Commercial Road to the south and Whitechapel Road to the north. This is the famous Sidney Street. I heard many personal accounts of the siege so often connected with Winston Churchill’s career as Home Secretary. Most of these tales, which have become part of the folklore of my East End, seldom refer to Peter the Painter and his friends as bandits or criminals, but as Anarchists and part of a revolutionary organisation.

The procession stopped, the banner was lowered to the ground, the man with the step ladder opened it and it turned out to be a speaker’s platform. The thin man with the far away look climbed on to it and began to talk, at first quite quietly. Gradually his voice got louder and louder. The far away look was gone and he became at times very angry and spoke with great emotion. His message was so simple even I could understand it. After describing the terrible conditions in which bakers worked, the heat, the long hours through the night, the low wages, the threat of instant dismissal if you displeased the boss and so on, he said that the only way the men could relieve their suffering was to organise in Trade Unions to meet the attacks of the boss by their own united action. This strike, for this is what it was, started because some employers had refused to recognise this union who were demanding that they should stick a small label on the bread which said, ‘This is made by Trade Union Labour’. It was not uncommon to see such labels on a variety of products in those days. Many printers still continue this practice. This must have been the first time I heard the words “United we stand, divided we fall’. I heard them often enough from speakers on many platforms, as time passed.

After about twenty minutes, the speaker left the platform, the procession reformed and we all moved off. The crowd which had formed round the platform dispersed, all talking to each other as they went. We proceeded as before but by a different route all through the back streets for about a mile or more before arriving at another baker’s in a narrow turning calied Plumbers Row. The same procedure as before followed outside this shop and once again we left and headed for Walden Street where we all stopped outside a small building. The semi-basement was the headquarters of the London Jewish Bakers’ Union. All the men went inside after rolling up the banner with loving care.

The man who had captivated me was called ‘Proof’, the organising secretary of this union, who I was to hear described as ‘The Anarchist’. He went back to Russia some time after the incident I have described. I did hear that he died as aresult of his disagreement with the Bolsheviks but I don’t know if that is true.

It was about 2.30 pm and I had been missing from our street for about three hours. I realised then that I was very hungry. I felt elated. I imagine this is how a drug taker must feel after his first ‘fix’. Most certainly, something had entered my bloodstream. Fortunately, I was only a couple of streets away from home and I arrived a little breathless to meet my mother who was waiting at the front door. She scolded me for my absence and I believe I got a whack round the ear, but I didn’t feel anything.

I followed these men each day for about a week except for Saturday when all the shops were shut and everyone who appeared on the street was dressed in their Sabbath clothes. In those days most of the parents were themselves immigrants and they tried very hard with growing opposition from their children to follow a pattern of religious life brought from the ‘old country’. Needless to say they lost a lot of their own way in the process.

But it was still common practice for fathers to be accompanied by their sons, to proceed on foot in best clothes, to the synagogue on Friday evening at sundown and again early Saturday morning and yet again before sundown of the same day. I remember well, one of my earliest young friends in the working-class movement, Willie Cohen, who right up to the time just before he became a full time functionary in the Young Communist League (YCL), went with his father and younger brother to the synagogue in this way, because he did not wish to meet his father’s wrath and upset his mother. Even if he did spend the rest of the week declaring among other things that ‘Religion is the opium of the people’. He was a friend of John Gollan, the recent Secretary of the CP who had recently arrived from Scotland and spent a short time in the East End. My future brother-in-law made a suit of clothes for him at that time for very little money. A sort of comradely gesture.

The synagogues were everywhere, at least seven within 250 yards of my home. They differed mainly because of the origins of their members and upon some difference in emphasis of outlook and religious practice. The boys were all required to learn Hebrew, usually in small private classes conducted by rabbis who were paid weekly. There were larger establishments called Talmud Torahs which sometimes taught free for the poorer members of the community. These classes were conducted after school hours daily—Saturday excepted—and continued until one’s Barmitzvah at 13 years of age. I’m telling you all this because I want you to understand that what I’m describing is an area, or so I thought, which had developed a ghetto like character and it was mainly created by the immigrants themselves. A ghetto has boundaries and ours was no exception. Some of our boundaries would be better described as frontiers. The nearest was at the end of our street where Commercial Road, the main road, separated us from the streets on the other side, Planet Street and Winterton Street. One did not cross into these streets alone. This is where the ‘Yoks’ (Gentiles) lived. Their female counterparts were called ‘Shiksas’.

If anything they were more ragged than us and lots of the children ran around in bare feet. We were told that this was because their parents spent all their money on beer. We were also told that they were rough and didn’t like Jews. They regarded us as foreigners who looked funny and had a peculiar smell. If we ever met across the frontier it was usually in large groups with all kinds of missiles flying around. I still have a scar on my forehead from one of these encounters.

There were other Gentiles who we called Ladies or Gentlemen. After all you couldn’t refer to the doctor or teacher as ‘Yoks’ or ‘Shiksas’. Then there were the gentiles who entered our territory freely, like policemen, postmen, rent collectors, sanitary inspectors, dustmen and so on. Occasionally groups of adult ‘Yoks’ did enter to dig holes in the road. I never saw any Jewish men dig holes in the road.

As time went on I remember some of Oswald Moseley’s public speakers repeat the statement -‘You’ll never see a “Yid” down a coal mine”. The ‘Yoks’ didn’t think much of the kind of work the Jewish men did. The feeling was that Jews were shy of hard manual labour. These sentiments may sound familiar to you now but they relate to a different kind of immigrant. What’s the good of trying to reason when deep inside a feeling of hate and prejudice is burning you up? After all, wasn’t it true the Jews killed Christ?

* * * * *

Having listened to ‘Proof the Anarchist’ and travelled further afield on my own in the process I became bolder and often found myself in Whitechapel Road during the evenings. There were always meetings going on at any of a number of street corners. There were missionaries from many local Christian missions to the Jews with premises which provided excellent medical and dental treatment. Free, if you were prepared to listen to the sermons and join in praying and hymn singing before being treated. There were Labour Party meetings, TU propaganda meetings, Socialists, Anarchists, Unemployed Workers’ organisations, and many others including one, King Anthony, an expolice inspector, who claimed to be the rightful heir to the Throne of England. Above all there was the Young Communist League and the Communist Party. They attracted me most and I listened for hours to many different speakers. It wasn’t long before I was helping to distribute leaflets at these meetings.

Having returned to school I got to know more young people living around. We met on the street corners after school, some played games, fought or chased the girls. The older boys having left school were beginning to pay more attention to their appearance and to the girls. Almost every corner had its groups. The one which pulled me towards it was a few yards away from the Garment Workers’ TU premises at No. 54. There was a lot of coming and going and often groups would form on the pavement to continue discussions which had originated inside and in this way I and other young boys could listen to talk about conditions in the workshops and factories and what ought to be done. New words were learnt every day. Exploitation, sweated labour, and strange words like sectarian and leftist and names, Marx and Lenin.

Come 1st May, there were crowds of people all gaily dressed and horse drawn carts decorated in red material, carrying children and banners and placards with slogans like ‘Workers of the world unite’. There was a band and lots of noise. Some of the men started to shout orders and after a while a procession was formed and with a lot of policemen on either side they all started to march away. I followed. We got as far as Gardiner’s corner, Aldgate, and there were thousands more people in similar processions coming from all directions. They halted in the middle of the road. When the processions stopped arriving they all joined together. There were thousands on the pavements and more policemen than I had ever seen before, some mounted on horses.

The bands started to play, people sang and shouted. The East London contingent of the May Day march got under way. I followed. We got to the Embankment and stopped to be joined by a contingent from South London and as before we moved off again in the direction of Hyde Park. I followed. When we got to Hyde Park I began to think that all the workers in London must be united.

What had happened to the ‘Yoks’ and Jews? We were all ‘comrades’. That’s what all the speakers were calling the people they were addressing. The meeting over I realised that I was tired and lost. I got to Marble Arch where I met my cousin who was a couple of years older than me and since he didn’t have any money either, we started on the long walk home. I was very tired, hungry and dirty, but happy.

The year I came home, 1924, was the time of the first Labour Government, which some historians say was brought down because of the Campbell case. I didn’t know anything about these things, much less that I would be meeting J R Campbell many times. Stepney was a Labour stronghold and I got to hear about people called Attiee, Gosling, Scurr as well as George Lansbury from neighbouring Poplar. During the two years leading to the General Strike, I heard a lot of discussion about the miners. The very thought of working deep down in the earth caused me to shudder with fright. I hadn’t yet read Zola’s Germinal and knew little about these people who lived and worked in far away places.

I was now 14 and learning at a very fast rate. So I knew that there was a possibility of a General Strike. One could hardly avoid knowing something about this in the East End, but I didn’t bargain for what I saw when it happened. Hundreds of people were rushing towards Commercial Road from every side street and I was among them. I managed to get to the front of the crowds lining the pavement and bang down the middle of the road where dozens of motor vehicles in line, were crammed full of soldiers, all heading Eastwards. There were policemen everywhere. Many, I noticed, wore flat peaked caps instead of the usual helmet. They were being referred to as ‘specials’. Some just had police armbands and caps. There were lots of mounted policemen jumping around and helping to prevent people from leaving the pavements. Occasionally a vehicle would come along moving much faster passing the line carrying the soldiers. These all had big labels stuck on them with the single word ‘Food’ printed on them. Then there were ambulances, fire engines and police vans proceeding in the same way as the food lorries. I decided to see where they were going. I got as far as Blackwall Tunnel and the entrance to the docks. The crowds were so dense [ had great difficulty in getting to the front. Every few minutes hundreds of men would surge forward off the pavements into the road and what followed frightened the living daylights out of me. Police on horseback with long wooden truncheons were hitting out in all directions. The police on foot were engaged in violent assaults on anyone who was not on the pavements while hundreds of others were linked together trying to stop more people getting into the road. I felt sick. People were holding their heads and there was a lot of blood on many of them. After a while the vehicles carrying the soldiers had passed through the dock gates. The fighting stopped except for occasional outbursts here and there. The police were in control. The crowd began to get thinner and I headed for home. This sort of thing was not repeated on this scale again where I happened to be during the week that followed. There were meetings and marches everywhere and I helped to distribute leaflets and stick labels on anything which offered itself.

This was all I saw of the General Strike and my sympathies were all for the miners and I began to hate the police. I was profoundly affected.

* * * * *

I’m a little ahead with my story because things were happening to me and my family during my 14th year which you ought to know about. My short period as a school boy had led to considerable progress in my knowledge of the three R’s but I had missed any chance of ‘further education’ because I was too old to enter for qualifying exams. My sister Debbie had been home from the reform school about a year and she worked as a waitress in various local restaurants. She seemed to change jobs very often. She was 17 and Annie was 15. My mother used to sit at the open window late at night waiting for them to come home. When they arrived together or separately at different times, decided whether or not there was to be one or two terrific rows with beatings and screaming which must have disturbed the neighbours a great deal.

My younger brother, who was now 11 years old, used to share with me the run of the home while my mother was away working, until my sisters came home from work. I’m not quite clear what exactly Annie worked at in the clothing trade. She did not work for long in any one job. She was already beyond anyone’s efforts to discipline her. When they got home before mother, they made sure to be out of the house before she arrived. I know that Annie liked going to dances in the local halls and judging from things my mother used to accuse them both of there was a great deal more to their method of amusing themselves.

My brother was getting wilder than ever and he had begun to acquire more spending money than other kids who had fathers. I’m not saying that I was a paragon of virtue. My temper was as bad as ever and I was difficult in many ways, but my interests were heading in the direction of politics. My mother worked very hard and did her best for us but she was up against impossible odds.

At this time I got a job, after school hours, as a shop-boy for an elderly man living a few doors away who had a workshop making gents’ jackets and overcoats. Just himself and his wife. He paid me four shillings per week for collecting the cut garments from two bespoke tailors’ shops, one in Bethnal Green Road and the other in Green Street, Bethnal Green, and delivering the finished product.

This meant going straight from school to collect a black wrapper and its contents and twopence fare money. I nearly always walked so that I could keep the twopence.

Incidentally, Green Street, proved to be the most fertile centre in East London when Moseley arrived to sow his poisonous seeds. This job occupied me for about three to four hours each evening and about the same time Saturday mornings. The practice of not working on Saturdays was beginning to break down under pressure from the needs of shops and other businesses situated outside the Jewish areas. I didn’t work on Sunday. I gave my mother the four shillings and she returned sixpence to me. I remember stealing two and sixpence from one of these shops and I learned other ways of supplementing my income.

When leaving my employer’s place I had to go towards Whitechapel where it joins Mile End Road. This meant passing Schneiders, the big factory in our street. I noticed that when the ‘shiksas’ were coming out at the end of the day’s work there were among them some Jewish girls and nearly all the men were Jews. A lot of them seemed to be laughing and joking with one another. This contrasted somewhat with my impression of the East End. You must remember that it was only two years since I had left Swanley. Everything I was seeing and learning about was so different from my existence in that institution. I suppose young children see things more sharply as being either black or white. I know now that what I have described so far could not have been 100% as I saw it. It began to dawn on me that Jews and Gentiles did mix a great deal more than I had supposed. In travelling further and further afield I saw this relationship more and more. Afterall lots of Jews owned shops outside my area, others had stalls in markets and many Jewish workers travelled some distance to work. People who had lived in our ‘ghetto’ were moving away in the direction of Hackney and Stamford Hill and I heard of Jews who lived in places like Cricklewood, Brondesbury and Golders Green. Around the union premises I heard of Jews in the clothing industry who it appears lived in far away places like Leeds and Manchester. I used to wonder why it was that Jews and Gentiles should find so much to differ about when they seemed to have so many interests in common about which they should be in agreement. Weren’t they nearly all of them poor? Didn’t they meet the same conditions of employment whether or not the boss happened to be Jew or Gentile? It did not take me long to think that if only they could get together things might be better.

This job I had restricted my visits to Whitechapel Road to listen to public speakers. It also restricted my association with the other boys on the corner of Ford Square and our street. I had usually finished work and had been home for supper and out again by about 7.30 in the evening, so there was still lots of time for discussion and argument and games on the corner. The job ended at the time of the General Strike. I was nearly 14 and was about to start my working life proper. I had started to read books, well into the night and my mother had a hell of a job to get me up in the mornings. It started with pamphlets and developed into a very wide variety of literature. Because of my bad eyesight I had little knowledge of children’s literature whether it be comics or the many children’s periodicals in circulation at the time. Since my ability to read properly was so much delayed I had not attempted to read a whole book before the end of my 13th year. I was now ready to start work.

Debbie was about to get married and my mother was busy trying to raise money for a trousseau and a wedding reception. She went into debt and it took her a long time to repay all she owed. She was so glad to see the back of Debbie, safely married, she would have done anything. I believe she felt very guilty for having reported he to the ‘Ladies’ and Debbie’s stay in reform school. After the wedding Debbie and her husband went to live in two rooms some distance away. He was a tailor. Annie carried on as before, only more so. Her homecomings were getting later and later. The first time she stayed out all night my mother was frantic. But she would not report her to the authorities. She tried to deal with her herself and this did not improve matters. More rows, more beatings. Annie became more rebellious. A few months after her marriage, Debbie parted from her husband and she had moved. Within a few short months Annie joined her and they were both living in the West End.

Mother was powerless to do anything about this and their occasional visits home grew rarer and eventually we never saw them for a year or two at a time. Stories about them reached us from time to time and I felt ashamed and tried hard to put them out of my mind and I explained all this to myself and reached the somewhat naive conclusion that they were victims of the ‘system’. So they were, but not in the simple way I liked to believe. You will hear less from me about them for the rest of my story. In fact Annie was removed from my scene in a very painful way and if I tell you now what happened, it won’t be necessary to break into my story later on. She returned home when I was approaching my 24th year and she was only 26. She had a young child who I had seen once or twice before. There was also a ‘husband’. She was very ill. She went into a hospital for victims of TB. I saw her die after a short stay in this hospital. Her eyes and cheeks were sunken deep into her skull, the blood was coming out of her mouth in clotted lumps. She had been a very good looking girl. Her husband disappeared and Debbie took charge of her child.

When Annie joined Debbie earlier, that left me and my brother at home with Mum still working as hard as ever. My half sister Sophie and her husband had become parents and my older half brother too. They lived normal lives in the East End and we saw each other in the normal way. They were never able to help my mother financially.

A man who lived round the corner offered to teach me to become a cabinet maker. Many children were ‘apprenticed’ in this way and some parents had to pay the employer during the first year for the willingness to take them. I was lucky. This man offered to pay me three shillings a week to start and more as I progressed. His small workshop was situated in Hoxton so I had to have tuppence a day for my fares. The hours were from 8 am to 7 pm and 8 am to 1 pm Saturday. For nearly six months all I did was push a barrow loaded with pieces of timber which had to be processed at the mill which had the machines for the various jobs. These mills served several small self-employed cabinet-makers who made a few items each week for the big manufacturers, on a piece work basis.

When I was not loading or unloading or pushing the barrow, I was the tea-boy or errand boy in general. Gradually I was allowed to sandpaper bits and pieces. Then I was shown how to fix drawer bottoms and so on. I didn’t have any tools of my own and the other workers would not let me use theirs. I was earning fifteen shillings a week and I could not afford to buy tools. The Jewish Board of Guardians used to give loans for this and similar needs of very poor families.

We were thinking of approaching them when my career as a cabinet-maker came to an abrupt end. A piece worker on this job persuaded me to join him at another job also in Hoxton, by offering me sixpence an hour and a chance to make rapid progress. No more barrows. So Ileft my first boss. At the end of a fortnight with this man I was out of work. It was Saturday morning and he was finishing off six cheap wardrobes for which he would only be paid on completion. The bloke on the next bench was doing exactly the same and he had a boy working for him. The 12 wardrobes were lined up and since they were constructed in parts which fitted together, the middle part had to be placed on the bottom part exactly ‘squared up’.

We two boys had to crawl underneath at the back and fix four small wooden blocks into the corners with the aid of glue, contained in a big hot gluepot. There was only one glurpot and we almost fought for its use. This resulted in us knocking against the ’robes and the parts were no longer square. But we did not know this. When the two men returned from having a cup of tea the glue had set and the ’robes had corners sticking out where no comers should have been. My bloke hit me round the face with his flat open hand. I fled, never to return.

My next job was helping an old coupie who had a toy stall in Wentworth Street, part of Petticoat Lane. Once again I had to push a barrow but this time only early in the morning and later in the evening, to and from the storeroom. During the day I had to get items from the storeroom as required. My main job was standing by the stall watching that no one pinched anything. I was not allowed to serve.

A well meaning neighbour told my mother that she had seen me standing at the stall shivering with the cold, and said ‘what sort of job is this for a boy?’ Teach him a trade!’ I had to leave and sure enough there was another man living a few doors away who was willing to have me, this time in the tailoring industry and he would not charge me anything but even manage to pay me something. So started my long life in the ladies’ tailoring trade.

• 1See the Wesker Trilogy —especially Chicken Soup with Barley. ‘Cissie’ is Sarah Wesker (Editor’s note).

The man who offered me a job was a tailor’s presser as was my uncle and two of his sons. This was a job for a strong boy. The irons weighed anything from 12 to 18 lbs. and swinging that around ail day in the heat of the gas stove, specially designed which had to be situated very near the bench, was no joke. Besides it would have been unwise to try to make me a tailor with one eye. Small stitches did a lot of harm to people with two eyes. #

The workshop was run by the presser’s son. Nearly all the top workers there employed their own under workers. I became an underpresser. We were doubly exploited. The top worker was paid on a piece work basis and we were paid a daily rate or a percentage of the amount made in one week. The employer who was usually an outworker for a manufacturer was himself virtually a piece worker. So what happened was that the manufacturer would try to trick the master tailor, who in tur would try to trick his top workers who then did the same thing to the under-worker who was easy meat by virtue of his inexperience.

No matter how early I arrived in the morning the workshop was in full swing. The boss had been there from about 6.00 am or earlier and he never left before 10.30 pm and on Sunday mornings he finished soon after 1.00 pm. He was determined to get on. He carried on like this for years but the conditions improved a little. The five day week arrived in due course and the hours were shorter. If the work was hard or one had made a mistake in pricing the job it meant working longer hours to get the same money. I used to continue working until I was told to go which could be anything up to 8.00 pm. One night soon after I started to learn the trade I had been slogging away, pressing open seams, and my presser was swearing and looking worried; 8.00pm came and I carried on getting more angry each minute when finally at 9.00 pm he said to me, ‘Would you like to work overtime? I’ll pay you extra.’. I was too frightened to refuse and carried on. At about 10.00 pm I fainted and after being revived I was al!owed to go home. Conditions in these sweat shops were atrocious. Dirt and dust everywhere. The TB rate for our industry was very high.

But, I was 15 and earning seven shillings a day. Quite a sum! Later on I progressed to second presser and I was getting seven shillings and sixpence in the pound. There was only one disadvantage here because my top presser and I could never agree about how many jobs we had done or what the prices were and he would not show me the pay slip which he got from the boss, who wouldn’t give me any information either. After all he had been a top worker himself before he became a master tailor and it was all part of the game to grind the under-workers into the ground. I seldom got my full share of money. I joined the union and at the time this was an unorganised shop as you can well imagine from my account so far. The whole of the ladies’ tailoring trade was very poorly organised and this can be explained basically by the fact that there were thousands of small units all over the place. Each unit employed anything from 3 to 30 workers. Usually not more than 12. In addition and probably the most important fact is that this was a very seasonable trade and workers in the main changed jobs with the season or returned to the same job after long periods of unemployment during the slack periods. The gents’ trade was on the whole less seasonable and they were employed in much bigger factories because the fashion aspect of the products was not so important. This resulted in them being much better organised in their Trade Union. But at all times the trade was generally unorganised and operated in a jungle like atmosphere.

During the end of my 16th year my brother left school. His first job was a commis waiter at the ‘Three Nuns Hotel’, Aldgate. His first weekly wage for very long hours was a sugar bowl. It happened this way. He drew his wages and tips amounting to about fifteen shillings but on the way home he went into a ‘fun fair’ not far from the hotel, near Goulston Street (aiso part of Petticoat Lane) and lost all his money on the side shows but managed to win a sugar bowl in the process. There was a big row about this and the following week he did manage to bring home a few shillings. This job didn’t last very long.

I was reading late into the night on one occasion at this time, when my brother arrived home and asked me a very significant question. ‘Why is it,’ he said, ‘that one human being should have to work for another human being who could decide when he got up in the morning, how he should use his time while employed, for a paltry sum of money?’ I don’t think my answer satisfied him any more than it satisfied me. I remember him replying, ‘Well, if that’s the case I'll not work for anyone, if anything, someone will work for me.’ After doing various odd jobs for a while he became a ‘fiddler’. Selling things in the market and so on. I was never sure where he got all the things he used to deal in from, but I’m sure he never paid for all of them. My mother was very annoyed with him most of the time and there were frequent rows. When he was 15 he ran away from home and joined my sisters in the West End. He had a long apprenticeship in crime which included several periods in gaol. I learned all this in more detail years later when he came back into my life in a most unexpected way.

* * * * *

Meanwhile, I was busy on the street corner, arguing and discussing questions mostly of a political character. I was associating with boys much older than myself. Some of them were already members of the Young Communist League. They were mostly two or three years older than me. The group above them were in their early 20’s and on occasions we all got mixed up in the same arguments. One of this group, Sam Berks, eight years my senior is still my very close friend. He was part of some of the incidents I will tell you about. He was also the prototype for the main character in the book Jew Boy written by Simon Blumenfeld, who lived in Varden Street at the time. He is still with us.

The subject we discussed at length was the Russian Revolution. The names and places talked about were familiar to us because many of our parents had come from Russia and Poland. Religion was also a great favourite. In addition there were all the current events, local as well as national, chief among these being unemployment and of course the clothing trade. Then there was History of all kinds. You name it, we talked about it. I don’t want you to think we were not interested in girls or sport, on the contrary. There was also gambling, music hall, theatre, film, music, hiking and a wide variety of past-times. Sam had returned from America where he had worked for two years and we listened to him quite a lot. What a story teller! He made me laugh. Even now I am always highly amused when in his company.

There were lots of ‘characters’ around. There was Alec Sheller, one of the young men to enter Spain at the very beginning of the civil war, but more about that later. Alec, who had been our school swimming champion, was ina large group round the lamp post on the corner when as so often happened, a copper was spotted coming in our direction. This meant that we would have to scatter in all directions while he remained in sight. On this occasion Alec remained, leaning on the lamp post while a few of us stood a discreet distance away. The copper came up to Alec and said, ‘You’re still here.’ Alec replied, ‘Why state the obvious?’. He got a whack round the ear and as someone said afterwards, ‘It don’t always pay to be factual or even right. You also need power’. Alec tried hard to interest me in music and the theatre without much success. I do remember attending a session of Shaw’s plays at the Royal Court Theatre with Esme Percy as the leading actor. We often sat in Alec’s parlour listening to classical music on gramophone records, belonging to his elder brother. He always insisted on drawing the curtains to help us to concentrate in semi darkness.

Dave Eastermann (whose father was a famous finger billiards champion and a survivor of the ‘Lusitania’ disaster) could quote from Marx or Lenin among many, also word perfect. Old man Easterman used to give exhibitions at billiards in the union hall. The three Easterman brothers had to bring themselves up because their mother had died when they were very young. There were others who had no interest in politics. There was Marky Berman who wore the latest in fashion, which meant the biggest square shouldered jackets you ever saw. He worked very hard all week as a cabinet-maker but at weekends he was smart and was off somewhere or other dancing and meeting girls, all of which he told us about. I have already mentioned Willie Cohen. He had a pal called ‘Shimmy’ Silver and another, Lew Kravitz. They lived in different parts of Stepney. Willie got to know them through another chap called Sid Kersh who was a seaman and we only saw him between trips. He had another friend a printer on board a big ship who lived several streets away, Bert Teller. They were all members of the Young Communist League or Communist Party. I didn’t know it at the time, but I was what is known as a ‘contact’. I would be invited to meetings, classes, demonstrations, etc. all of which I was only too pleased to attend. I know how we did all these things when IJ eventually joined in organised activity as a full member of such organisations. My ‘education’ was being attended to in a more or less deliberate way. I was given pamphlets and books and told what to get from the public library. I had many arguments with mother because she thought I was spending far too much money on books, ‘this rubbish’ as she called it, when I should have been giving her more towards the housekeeping. She wasn’t wrong. I don’t mean about the books, but that I was not giving her enough.

I was getting to know more of East London as distinct from my East End. We were meeting dockers, seamen, municipal workers, builders, transport workers and so on, through the many TU and Labour organisations right through the area. This linked up with similar activities on an all London scale. I was soaking up all I could read. It started with books like The Ragged Trousered Philanthropist, through almost everything written by Upton Sinclair, Jack London, John Dos Passos, Zola, Romain Rolland, Mann, Remarque, Ibanez, Tolstoy, Gorky, and so on. Then there came William Morris, Robert Owen, H G Wells, Arnold Bennet, J B Priestley. We got to know them all. Then there was the heavy stuff. It started with sections from Marx, published in pamphlet form—Value, Price and Profit, Wage Labour and Capital. There was the Communist Manifesto, great works I thought. Eventually, we went on to tackle Capital in full. Marx, Engels, Lenin, and always there were classes where we could discuss all these. There was the Workers’ Educational Association at the Toynbee Hall to which Atlee had come after the first world war, and lectures by people like Harold Laski, H M Brailesford, GD H Cole and so on. There was the Workers’ Circle, ‘Circle House’, in Alie Street, a hive of working class activity. This was a Jewish organisation organised on the basis of a Friendly Society with all sorts of mutual aid activities. Many of the leading lights had tried to bring a little of the ‘old country’ into their lives. They were former ‘Bundists’ from Poland, Anarchists and Libertarians from all parts, Socialists and Freethinkers. Every shade of Russian and European Labour thought and action was represented here. In addition there were Zionists and other purely Jewish organisations. There was a very good bar—no alcohol, but good food, continental style, Jewish of course. Chess and draughts as well as the inevitable dominoes were played for hours on end.

There were people particularly interested in fostering Jewish cultural activity like the theatre and Jewish literature. The workers’ theatre group started here which led to the founding of the Unity Theatre. This was the heritage passed on that produced Arnold Wesker, Bernard Kops, Harold Pinter, Wolf Mankovitz, as well as Lionel Bart and Alfie Bass. There was also Yiddish commercial theatre at The Pavilion in Whitechapel Road, which gave us tragedy and comedy and a mixture of both, of the highest order—names like Kessler and Joseph Schildkraut. Then there was the People’s Palace in the Mile End Road which performed Shakespeare’s works and those of famous playwrights of all kinds. We must not forget the Whitechapel Art Gallery (next door to the Public Library), discovered very early in my life. Entrance was usually free. All the visual arts were exhibited among other activities, carried on from time to time. Somehow this place didn’t seem to fit into my East End, yet it would be a different East End if it had not existed.

The Pavilion had to close in time through lack of support because the new generations were losing their ability to speak and understand Yiddish. The Yiddish Theatre moved to Queen’s Hall, a small place in Commercial Road where they tried to carry on. Names like Meier Tzelniker came from here. The ‘Workers’ Circle’ was also the headquarters of the British Workers’ Sports Federation, fora time. There is a peculiar fact about the Jews of East London. We don’t seem to have produced any big names in any of the ball games—football, cricket or tennis. I believe it has something to do with these games being played on Saturday and the children were not allowed to play on the Sabbath. It is also true that there was not a lot of money in the sports which could attract young Jewish people. We had no trouble in producing great boxers: Ted Kid Lewis, Jack Kid Berg, Harry Mason, Al Phillips, Bert Cannons and Phil Richards who was killed in Spain. Ted Kid Lewis was Moseley’s first candidate in an election when he formed his New Party1 . But while he was idolised as a great boxer no one here would take him seriously as a politician. It was soon after this election that Moseley turned to Hitler and Mussolini and anti-semitism upon which to fulfil his political ambitions. I once heard Moseley when he was.a leading Labour politician, speak in the ‘Premierland’, the boxing arena which produced all those boxers named above. I thought he was great speaker and what is more a ‘Sir’ speaking for workers! Well, I’ve been wrong so many times, that’s one more.

Several other activities are worth mentioning. The Jews were great ones for having their children educated. We produced many doctors, teachers, scientists, and musicians, etc. The kid who used to lather my face for his father, who was my barber in that shop, I told you about, a few doors away from my home, turned out to be Professor Saul Rose. I think he is professor of oriental languages. He should remember me. Our area also helped to produce Professor Bronowski. There are professional men of high calibre practicing all over the world who began right here. In almost every other home, some kid or other was practicing on some instrument. We produced band leaders like Ambrose, Lou Preeger and Sid Phillips, among many others, also violinist Albert Sandler. I worked for Sid Phillips’ father who had a small workshop in our street. Sid was interested in the boys’ club movement, the Victoria Working Boys’ Club in particular. There were many of these including the Oxford and St George’s which made Henriques a famous name and the Brady Girls’ Club which gave us Miriam Moses as well as Georgia Brown. There were music hall artists, Bud Flanagan was probably the best known, Issy Bonn and others.

‘The Paragan’ on the Mile End Road, as well as ‘The Olympia’ and ‘The London’ in Shoreditch were my favourite haunts whenever I had the time and the money. Big names like Lew Grade and Bernard Delfont came from Shoreditch. Somewhere around the Aldgate area I seem to remember is where Jack Solomon came from. Then there were all those big men in industry and commerce who began here too. Cecil Gee, London gents’ wear chain stores and Smart Western. Some of the best known names in ladies’ clothes sold throughout the country had their origin in some of those small workshops. I’m thinking of ‘Townwear’, ‘London Maid’, ‘Bikler’, ‘Sheraton’, just four that I personally had some connection with or knew well. The man who made ‘Sheraton’ was born three doors away from me and I had worked for his father. Archie Fiddleman who founded ‘Bikler’ had that Tobacconist and sweet shop as his home and I played with him in the street. He was also in the movement, so was his wife. This is how they met. In fact she had been a friend of my pal Sam. ‘London Maid’ arose out of a situation in which I was involved. ‘Townwear’ also figured very large in the dispute.

The memories come crowding in and I will never get to the real meat of my story if 1 don’t control myself. If any dear reader who knows this place thinks I have left anything out please forgive me, I’m only human and well aware of the tiny anount I can tell you about this great human stew-pot which was my East End in those days.

Two other matters must be mentioned - booze and gambling. The Jews were never ones for drinking beer; wine and spirits, yes, but in moderation. The few who could drink became household names. Moshe ‘Peock’ a fine tailors’ machiner, would not work unless he was paid daily, so that he could drink every day. The children used to torment him when he was wending his way home after a day’s work and a large evening’s booze-up. The others could ‘hold it’ and since they were mainly renowned for their size and strength no one would interfere with them. Names like Chaim Sholam and Scholomki Cokeman who was a ‘Luntzman’ of my father, and he never failed to let me know this, when he caught me in a bear hug, from which I had the greatest difficulty in escaping. A ‘Luntzman’ is a person from the same town in the ‘old country’. My future father-in-law could drink beer and frequently did but most Jewish people did not.

There were five pubs in my street at one time but none were left before the outbreak of the Second World War. This contrasted greatly with the habit of the ‘Yoks’ who did drink very heavily and there was a lot of drunkenness in East London.

As for gambling, a large number of children and adults of all ages gambled very heavily. Mainly cards and racing. Not everyone of course, but quite a lot. Pll tell you what cured me. It was just after I had lost me eye. My brother and I had managed to raise quite a lot of money from collecting old rags and jam jars and selling them to a rag and bone man. I met three other boys and we played ‘Head, Tails, Head’. I lost all my money. When I was walking away very despondent another boy explained how I had been tricked. This game is played with four coins, stacked one on top of the other and you have to guess the order of the bottom three to win. If it comes up the reverse way you lose. Now, by adding another coin and reversing the bottom two it is impossible for you to guess correctly, because the chap holding the stack always knows the order of the last two and if you have guessed the correct order of two all he has to do is decide whether to draw the third coin or reverse the whole stack to show you you are wrong on the last one. It sounds complicated, but if you get hold of five pennies and follow what I have said it will soon become clear. One of these three boys who had my money, finished up as an owner of a large greyhound racing track in East London, one is now the owner of a betting shop in East London, and the third was also a bookmaker for a time. Except for an occasional flutter just to be matey, I have never gambled.

Within a stone’s throw of ‘our comer’ there were two narrow courts which were too narrow to take a vehicle bigger than a barrow, John’s Place and Cameron Place. Ideal for a street bookmaker to operate in. By placing a lookout at either end the ‘bookie’ could be warned of the approach of danger in the form of the ‘law’ and in addition the look-outs could prevent too many would-be punters from entering the court at any one time, thus minimising the chance of arrests in the event of a raid. ‘Fat Moisha’ was one of these bookmakers who had some of the ‘law’ straightened and they kept well away. Now and then he had to allow himself a ‘stooge’ to be arrested so as to keep the *Guvnors’ at the station quiet. If you think I am not telling the truth all you have to ask yourself is why a policeman was not stationed at these courts during racing hours. Now and then strange characters would appear and a raid would follow in which not only the bookmaker but the punters as well would be roped in and face what for them were heavy fines. The risk was accepted. This is how we got to know one of these ‘strangers’ who operated in our area for a long time but did not confine himself to chasing ‘bookies’. We called him ‘Kosher’. Bates was his name. He was a burly middle-aged man who wore ragged clothes and a battered trilby hat. His mate was ginger and that’s what we called him. He too was dressed in rough clothes but he wore a cap pulled well down over one eye. The trouble was he had a back as straight as a ramrod and you could see he was a copper a mile off. These two characters started to appear at meetings which we held at street corners all over the Stepney area. Later on when meetings got very hectic, whether ours, or more to the point, when the ‘blackshirts’ arrived on the scene, the police frequently intervened.

I remember one occasion when such a meeting was raided and broken up ‘Kosher’ was starding right in the middle pointing to different people whether or not they were doing anything and these were the ones the police would pounce upon and they were all members of our organisation. ‘Kosher’ had been working well for a considerable time, and observation is an important aspect of police work.

I did not tell you that the corner we used was also the site of a sweet and cigarette shop which had an open soda fountain during the summer, and sold ice cream too. We didn’t have to move very far for refreshment. These shops mostly situated on corners were the meeting places for boys all over our district. Different corners had groups with different characteristics. The one further along in our street was more interested in sport and gambling. Mike Milligan (there’s a name for a Jewish boy!) a former boxer who became Jack Solomon’s matchmaker, used to hang out there.

The group on the corner in the other direction with a shop owned by a man called Yaroslavsky, had young men who were very smartly turned out as a rule, and there used to be girls there too. The owner of the shop had a shop parlour where these young men were allowed to sit and enjoy the soft drinks or ice cream. Many couples met and many marriages resulted from these meetings on that comer. ‘Yaro’, that’s what we called him, had a son named Harold who ran a campaign to collect bus and tram tickets. He had all the kids in the street running up and down Commercial Road doing this collecting and all these thousands of tickets landed up under my bed, in the end. Someone had told Harold that if he could collect 50,000 used bus or tram tickets I could exchange them for an artificial eye. This didn’t prove to be the case, so I had to get rid of them. But that’s how people were. Often going to great lengths to help each other.

Back to ‘my’ corner. It’s close proximity to the union’s premises meant that we saw and met people from all over the place, and it was also the starting point for much activity—people would emerge with platforms, placards, piles of leaflets and pamphlets, papers of all kinds. The premises were used by groups and organisations which were not part of the unions. The room upstairs could be hired by anyone approved of by those in charge. My corner and the streets leading to it was my ‘grammar school’ and the time was fast approaching for me to take my ‘A’ levels. As I have said, most of my associates were two to three years older than me and the time to move on came when I was almost 18 years old. It didn’t happen on any one day. It took about six months. But inevitably I spent less time on the comer and even though I passed it daily for many years to come, there were some different faces there, eventually it ceased to exist. Things were changing very quickly. Something was happening in South America which was to affect me all through my life. I did not know about it then.

* * * * *

I must explain how it was that we were able to devote so much time to ‘working class’ activities, in addition to anything else during the evenings and weekends. There were 3-4 millions unemployed during the late ’20’s and early *30’s. The East End, like most other places, I suppose, had its own peculiar pattern, which created different possibilities for those in, for example, Jarrow or South Wales. A large number of unemployed would be unskilled or semiskilled. The dockers, however, because they were employed on a casual basis and in some cases had to ‘report’ twice daily to pick up a job, had their own pattern of unemployment. As did the seamen, between trips.

We were different. I was improving at my job and beginning to earn more money. This could only be achieved during certain well defined periods of the year. The ladies’ garment industry suffered more than the gents’ from seasonal fluctuations and it is not difficult to see that the under-worker would be the first casualty when slackness in the trade began. The spring and summer season usually began in late January and was over by the end of May. June, July and August were very bad months. Then came the autumn and winter season, September and October, ending at the beginning of November, followed by a very slack period November, December and January. The gents’ trade had its heaviest period about two months before Christmas. Some years were better than others for us ladies’ tailors. The Lord Mayor Show, 9th November, was the dreaded date. Idon’t knowif this has any direct connection, but the saying ‘After the Lord Mayor Show comes the dustcart’ certainly meant something to us.

As soon as the supply of work from manufacturers started to fall off, the top workers managed what they had without their under-workers until such time as they themselves had none and then we all met at the Labour Exchange or outside our union premises in Whitechapel Road. My boss was a personal friend of our manufacturer who incidentally had the first really well-known brand name in the trade—‘Hershelle’. So my job was one of the best going. Even so, I would be out of work for anything like five to six weeks twice a year, if not more. A few people had to be retained during the slack periods to prepare the samples for the season to come. They usually worked for very little money at these times. Lots of tailoring workers were very active in the unemployed workers’ movement. Many people found themselves in trouble with their landlords during the slack time and most local tradesmen allowed a terrific amount of credit without which families would have suffered even more. Buying things on ‘tick’ was normal practice at all times. Occasionally a family got into such trouble that we had to fight against attempted evictions. The big rent and housing battles did not come until about 1937. Between the wars there was no housing ‘shortage’. There were rooms ‘to let’ everywhere. We lived in large families in very overcrowded slum accommodation simply because we could not afford to pay the rent. Some landlords even abandoned their property as it did not pay them to acknowledge ownership.

* * * * *

I accepted the general line of the Communist Party without much questioning. To me, what was happening in the Soviet Union was the greatest. Didn’t Sydney and Beatrice Webb, Bernard Shaw and others say so? I didn’t read what Bertrand Russel and others were saying and I didn’t want to. As for Germany, France, Italy and Spain—wasn’t the revolution just round the corner? That’s the impression I had. Weren’t the Social Democrats Capitalism’s Labour Lieutenants if not Social Fascists? That’s what I thought. Certainly I would not read anything written by Trotsky. Might as well ask a Catholic to read Marie Stopes, when the church had said he must not.

My connections with the Young Communist League were becoming stronger and I wasnow being invited to branch meetings, going to classes, arguing about everything. Lots of outdoor activity like open air meetings, canvassing, leaflet distributing and selling our publications, and always there were demonstrations to prepare and support. A kind of anti-war demonstration took place every time there was an RAF display at Hendon or anywhere within reach. This is how I took a leading part in my first ‘stunt’.

The RAF were to give a display at Romford Aerodrome. Part of the show was an invitation to take a short trip in a plane round the area, costing, I think, about five shillings. Suitable leaflets were prepared and other materials like placards and streamers, to be concealed on us so that we could get into the show. At a pre-arranged signal everything would come to light and our people would shout slogans, protesting at these shows which we said were active preparation for Imperialist war. Something like the present day anti-apartheid demos against the Springboks, which some people seem to think is a new phenomena.

A group of us hit on the idea of going for one of these trips in the air and the person chosen would have a lot of leaflets concealed on himself which could be released while in the air. I have never regarded myself as being physically very brave. On the contrary. But I had a big mouth. Since I was so loud in supporting the idea, I was nominated for the job and couldn’t refuse. As happens so often on these occasions, something goes wrong. The group detailed for this operation arrived too late for the trip in the air, but the show was continuing. There was I with leaflets stuffed down my trousers, inside my shirt, and anywhere else that would support them. Being fat, I must have looked a sight, or maybe this helped.

What to do? Someone remembered that there was a private aerodrome, ‘Hillman’s’, just a mile or two up the road in Upminster which did these ‘flips’ all the time. The group consisted of among others Shimmy Silver, Willie Cohen, (I’m almost sure John Gollan was with us) and a bloke we called ‘Stinker’— Jack Cohen, who was the only one with the cash. When we told him what we intended, he got awkward and wouldn’t part with the cash. We had to take the money out of his pocket. While he was being held, Shimmy and I jumped ona bus, arriving at Hillman’s just as they were about to pack up for the day. I spoke to the pilot who was just leaving a plane and persuaded him to do just one more trip.

When I saw the plane my heart skipped a beat. It was very small and looked as though it was made of a light frame covered with tin and canvas. I had never flown. I climbed into a small compartmeni and the pilot got into a cockpit in front of me, complete with goggles and leather coat. I thought immediately, how lucky I was as there would be no problem of finding a way of releasing my load. The pilot would not be able to see me doing so. We left the ground and when I thought we were over Romford I released all the leaflets which were caught in the slip-stream and even I didn’t see them go, let alone the pilot. When we landed I got out and ran towards where Shimmy was waiting and we got away as quickly as possible. The leaflets certainly landed but not spot on target. There was no report in the press. They were cleverer in those days, until we found out how to make sure that there would be publicity on future occasions.

As I understand it, political parties have nearly always been organised on a geographical basis, as distinct from trade unions which are usually based on a trade or industry. WeCommunists were organised in cells which might operate in a local ward area, the objective being a cell in every street. Other cells could be organised in one particular factory with the hope that there would eventually be one in every factory. Then there were organised ‘factions’ in trade unions as well as in the Labour Party, Co-ops or ordinary social organisations like sports clubs or theatre groups, any organised activities where Communists found themselves. This network, where it existed, could be led by a branch committee organised on a territorial basis, usually on a parliamentary constituency. This in turn would be part of a district, comprising several branches and so on up to the national level and then the ‘International’. This structure was not rigid throughout. It changed quite often for political as well as purely practical considerations at the local level.

I have referred to ‘factions’ in existing organisations not controlled by us. The job of the faction was to lead the organisation to support our policies as well as developing their own particular function. In fact many Communists had to become ‘specialists’ to further these aims. For instance, if one worked in a theatre group it would be a great advantage if you were a good actor. Even in a trade union, a good skilled worker would be respected more than a ‘bad’ worker. The workers had a very high regard for ability in their trade. In addition to all this (I am only giving a very simple account) there was a different kind of organisation. This was the kind which we initiated and tried to control. Non-party mass organisations they were called. Here are a few which came - and went when they ceased to fulfil their function. The National Unemployed Workers’ Movement, Workers’ International Relief, International Labour Defence, and the Ex-Servicemen’s Anti-Fascist Movement. We know that the CP played a big part in the creation of the Left Book Club as well as during its existence. There were many more issues for which organisations were created including those which gave rise to Tenants’ Committees locally, as well as on a wider basis2 .

These organisations, in addition to all I have said, acted as levers in carrying out our policies and very important is the fact that this is where we found the future members for the Communist Party. Individuals would be selected for special treatment by the ‘faction’ and carefully nursed. When it was thought appropriate they would be invited to join us. In short, the mass organisations were a reservoir in which we fished. Conveyors of ‘contacts’ for the building of the CP—The General Staff of the working class. This is how I understood the set-up. The matters I am raising now are not being presented to you in the light of experience. I am trying to say how I felt, then.

As I moved along, I became aware of some serious gaps in my ‘education’. It was always possible to find a ‘quote’ from one of the masters, in much the same way as Christians or for that matter Jews and others could do to support a particular point of view. Instead of referring to the Bible, we had Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. An often quoted quote was~“Theory without practice is sterile—practice without theory is blind’. It follows therefore that you had to improve your knowledge of theory and practice. Time had to be allocated for classes, courses, specially organised educational programmes and individual effort to improve your knowledge of ‘Political Sciences’. In the absence of some of the more important opposing views ‘Democratic Centralism’ was acceptable to me, indeed it was essential. The ‘Dictatorship of the Proletariat’ was an ‘obvious necessity’, but not unqualified, because it would ‘disappear’ when we started to build Communism, as would the need for a State apparatus. In short it was only needed during the transitional period after the Revolution and the building of the vulnerable Socialist society. I saw no reason to think otherwise. These, and of course less controversial matters, were to be studied if we were to be capable of explaining to workers how we proposed to end Capitalism and replace it with Communism. A most important branch of knowledge came under the heading of ‘Strategy and Tactics’. While ‘strategy’ was not to be questioned so often by us, ‘tactics’ could be argued about endlessly.

I must draw special attention to what is known as ‘The Party Line’. This embraces many things. Quite apart from policies decided at congresses, conferences, special meetings and by committees at all levels, there were many ways in which the Party Line could be decided and applied. As I shall try to show, people would appear from time to time to ‘give’ the Party Line. The issues seem to cover almost anything from very important issues often involving a major change of policy, down to the most minor matters imaginable. The fact that on some occasions a ‘Leading Comrade’ without any more authority than this description, would be giving his opinion and calling it “The Line’ is neither here nor there. Even when some important matter was being discussed at local level and the leading comrades could not get their way, somebody from a higher body could be brought in to deal with differences and what he would say might be called the ‘Party Line’, and usually that was that.

I started to fall into many traps almost as soon as I had become a full member of the Party. As you will see, life was very full and there was never enough time for all we had to do. I seldom arrived home before two or three in the morning. My mother would start calling me around 6.00 am to get up for work and I was late very often. Some Saturday mornings she did not succeed in getting me up at all. My nieces still remind me of the fact that when they made their weekly visits to see their grandma, I was still in bed and they had to help in bringing me to life. They had an ulterior motive, asI would give three of them tuppence each for brushing me down when dressed, I was a bit fussy about my appearance.

After a hard day’s work and a full evening engaged in dealing with the ‘class enemy’, we usually finished up in some cafe or other. The first one I remember clearly was ‘Andy’s’ in Great Garden Street and it was here that we continued to argue until late into the night. This is where we met our closest comrades who had been engaged in some activity different from ourselves during the evening.

‘Andy’s’ was avery important place. It was situated opposite the entrance to the premises of the Ladies’ Tailors’ Union (LTU). Andy, the owner, was himself aCommunist and close friend of many of the people I have referred to so far. Not least of the functions of these cafes was that boys and girls could be boys and girls and not just revolutionaries. People would pair off for the stroll home and as you can imagine they did not always end up discussing politics. Homecoming therefore was always late. Many of these pairs got married eventually and I can count many such cases among my friends and acquaintances. It was around this time that a few of us instead of going to the cafe decided to have some fish and chips. The best place, without a doubt was ‘John Isaac’s’ in Mile End Road. Apart from fish and chips, this place was where hundreds of youngsters crowded the pavements trying to make contact with each other while pretending that all they had really come for was their supper. They were not ‘political’, just a wide cross section of the youth of my East End.

I was shy when it came to girls and I was not well practised in the art of ‘chatting them up’, and not particularly attractive. It only goes to show what one can do when suitably inspired. I saw a girl, blond, close eton-cropped hair, with the most beautiful face and figure I had ever seen. She was short, but I thought, perfect. She was with another girl who I hardly noticed. My pals and I approached in the usual way and I found courage I never knew existed in me and in no time at all I was talking to this lovely creature. We walked away with our fish and chips and when it came to parting I wanted to kiss her, but she would not let me. I did not see her again for some time but I did catch up with her and we eventually married, but not before alot of water had passed under the bridge, eight years to be precise.

* * * * *

My mother used often to tell us stories of the old country, ‘the hame’, and as so often happened in telling them, this could include stories which she had heard. If, like me, you should happen to be inquisitive, then you might find some discrepancy in the telling. If mother could not explain, she would get a bit annoyed and she would say, ‘Look, that’s how I bought it, and that’s how I’m selling it’. All this in Yiddish of course. Should you find yourself in this position as I was at times, you will have to be content with my mother’s answer.

I cannot continue my story without giving more details concerning the clothing industry in East London and beyond. This industry is inseparable from Jewish life here. You might as well ask me, which came first, the chicken or the egg? I don’t know. It was all there and I am unable to give you a learned historical account. It will have to be learned the way [learned it and here’s how. ‘

My corner’ was one of four in Ford Square as I have said. The other three had two streets leading away from them. Going East was Clark Street—-South, Baker Street. This is the corner nearest ours. At one corner, Ford Square and Clark Street, there was a large house, three floors and a semi-basement. Behind this was a small factory on two floors, not much bigger than two workshops. This was the headquarters of H. Lass, Ladies’ Clothing Manufacturers. Quite a powerful man was Harry Lass. Harry was no Greenhorn (‘Grenner’), that’s what we called a new immigrant, but he was a ‘Peruvian’. Don’t ask me why but this issomeone who still talks with astrong foreign accent when not talking Yiddish and appears by behaviour, to have retained much of his ways from ‘the Hame’.

I was told that he arrived in Stepney with no more than the average immigrant, by way of possessions. Which was very little. Not long after I first saw this ‘headquarters’, Harry owned all three corners, Ford Square—Clark Street, Clark Street—Baker Street, and Ford Square—Baker Street. In addition he now had a modern factory almost one quarter of Baker’s Street’s length. All this in the most ‘depressed’ years of Britain’s economy, roughly 1928-1935.

When asked how he started, he is reported as having said, ‘I was such a lousy machiner, no one would employ me, so I had to start on my own’. He was reputed to be one of the cheapest producers in the trade. This you should bear in mind, when there were ‘Guinea’ and ‘Half Guinea’ shops selling ladies’ clothes. At this very cheap end of the trade a master tailor would have to make a garment for three shillings and ninepence. Out of this he would pay his rent and other overheads, provide cotton, tailor’s soap, wear and tear of machinery among other things, and pay his workers. You don’t need great imagination to work out how the workers fared.

Harry Lass was a hard headed business man. When times were hard he might decide that the price he was paying was too high. A typical case was during the slack time; the trade had a short season—2-3 weeks, during which we made ‘sale’ work. The price could drop to two shillings and ninepence. If the master tailor and very often his wife and children did not work very hard and very long, he could not have survived. Indeed, many went to the wall. By grinding his workers into the ground during the busy periods he could save some money and it is surprising how many of them succeeded. This is not the whole story.

A major factor in this process is what we called ‘cabbage’. In those days a master tailor was often a very skilled worker who had managed to get some capital to fit up a small workshop. This did not need a great deal of money. What was more important he needed a manufacturer who would provide the work. This meant, getting a quantity of materials plus lining and sometimes, not always, interlining and buttons etc. With these basic materials supplied, he would get an agreed making price per garment. Things did change and later these basic things were almost always supplied.

Now, if the manufacturer happened to be even a distant relative or a one time friend it was possible to get started that way. If he was your ‘Luntzman’ that was a good entry. But ‘business is business’, so you could make an approach with a nice well made garment as a sample and the manufacturer would not be slow to see potential in you and things might move in your favour. After all this is a highly competitive trade, dependent on fashion, style and the skill of the workers. This is where the great skill of some master tailors really had its effect. For example, if you designed a coat which the manufacturer liked and you said it took two and a half yards to make, knowing, that by your superior skill you could cut it out of two and a quarter yards, if the order was big enough, then you would have quarter of a yard ‘cabbage’ from each coat. This was like owning a gold mine. Coats could now be made which did not include the cost of material. They could be sold easily at ‘cabbage prices’. Many clothing concerns with famous names had such primitive beginnings. This matter of ‘cabbage’ was tested in the courts and the courts came down in favour of the master tailor.

The manufacturers have found a way round this, but they have not been 100% successful. As time went on they formed their own design departments with the best cutters and designers in the trade being highly paid, to make sure that the manufacturer got the correct costing. This has become quite scientific.

There was a reaction from the master tailors when the general economy improved after and during the Second World War. They demanded ‘cabbage’ and very often got it, and there was always the odd one who could even improve on the efforts of the cutters and designers from the manufacturer. This did not last too long because the manufacturers had already begun to equip their own factories with the most modern machinery and methods. By mass production and more ‘efficient’ use of labour they prospered. But once again I am running ahead of my story.

I am not saying that H. Lass was typical, neither was he uncommon. As he prospered so did his connection with the religious and social life of the community. I understand he gave large donations to the Jewish theatre, the ‘Pavilion’. Some cynics suggested that he had a twofold ulterior motive. One being the respect he would get for such cultural activity and the other being a bit more personal. After all, actresses are usually quite attractive. I am not sure if he was responsible for the arrival of the Rabbi from the ‘Hame’ who set up his ‘court’ in Sydney Square about 300 yards from Lass’ original headquarters. That he supported him financially there can be no doubt. In addition he could influence some of his out-door master tailors. One such man who had his home and workshop in Ford Square was known to us as ‘Charlie’. He was a very big man physically and a close personal friend of Mr Lass. He was a dignitary at the Rabbi’s court as was Mr Lass himself. This kind of Rabbi is not the lesser mortal I have told you about who taught children to read Hebrew and prepare them for manhood in the religion. He might be a member or supporter of one or other major Jewish organisations, like the Federation of Jewish Synagogues, wnich was more orthodox than the other major body “The United’. He could even be the leader of a complete sect, as so often the case among the ‘Chasidim’, the most orthodox of the lot who spent most of their lives in a monk like existence, but were not so spartan. I’m not sure what this particular one was. He lived in this large house with his family and some members of the ‘court’. Supporters would visit him for various religious rites. Some organised praying can only proceed with a ‘Minion’. At least ten males over the age of 13 years. This at least twice a day. In addition he would have to run a kind of ‘surgery’ to answer questions and settle disputes and give advice on all matters pertaining to the religion as he thought fit to interpret these matters. Such things as dietary laws, procedure of religious rights and order. It was very common for members to visit these Rabbis to ask a ‘Sharla’ (question). This was the procedure in the ‘old country’ where every village or town had its own Rabbi. When they arrived here, they often carried the name of their place of origin, as does a king or prince. Acommon saying among Jews which sounds better in Yiddish is—‘If you have to ask a question, then it’s not kosher’. On Friday before sundown, which ushered in the Sabbath, women could be seen approaching the house with trays and pots full of good things which they had prepared with loving care, for the Rabbi and his family to eat and enjoy during the Sabbath day. He was a powerful man and his chief supporters were, in my opinion, not slow to see his usefulness to them, by virtue of the size of their material as well as spiritual contribution. That the chief dignitaries were usually the rich members of the community is not surprising. There were of course others who had their places because of their learning or piety. Mr Lass and ‘Charlie’, along with others, also had other ‘pastimes’, but I had better not say too much about these. Sufficient to say that they were men of the world who enjoyed ‘the good life’.

Not all the manufacturers or business men carried on these various activities to this extent. Lots of them did seek ‘coorvet’ (respect by their generous gifts to the synagogues). Their names appear on scrolls of honour for this kind of support. The practice of wealthy Jews supporting religious insitutions continues to this day and many such places carry their names. Sir Isaac Wolfson is an outstanding example.

Our industry therefore had a particular problem. I know that the church has the support of many of its rich members in much the same way and in some churches this phenomena is more significant than others. But in a close knit community, which has had to fight for its very existence so often, as with the Jews, it was indivisible from ordinary economic life. This will become clear as I proceed to describe my experiences in the Trade Union and Socialist movement, and especially when dealing with the threat that was presented to us by the appearance of ‘Mosley and his thugs’.

* * * * *

I’m sure even good writers find it very difficult to convey meanings with any degree of accuracy. I want to warn you against thinking from what I had said, that all the Jewish workers were either Socialists or Communists, or even just ‘Left’. Similarly, not all the Jewish employers and business men were any different, fundamentally, from other members of their class.

‘My corner’ was different, but not unique. This was my early youth I have been telling you about. Nevertheless, where Jews worked in anything like an industry, ‘the left’ seemed to be in the forefront.

Take the Furnishing trade. The National Amalgamated Furnishing Traders’ Association NAFTA Branch 10 (this title changed to NUFTO) was led by a Social Democrat called Jacobs, no relative of mine. His son, Julius Jacobs, fought him, without pulling any punches and took over from his father and went on to become Secretary of the London Trades Council. I knew him well, among other furniture workers, not because they were Jews, but because they were Communists. The youth were just as interested in sport and sex, as well as all the other interests of youth, whether Jew or Gentile. Just as the Jewish employers behaved in much the same way as do most employers. H Lass was a ‘Peruvian’, but as the children of the earlier immigrants matured and took over, they did not lose their Jewishness, but they did become ‘different’ and tried hard to integrate with non-Jewish employers both in business and socially.

My first presser was a ‘Peruvian’. His son was my boss and the workshop was situated in Well Street, Hackney. He lived in a big house, which he owned, in Stamford Hill, N16. His brother, next in line, was the top machiner. The younger brother was one of the top tailors. I was a young under-presser, and I managed to bring all the workers into the union, about 30 in all.

Yes, we did have a problem in pursuing the ‘class struggle’ as ‘class conscious workers’. Jews did not like the idea of Jews appearing to fight Jews. The employers took advantage of this as did many workers who rejected our ideas. This produced so called ‘left sectarians’ and ‘right deviationists’ in our ranks on this one issue alone. But it was not easy to walk a ‘political tightrope’. If you find these terms somewhat obscure, I hope to make things clearer as I go along, but don’t expect miracles. If you want to know more about these things, and I think you ought to, then you will have to make an effort, independently of anything I could tell you.

We never succeeded in organising more than a very small number of the Ladies’ tailors. At the very peak when I was a very active trade-unionist in 1949-51 we had just managed to recruit 13% of the works. I must add that something like 95% of all the workers had at some time or other been members of the three unions, which the Ladies’ tailors had at different times. This is not hard to understand if you remember how often we changed jobs and that if you were offered a job in a union shop you would have to join up. But far too many fell out of the =nion as soon as they left to join a non-union shop. Then there is the fact that it was easy to victimise a ‘militant’ as soon as the slack time arrived. As bigger units developed and factories of more than 100 workers became more common, it should have been easier to organise. It did not happen despite the fact that the CP completely dominated the Londcn Mantle and Costume Branch of the National Union of Tailors and Garment Workers (NUTGW) from 1939 onwards. The conditions I have described existed in a very similar structure in New York. Yet the International Garment Workers’ Union managed to dominate the trade by virtue of its almost 100% TU organisation.

Why were we so different? You remember Andy’s cafe? Well, as I said, right opposite was the Ladies’ Tailors’ Union (LTU). It was situated about 25 yards into Great Garden Street where it joined Whitechapel Road at a point almost centre of the whole of this wide main road. This location is important and that’s why I am trying to be precise. At this point in time, the secretary was a man called Mr Fine, and he was supported by two paid officials called Delegates, Mr Bell and Mr Goldstein. The Chairman and committee were elected from the rank and file. The late chairman was a man very well known for his oratory and he was called ‘The Hoika’ because he was a deformed hunchback. The general political and Trade Union policy of the leadership was decidedly Social Democratic. I would add that from my personal experience, and I can quote countless other experiences, these people were much too ready to compromise with the employers or even ‘sell out’.

I mentioned ‘The Hoika’ because he conducted meetings which were still bi-lingual. People could address the meeting in either Yiddish or English. Sometimes a mixture of both. In general propaganda ‘erms one could have ideas expressed something like this:

‘Now, take one match, you can break it easily in your fingers. Take two matches, it’s getting harder to break them all together, but it is still not a Union. Take a whole box of matches, that’s a Union.’

The Union premises itself occupied the whole of a building except the ground floor. As you got to the front door, there was a man called George, an expoliceman, usually sitting there. He was both caretaker and doorkeeper. He was a quiet man but firm. If he didn’t know you and he seemed to know every body, he might ask to see your union card.

On entering you had to climb a fairly steep wooden staircase. There were many militant workers, ‘trouble makers’, who came down those stairs back wards and not always on their feet. On entering the common room there was the usual tables and chairs, the bar, food and soft drink beverages, and of course, dominoes, cards, draughts, etc. and above all noise. There was a large main hall for meetings. The usual offices and committee rooms.

The employers in our trade seldom went to the Labour Exchange if they wanted to engage workers quickly. Which was nearly always the case. If they did not have the usual workers to call upon or there was a rush order and they needed extra workers, they would come to the Union. In the union there was a board or list and if you were out of work, as you arrived at the premises you entered your name and occupation, i.e. tailor, presser or machiner, etc. If there was a ’phone call from an employer, someone would emerge from the office and call out ‘Tailor’ or ‘Presser’ as the case might be. The next on the list would be handed a slip of paper directing the successful one to the job. Most employers did not ’phone. They would send one of their workers to find someone they knew to be a good worker thus defeating the whole of object of the ‘first come first served’ principle. Then there were the mass of unorganised workers who started to hang around in the street, ready to waylay anyone who looked as though he might be looking for someone to fill a vacancy. It would be inevitable for you to be surrounded in a matter of seconds by people clamouring for a job, if you let it be known that you were wanting a worker. Even the organised workers took to the street rather than wait upstairs in the union. There were the men of great ‘principle’ who would not resort to the street and constantly argued against this union-breaking conduct. Some of them however had the advantage of being able to get work more easily in the organised shops who had to employ union members if they were available, before taking on a non-union member who would then have to join. All sorts of rackets flourished in the supply and allocation of jobs. If you knew the ‘right people’ it was abig advantage. One heard stories of money changing hands in this process.

During slack periods, hundreds of workers would parade up and down Whitechapel Road making sure not to go more than about 50 yards from Great Garden Street. Eventually there were so many that both sides of the road were used. So, for 100 yards or more particularly on the wide pavement on the side where the union was situated there would be the most awful obstruction imaginable for other would-be passers by. On Sunday mornings from about 9.00 am till 12.30 pm it would be much worse because then the unemployed were joined by the employed and a large number of master tailors and this was the best time to get a job or change the one you had. It was also the time for friends to meet and swap yarns. It was also a wonderful place for us to carry on our ‘Agit-Prop’ activities.

None of this was allowed to go on unmolested. The police were always patrolling and trying to keep us on the move. If a policeman came within sight, the message would fly right down the road and there would be a rush towards the nearest side street or across the road. Frequently a ‘Black Maria’ would arrive and a dozen or more policemen would pile out, and would be replaced by a dozen or more unfortunate victims who hadn’t moved fast enough. Quite heavy fines for obstruction were imposed, expecially if you were a second or third ‘timer’. For many years this risk was endured. What else could you do if you needed a job? Ladies’ tailoring workers still gather at this place, long after the union premises have ceased to be located there.

Meanwhile the ‘Gent’s Union’ had two branches. One dealing with factory workers and the other for small workshops or subdivisional workers as they were called, Branches 1 and 2. They were part of the National Union -of Tailors and Garment Workers. Later, I can’t remember exactly when or how ‘54’ ceased to exist and the subdivisional branch had its premises in Buckle Street, Aldgate. I had not yet become a full member of the CP and was certainly not as active in TU work as I should have been, at that time. This fact led to many of my ‘troubles’. The National Union’s policies were if anything worse than the LTU but much more sophisticated. The Communists in the clothing industry could not break the hold of these leaders in these unions. The Labour leaders were regarded by us as traitors.

Just before ‘my time’ the CP had adopted a policy of forming ‘Red’ trade unions, where local conditions favoured this. There was the Minority Movement, which had good support in the mining industry. Also, there was a certain amount of rank and file shop stewards’ organisation which led, for example, to the dockers’ movement with Jack Dash, which is the best known today.

In this way there existed the very young United Clothing Workers’ Union (UCWU), embracing all clothing workers. All the CP members and sympathisers joined this union, with premises in Philpot Street, with much the same physical set-up as the other union buildings. My impression at the time is that Sarah Wesker was the leading spirit in this union.

* * * * *

I must go back to when I was 17 years old on 9th May 1930 and I must return to ‘my corner’ to give you more details about the people who were so important to me and how I met the ones who became even more important. You should know some of these ‘characters’. It will help you to understand my East End. On 17th May, 1930, Sam Berkovitz came into my life. He didn’t know about it then. He is still one of my friends. Strange though it may sound he was seven years older than me. He had just arrived from New York after having lived and worked there for two years which, if my arithmetic is right, includes the time of the Wall Street crash. This contributed to his decision to come home. But conditions were no better here. He is a wonderful person and you have heard his name before only it was Sam Berks — he got rid of the ‘ovitz’ and added the letter ‘s’. Before telling more about this you should know that his family lived at no. 40, five doors from mine. His father was that trouser maker who lived over that Furrier. You remember?

He was one of the large groups belonging to ‘my comer’. Here is a list. Ages 22-25. Not complete. Sam Berks, Benny Kessle, Harry Singer, Hymie Olinksy, Mick Brennan (Mad Mick), ‘Shloima’ Linda, Leon Grill, Markey Berman, Bobby Appel (Pip), Bobby Epstein (Barchel), that means Belly. Remember that ‘ch’. Also Max Walkervitch, later without the ‘vitch’. At times there were others. My group included Willie Cohen, Joe Kessel, Dave Easterman, Alec Sheller and Davy Ferrer. They were aged between 19-21. How I got accepted into this group still surprises me. There was a younger group most of them brothers of the people I have named. One of them when he was about 18 years old though he had contracted a venereal disease and threw himself under an underground train. I saw his parents after his funeral and I know what misery is like when expressed in a human face. And yet again there were the school children. Add to all this the sisters and parents who were spread out around the houses and tenements. Some of them joined us from time to time. I’m not saying that all of them were on the corner altogether, all the time. During the evenings and weekend there were never less than eight of the two older groups. You now know why we had to move when a policeman came along. When the weather was good there could be up to 40 people on or near the corner.

Things were very bad, so ‘Pip’ Appel, who had worked with me as a top tailor and was the younger brother of my boss, ‘Mad Mick’ and Benny Kessel, tailoring workers all, decided to become taxi drivers. There were already afew older people who had become taxi drivers. To qualify they had to undertake to study and pass exams to fit them for the job. This meant knowing all about London. They were examined periodically by police examiners at the Public Carriage Office for this as well as for driving a taxi to a high degree of skill. This process would take anything from 9-18 months, depending on how good you were. You attended the ‘Yard’ monthly until you were promoted to weeks, which meant that with good luck, there was only about 6-8 weeks before getting your ‘badge’. You needed a ‘bike’ and suitable protection from the weather, books and maps. Some people did it on foot. Most important of all you needed someone to keep you in food, clothing and shelter. This was usually undertaken by the family. The sacrifice was undertaken because at the end of the day your brother or son would have got rid of ‘the shmutter trade’ (rag trade). As a ‘cabbie’ you could actually stop and have a cup of tea almost any time at all! You could go to the lavatory without worrying because you were taking too much time! There would be no one standing at your elbow waiting for the job you had in hand and pushing you unmercifully in this most sweated of all sweated trades. Of course, if you didn’t find fares there would not be enough money to take home. But, that was up to you.

‘Mad Mick’ was the first to make it in about 10 months. He lived in John’s Place where the ‘bookie’ used to stand. His father owned a barrow stable where you could hire a barrow in the same way as a car or van is hired today, about fourpence per hour, without a board or sixpence with one. Having been ‘out of work’ for almost a year, when he finally found a cab owner to work for, he naturally decided to go on nights. This meant he would arrive home about 4.00 or 5.00 am and on the first moming he went to bed very tired and happy. He had earned some money more easily than ever before and no ‘guvnor’ to tell him when to stop work. He was trying hard to get to sleep, but couldn’t. He was not used to sleeping in the daylight. More important still the children were making their usual unholy row.

Mick’s home was a small house in this narrow courtway. The upper window sill of Mick’s bedroom was no more than 12 feet from the ground. When he could stand the noise no longer he got out of ned, opened the window and proceeded to shout at the kids as only Mick knew how. The reply he got was more noise directed at Mick. He cocked one leg through the window pretending to climb down into the street. He fell out of the window. He was taken to the London Hospital, on one of his father’s barrows. We were not surprised when we heard about this. Mick’s record was full of incidents which, if nothing else, made you laugh.

When news from Germany became full of Hitler’s campaign against the Jews, and when Moseley arrived in the East End, Mick joined the Communist Party and remained an active member for many years. In my view, he didn’t really know what it was all about but his heart was ed aati in the right place. In this he was not alone.

‘Pip’ was hardly a political type but being a Jew he couldn’t help being Anti-Fascist. Benny was much the same except that he understood a good deal more about politics. He was what is known as a ‘good boy’. Always smiling, everybody’s friend. He started to bring home a ‘young lady’ and a very nice one at that. They were married. We only saw Benny on occasions when he came to visit his family, usually accompanied by his wife. I did meet him as the years passed on several occasions.

Harry Singer had been to America with Sam but had returned earlier and was working with me as ‘the fixer’ (the ‘top tailor). He married a ‘Shicksa’ who was a felling hand in the same workshop. I remember him coming to work one day with the blackest black eye I had ever seen. Rosy, that was her name, had a previous boyfriend who did not like the idea of his girl going out with Harry. He didn’t tell us that then. He made the usual excuse, I bumped into an unlit lamp post’. He was not political. His pal Hymie Olinsky, who along with Sam made up a trio, was a very shy person. Sam says of him up to this day, ‘If you go out with Hymie at least you’ve got someone to talk at’. I remember hearing these older friends discussing a plan to get him to go with a prostitute. One of them said, ‘Yes, but someone will have to go along to lift him on. He won’t know what to do’. This was an exaggeration, of course, but he was something like that. He has remained a bachelor and a very good friend. Never active in politics.

Markey Berman, later Max, was the hard working cabinet maker I have mentioned before. He would show us his hands, full of scars and callouses and say, ‘It’s not always going to be like this. I’m getting out.’ He was a good ‘dresser’ and dancer. He started to court a girl and when this couple came down the street all eyes turned in their direction. She was tall and smart like Markey, only very good looking. Nothing came of this courtship. He became a man with money from some properties he either owned or managed or both in the West End of London. On his way ‘up’ he did make an appearance in the dock at the Old Bailey, but was not convicted. So far as I know, he is still a bachelor. I met him quite often after my expulsion from the CP. He had no interest in politics at all and thought we were all mad.

I have nothing special to say about ‘Shloima’. Quite sympathetic to us Communists but never active. He joined his brothers and became along with them ‘master tailor’. There was an amusing incident of which he was part: Markey Berman’s youngest brother was a cripple who walked on crutches. He must have been about 21 years old. Their mother must have been over 45 at this time. She became pregnant ‘in the change’ as they said. Markey presumably did not know. But it began to show, and ‘Shloima’ said to Markey, ‘I think your mother is pregnant’. He was so indignant, he chased Shloima around the Square but he could not catch him. We laughed. When the baby finally arrived he couldn’t have had a more devoted brother than Markey. I can’t go on in detail about all these people.

Max Walker was a much more sophisticated type. Read everything. Good talker, never active politically but with us in theory. He became a civil servant. ‘Barchel’, Bobby Epstein, a good ‘yiddisher boy’, married one of ‘Pip’s’ sisters and became successful as a master tailor.

Leon Grill was a more dogmatic type, a presser, one of five brothers and I think one sister. One of his brothers had been in the ‘Black and Tans’ in Ireland, and had committed suicide many years after. Leon was an active Party member for quite some time. He was married for a short while and parted from his wife and never again resumed a married life. He had a bad back and had to give up pressing to become a hospital porter. Recently he retired at 65 years old and so far as I know is the only one still at his old address in Bedford Street, now Cavel Street. Not only men’s names have changed. Joe Kersh and Dietch came back from America a couple of years after Sam Berks and were both very active Communists for a time. Both became very successful businessmen.

We now come to the group closest to me. First of all there was Willie Cohen, already a member of the YCL. He took me to meetings and I joined in helping with his activities. He was and still is a tailor. We used to go out together to films, plays etc. No girls, no sport. Lots of meetings and demonstrations. Through him I got to know a lot of young Communists. Shimmy Silver, Leon Kravitz, Sid Kersh, Bert Teller and many more including John Gollan, later the secretary of the CP. Willie was for a time a full time paid YCL worker.

Then there was Alec Sheller, a Communist. Together with Nat Cohen and Sam Masters he was among the first foreigners to arrive and fight in the Spanish Civil War. He is not mentioned at all in William Rust’s account of the British section of the International Brigade (Britons in Spain—William Rust, p.20). This may be because Alec had no heart for fighting in a war and left. Soon after his friend Nat Cohen went on to form the ‘Tom Mann Centuria’, forerunner of the International Brigade, and Sam to fight on the Arragon front. Nevertheless Alec was there and there is no good reason to remove this fact from history. Alec tried to interest me in ‘music and opera’, but failed. I have mentioned both Willie and Alec before and will again.

Dave Easterman ‘knew it all’. Active for a short period only. His home life without a mother was not easy. He spent some time in tailoring. It really wasn’t his ‘kettle of fish’. He became a civil servant at the Royal Mint. There was also Joe Kessel, brother of Benny, and of three brothers and five sisters. One of his sisters became active in the party. Joe was different. He worked for his uncle in a cardboard box making factory in Hackney Road. The others told me that when they were younger he was a bully and used his superior strength to dominate them. When I got to know him he had ceased to have this advantage and was quite a nice ordinary bloke. Very interested in jazz. He was the first person I knew to own a gramophone which didn’t need to be wound by hand. He had an enormous collection of records and we all enjoyed sessions at his house listening to and talking about jazz. My favourites were the Mills brothers.

Joe had been taking out a ‘Shicksa’ with whom he worked for quite some time. They seemed to be very much in love. When his parents heard about this, there was a hell of a row and he was given the usual option of choosing betwen her and them. These threats were common enough and sometimes were carried out. With time they became less effective and many mixed marriages took place and on the whole proved to be quite successful. Both the couples themselves, and their families would get on quite well.

However Joe was very upset and promised not to see her again without any intention of giving her up. We had to help him. On Saturday evenings, 3-4 or us would proceed down the street towards Whitechapel. Joe would leave us to meet his girl. Before doing so we had agreed to meet again at Whitechapel station at around 11.00 pm, so that we all got back to the comer together. This arrangement kept his parents happy. I thought they would eventually marry, but it was not to be. Joe followed his brother Benny and decided to be a taxi driver. During his time on the ‘knowledge’ he could not see his girl very often and somehow their relationship ended. He married a local girl whose father owned a big shop in Commercial Road. Joe was never more than a sympathiser to the CP.

Moisha Farrar was a shy nervous chap with a pronounced stutter. He had grown up with the others and I took his presence for granted. He was intelligent, but not much use to the movement because of his inhibitions. But, oh, how we tried. Nobody did anything to reject him but he got worse rather than better. One fact I learned apart from his unsatisfactory home life, was I think relevant. When my friends were still schoolboys and played games, Moisha was always the Indian who had to be tied to the tree. He once had to be rescued by adults because he was actually left securely tied to a tree in our square; or the victim of the robber in ‘cops and robbers’. In ‘mothers and fathers’ he never got beyond being the baby.

We frequently played cards in Joe’s, Alec’s or Dave’s house, but never in Willie Cohen’s and seldom in mine. Willie’s father was very religious and would not allow such a thing. I was so much younger than the others and this was difficult because my mother would not be at home and my place was inconvenient. As Willie and I became more active in the movement all these practices became less frequent until we all gradually went our separate ways.

* * * * *

There are still some very important aspects of East End life which need attention. It would appear that my impression of the ‘Ghetto life’ character of my East End, as a child, could not have been as I saw it. The ‘frontiers’ which I have described could not have been so sharply defined. These ‘frontiers’ got very blurred and in some instances just did not exist. Jews and ‘Yoks’ mixed quite freely in several kinds of activities.

Take boxing. This fraternity was as mixed as can be imagined. Anyone going to the big boxing arena, the ‘Premierland’, cradle of so many great boxers, Jew and Gentiles, could see this; you couldn’t really see any sign of real friction between the two. I wonder why? I don’t really know. Among boxers it’s still the same. Don’t coloured and white boxers embrace now? Near us, apart from Hessel Street there was Petticoat Lane, Watney Street, Whitechapel and Mile End Road on Saturdays, also other street markets. Hessel Street was something special. It had a street running parallel which was really an alleyway at the back of the shops in Hessel Street called Morgan Street. When anyone used either of these names they were referring to the market. The Gentiles often called it the Jews’ market. The thing which made it rather special was that there was a slaughterhouse for poultry killing in the ritual prescribed by Jewish Kashrus (Dietary Laws). There were Kosher butchers and other suppliers of special provisions. There was another market almost identical in character in Old Montague Street, as was Club Row near Petticoat Lane. Part of Petticoat Lane, Wentworth Street, Toynbee Street and Bell Lane, also had this characteristic. The main market only operated on Sunday mornings anyway, it is this part which is now famous all over the world.

I am mentioning all these markets because in them Jews and Gentiles mixed freely with remarkably little friction between either stallholders or customers or both. This was also true of the big wholesale fruit and vegetable market, Spitalfields. In fact quite the reverse was true. There were intimacies some of which ended in intermarriage and the growth of some business resulted. Most remarkable of all was the relationship between Jews and Gentiles in the ‘Shpielers’. These gambling dens were frequented by some extremely violent people with reputations for being ‘terrors’ as they were called. I personally only entered one of these places two or three times before about 1952, but you could not live in the East End without knowing about them. There were very many. The one I heard most about, situated in Philpot Street, was owned by a Jew called Sunshine. It had a very mixed clientele, and very heavy gambling went on despite laws prohibiting such activity.

Sam Berks and others I know could not resist a ‘Shpiel’ and I heard all about these places from them. I have already spoken about gambling among Jewish people so you will not be surprised. But listen to some of the more notorious names among the clients. Stevie Martin, Billie Palmer, son of Pedlar Palmer, famous boxer, and ‘Shabby’ Abrahams (quite a good dresser, who carried an umbrella and was by reputation quite a ‘terror’). All products of mixed marriages.

‘Oscar the Great’ took over when ‘Sunshine’ went broke. Oscar became a wrestler. I heard a story about a character called ‘The Mug’ who won a lot of money from ‘Sunshine’ and gave him alittle cash back, but refused to continue the ‘game’. Not such a mug! Then there was ‘RFK’ (Red Faced Kid) brother of ‘Lew the Lip’.

The ‘marker’ at this establishment who controlled the billiards and snooker tables was a man called ‘Fingers’, again ‘half and half’ as most children of mixed marriages were often described as being. ‘Fingers’ was a common name given to anyone who had lost some of their fingers; he was one of these. ‘Wolfie Greyhound’ was a greyhound racing fanatic and became one of the best ‘Tic-Tacs’ in the business. May I say that I am not trying to copy Damon Runyan. All these and many more frequented this establishment, among so many. I have not invented or altered a single name. Opposite ‘Sunshine’s’ in the middle of the road-way where Philpot Street meets Commercial Road (Philpot Street being a wide street), was an island on which was situated a ‘Pishoiski’. This was a metal built dark green construction, which is a urinal, not a WC. Behind this was a shed about seven feet long and three feet high and wide with a gabled roof and securely locked. Every policeman on or near this beat had a key to this shed. It contained the ‘Drunkart’. A heavy wooden flat surface on four wheels, the front two being the steering wheels, to which was attached a metal handle with which you pulled and steered the cart. Attached to the flat surface at both sides were several heavy leather straps with buckles on the straps, on one side, much the same as an ordinary belt with a two and a half foot wide board in the middle. This vehicle was in frequent use at ‘turning out time’ from the adjacent pubs. A difficult drunk would be strapped securely on the cart and trundled through the street to the police station. If he had not already been silenced, there would be a mass of abuse including a long string of swear words, directed against his captors—great fun for all those watching. Not so funny really.

All sorts of criminals frequented these places, as well as quite ordinary people and they all mixed freely. Their main interest was gambling.

This may explain why the so called ‘Social Clubs’ or ‘Billiard Halls’ were allowed to function, with only occasional raids and prosecutions. This meant the emergence of a new name as proprietor who was owner in name only, but someone would be ready to take the ‘rap’ at the next raid. The police could get all the information they wanted about crime and also be in a position to lay their hands on the criminals easily by ‘allowing’ them to function. It was common knowledge that ‘coppers’ narks’ were operating in all these places. The Aldgate area was particularly infested with these places. Even some of the ‘narks’ were known by name. I don’t know if they merited it, but there was a whole family which were called by the christian name followed by ‘Nark’ which was not their surname. This area was where the Jews of Dutch and Sephardic origin lived and because their roots went back over a much longer time than the Eastern European Jew (Ashkenazie), intermarriage was more common. The ‘Dutchkies’ and ‘Sephardics’ were not users of the Yiddish language. A few could understand a little and they also used Yiddish words which were also used by those non-Jews who mixed freely with Jews.

In all these places, anti-semitism hardly existed. Certainly Jews and Gentiles met in the pawn shops. It was quite common among both communities to pawn articles, particularly clothing, on Monday and take them out again on Friday, every week. Also at the Labour Exchange, thousands of people met without much regard to religion, although there was some separation here because of the different departments dealing with different trades. Tailors were Jews and dock workers were Gentiles. Still they did queue in the street to enter the same building in Mansell Street and later Settle Street where a new, much bigger Labour Exchange was built to accommodate the growing number of unemployed. It is clear that whenever there was a common interest, this question of anti-semitism receded into the background.

Naturally, the different religions did not join in Synagogues and Churches. In some other social organisations, like Jewish Boys’ Clubs, such as the Jewish Lads’ Brigade, and also Scout troops, which in some case were either Jewish or Gentile, some opposition one to the other could and I’m sure did exist. This also applies even more so to whole streets of dwellings, which were either completely Jewish or Gentile. This also applies to schools which is very important. Where there was no direct common activity there was anti-semitism among Gentiles, just as there were anti-Yok feelings freely expressed among Jews. As the barriers came down so did the feelings although these feelings were always near the surface, it took Mosley to raise them to the top. Even he did not succeed, as we shall see. When Jew and Gentile worked together things were even better.

Because the dock industry had a unique structure, only a handful of Jews ever got into the docks. This apart, as Jews left the clothing industry ‘as workers’ and more non-Jews went in, the mixture was on the whole beneficial, in my view.

A few words about swearing. I don’t know how I have got this far without using a single four letter word. The use of swear words is very different in the two communities. I suppose I have deliberately avoided four letter words because I don’t wish to be accused of using them for effect and ulterior motive. This really is not entirely true. The fact is that foreign Jews didn’t use these words so often, whereas ‘Yoks’ couldn’t avoid saying words. When I hear people using these terms when they were not brought up with them, it sounds awful. Just as if I heard a cockney say ‘dashed’ or ‘bally’ it would not sound right. I have in fact never heard it from any of them. The Jews had their own swear words. Some of them, just as obscene as the others when used in connection with obscene subjects. Some of them have passed into common use. Take the word ‘Shmock’. It means penis, but also a great deal more. It’s most common use is to describe a fool. Respectable people used it freely. We used awful curses rather than swear words. Some of them are incapable of being translated. However, I will try some. ‘Nem arn a miesa mashina’—‘Take a bad mashina’. No, I can’t tell you what it means, but I know what the speaker means. ‘Brach a feece’. That’s easy, ‘Break a leg’. ‘Feece’ actually means feet. I don’t know the word for leg. As far as I know this word covers both. ‘Crieg a Choleria’--‘Get Cholera’. An admonition—‘Ere doos siech shamen ire vortem hulse’—‘\You should be ashamed of your far neck’. You don’t get it? I can’t help you, I know what it means. When someone is bothering you— ‘Huck mir nisht oon a chiarynic’—‘Don’t bang me on a teapot’. Do you get it? Once again, I can’t help you. ‘Crieg a broch’--‘Get a calamity’—straight forward. ‘Brenan zal dine oordarin’— ‘Your veins shall burst’. ‘Auskemact solzt de zein’. This is a little complicated. Literally it says ‘Erazed you should be’, but it is a reference, I believe to a Talmudian story in which all those who will enter heaven are listed in a ‘Book’. Do you see? ‘A broch se diener yaoran’—‘ You should have calamitous years’.

Now the rather important name calling items; ‘Mashimet’—‘Convert’. One who has forsaken the Jewish religion for another, usually Christian. ‘Upikoyris’ —One who has become an Agnostic or Atheist. You see why four letter words are not enough.

The “Yoks’ use four letter words to emphasise what they are saying and only use them obscenely when talking about obscene matters. I’m sorry if it hurts your ears but I must explain, because I had to learn all this as a young lad. In the same way as we used ‘Shmok’ to describe a fool, so ‘cunt’ is used by ‘Yoks’. Yet we all know it’s literal meaning. It’s strange that these two words used to mean the same thing, are completely opposites. I leave this to the ‘dialectitians’ to explain. As Yiddish declines as a spoken language, Jews have used English swear words more.

It would be a pity if Yiddish ceased to exist as it is a very colourful language. I suspect it will survive, in a minor form, as long as there are still Jews. The broken English of the immigrant Jews was a constant source of anti-semitic material. Accent, for instance. We were and are ‘different’. Unscrupulous people thrive on the exploitation of these differences. We have to learn all these things if we are to help in uniting people.

• 1For a full account of the New Party and its formation, see Harold Nicholson, Diaries, vol I.
• 2In Spain the International Brigade was a special creation for a specific 'event'. Other types of 'organisation' on a wider basis were the 'United Front' and 'Popular Front'.

1930 was a hard year. Wall Street had crashed in 1929 and we didn’t have to be told that there was a depression. Masses of unemployed could be seen everywhere. We had a Labour Government and as far as I could see they were not much better than their predecessors. The East End had voted solidly Labour and had a right to expect some action to alleviate their suffering. I had a fairly good job, one of the best in our trade, so I was seldom out of work for more than 7-8 weeks at any one time. Many of my friends were out of work for months and those in other trades and especially the unskilled workers suffered very long periods of unemployment. The Labour Exchanges were very crowded and where previously you had to sign daily (especially tailors and dockers, because of the nature of these trades) after a time even we tailors were only required to visit the Exchange twice weekly. They could not cope. Stories were current among my own close friends and acquaintances of extreme hardship.

My activities were haphazard and not really organised as I was still only a ‘contact’. I can remember attending countless open air meetings and demonstrations, some of which I had helped to prepare, by distributing leaflets, whitewashing and chalking, etc.

The Daily Worker had been launched 1st January 1930 and I well remember going to Shoreditch Town Hall for the public meeting celebrating this event. Where previously there had only been a weekly The Sunday Worker, we now had to help selling a daily paper, which meant a great deal more detailed planning of activity which, as I say, I had nothing to do with.

Not only the Party and Young Communist League (YCL) members but all sorts of people took part in this work. If you remember that this paper was not being handled by the wholesalers in the business, it will not be hard to imagine the effort and devotion of hundreds of workers which was needed to distribute a national daily. ‘Selling’ the Daily Worker was a big job taking up a great deal of time. Then there was a never ending stream of pamphlets, books, tickets for meetings and social functions, fundraising items, raffle tickets and collecting cards, all of which required human hands to find other human hands to take all this. Platforms for street corner meetings don’t get to their positions by themselves, and meetings need stewards and literature sellers. There were not only the unemployed questions to be dealt with, but a hundred and one industrial, social and political issues, international, national and local, to be handled at any one time. I knew many peopie who worked a damn sight harder when they were unemployed than when they had a boss who paid wages.

Incidentally Mosley was a minister in the Government at this time. The noises coming out of Germany were very disturbing to the Jews and it is no wonder that so many of us were attracted to politics. I personally was not too dismayed because I felt that there was a very powerful Communist Party and our comrade Thalmann would be able to handle Adolf Hitler and that the best way to defeat Fascism was to build a powerful Communist Party and weren’t we doing just that?

It has always interested me to think that the Fascists should couple the Jews with Communism, in the way they have, when they themselves have used the Jewish question to divide the workers. Where did they expect us to go? It’s not a bad thing to ponder this matter again when other minorities are being attacked in a community.

My politics at this time were by no means clear to me. I was ‘against’ the capitalist system and for Communism. I was reading a great deal and being pushed by others to get a knowledge of ‘Marxism-Leninism’. I soaked up as much as I could and I’m afraid that my ‘teachers’ knew very little of the vast store of knowledge outside this particular view of the world and as a result I became like them. Don’t blame me. Have pity.

This went on and I’m afraid I cannot be more specific about my activities during the period leading to the formation of the National Government in the autumn of 1931.

I was now over 18 years old and it is around this time I met that lovely girl I told you about. I was getting to know more and more people from outside my little bit of Stepney.

We had many sympathisers in the Labour Party as well as in the Trade Unions and other workers’ organisations. Many of them took part in the activities I have mentioned. Often it was possible to get quite good campaigns going on special issues, and our contacts in the Labour Party were under fire from their leadership for their ‘fellow travelling’.

During the whole period late 1931 until about the end of 1932 I saw a lot of Pearl, that was ‘my girl’s’ name, but only as an acquaintance. She was a lively girl and had lots of boy friends. At one time she was ‘going steady’ with a chap called Willie Goldman who later wrote ‘East End My Cradle’. He had a friend, whose name escapes me, who fancied himself to be a poet. They seemed quite nice people and they all formed part of a wide circle of Young Communists who seemed to use the ‘Circle House’ as a base for their activities.

Somewhere along the line she became separated from Willie Goldman and I saw her again in the company of Joe Sternlight and Harry Davis, among the actors in the Workers’ Theatre Group, which was an important part of what later became the ‘Unity Theatre’. I heard lots about outings, rambles, camps, dances and other social activities common among the young people in the movement. Somehow I was not a part of all this.

You will remember that I always associated with people much older than myself. It’s not just that I was more serious or advanced politically, because this was not quite so. I was shy. I was fat. I had one eye. I couldn’t dance. I couldn’t play games. I had missed many of the normal pastimes of youth in general, yet I was still only a youth. I had played with girls as a small boy but up to this time I had not dated a single girl. I knew lots of them and in my activities I found them quite pleasant company and I could relax, but when it came to personal relationships I shut up like a clam. Pearl also seemed to be active around the United Clothing Workers’ premises in Philpot Street so I saw quite a lot of her around.

Then there was Andy’s where we all seemed to be, after about 10.30pm until near midnight. Now and then she would smile and I would try saying something funny or nice, but mostly I spoke to her companions rather than to her. She had a girlfriend who was one of Shimmy Silveyr’s sisters so really the net which was bringing us together was there, without me being aware of it. She was gay. She was very popular with the boys and she seemed to revel in the attention she received.

I began to feel a sickly sensation in the pit of my stomach every time I saw her in the company of these laughing young people. This feeling got worse and I would feel quite miserable when I got home late at night, but my books helped me to take my mind off her. I was becoming very jealous of her friends although I had no claims on her whatsoever. So far as I know whe never encouraged me in any way. So why should I feel like that?

I didn’t know much about inferiority complexes in these days, but I did know what it was to feel inferior. I thought, there must be something I can do to break out of this position and maybe let her see that I was interested in girls. Because of course I was. After all, I knew what was happening to my body if no one else did. Andy had a young girl who worked for him as a waitress. I think she came from South Wales. There were lots of girls from South Wales in the East End doing domestic work for Jewish families who could afford to keep them as members of the family plus a little pocket money. These were girls in their very early teens who could not find employment in their home towns and villages and had to leave their families to fend for themselves in London. Her name was Rhoda. She was not political and I wonder what she thought of us. ‘Very strange’, I think. Now here was a young girl I had to talk to without any connection with politics. I had to order tea or a meal and it was possible to crack jokes and be quite relaxe with her. :

She was quite a good looking girl, about 17, I imagine, and full of life.

Otherwise I suppose she wouldn’t have been a waitress. I hit on a plan. If I could take her out on her night off and bring her back to the cafe later, then everyone including Pearl would see me, and maybe the girls would see that I was ‘normal’. It took me weeks to build up enough courage to make the break. I sot to Andy’s one night, in a crowd, and I was feeling quite happy.

Rhoda said said ‘What are you having’, I said ‘You’. It just blurted out. She laughed very sweetly and didn’t seem to mind. I had my usual egg and chips, one slice and a cup of tea, sevenpence, the lot.

When I went to the counter to pay, after about an hour of conversation and debate, I remembered her response to my approach, earlier.

I paid up and as she took the money I grabbed her hand and said, “I meant that, you know’. She smiled again, and I could hardly believe that it was me saying ‘How about coming out with me on your night off.’

She said, ‘OK’ and there and then we arranged to meet. I forget exactly which night it was in the week, but I was floating on air. On the night in question, I made more than my usual effort to look good. I was always a fairly well dressed person. Quite fussy really. I waited on the corner of Great Garden Street for Rhoda to appear, coming out of Andy’s where she ‘lived in’. Sure enough there she was dressed up and looking, I thought, very nice.

We boarded a bus and headed for the Finsbury Park ‘Astoria’ which had opened recently and was reputed to be a fabulous place. We saw the film, held hands, and when we came out I said ‘Shall we have a bite out, or do you want to go home and have a meal at Andy’s’. It was rather late and there was still the journey back to the East End to consider. We decided to go back to Andy’s.

Sitting on the bus, a strange feeling was creeping over me. I would have to make an entrance with Rhoda, both of us dressed up, at Andy’s. I was terrified. There was no way out. I tried to conceal my feelings and conversation in the bus going east almost came to a dead stop. I wonder what Rhoda must have thought.

We got to the cafe and I was trembling all over. My face must have been as red as a beetroot. We walked in and you never heard such a cheer in all your life. Or, so it seemed to me. Everybody was laughing and I was very embarrassed. They were all very friendly and I soon relaxed and Rhoda and I had a meal, accompanied all the time with the well intentioned ‘chaff’ of the ‘crowd’. I felt a lot better after that and I arranged to take Rhoda out again.

On my way home I realised that Pearl was not at Andy’s that night but hoped that she would hear all about my reception. Rhoda really wasn’t my type at all and after a couple of meetings I told her that I was much too busy to go steady with anyone and we remained friends but not in any special way. I did learn from Pearl that she knew all about it at the time but she had no hint that she was in any way involved. Well, what do you expect, I was only a youth. I had broken the ice and from that time on did try to pay more attention to girls but I was still very inhibited so I hadn’t much success.

Strangely enough I did seem to get on with older women. They never seemed to cause me so much embarrassment as did the girls of my own age group. Now that I reflect, I must have missed quite a lot one way and another.

During the middle of 1930 until about the end of 1931 my mother and I were living together and had not had any contact with my sisters Debbie and Annie or my young brother Hymie, as far as I can remember. I know that my mother cried a great deal and I tried not to think about them. I can’t remember anyone asking me where they were or how they were getting on and I was 68

thankful. Mother was working as usual but it was not a calamity if she only managed to get one job a week. There were times during the year when no Jewish weddings are allowed so she had to try to save a little to meet our needs during these periods. I was working and beginning to earn a bit more but I’m afraid I was too selfish and did not give her as much as I should have done. We were not short of food because my mother would bring home a great deal of very good food which was left over from the functions which were always quite lavish affairs. She was a very good cook and a good mother who, I felt, always somehow blamed herself for my sisters’ and brother’s absence from our home. She had tried so hard to run a good Jewish home without the aid of a husband, but this had not succeeded through conditions beyond her control,

We managed to live like this and as time went on we got used to things as they were and she didn’t cry quite so much. Although I didn’t spend too much time at home, mother was not lonely because, as I said, this was not likely in my East End. She doted on me and did anything she could to make life good. I was not at all considerate and often complained if my shirt was not just so, of if I didn’t happen to fancy the particular meal she had prepared.

Some time later my young nieces, Sophie’s children, used to come to see their ‘Booba’ (grandma) every Saturday around 11.00 in the morning, to stay until about 1.00 p.m. They told me how, while trying to get me out of bed, my mother was constantly fussing over the table which she had prepared and would not let them go near, in case they made any finger marks on the table cloth. That was my mum.

I was spending quite a lot of time at the ‘corner’ listening to Sam Berks’ stories about America and how he had to sleep in Central Park during the period before he decided to come home. I was arguing with him, Leon Grill, Dave Easterman and anyone who happened to be there. The Labour Government, unemployment, Hitler, the tailoring trade, the Russian Revolution, Marx, Lenin, Stalin, everything was discussed and I usually managed to satisfy myself that I could deal with all these matters and much more. I frequently solved all the world’s problems almost every day, only to find that they still existed, to be dealt with all over again, the next day, That was me.

During our sessions at the card tables in Joe Kessel’s home I got to know his five sisters very well. Dollie and Millie were a bit younger than me. Annie was about my age. Leah and Ada were older. Millie was about the same age as Pearl and not known to me then, they had both been to Myrdle Central which was a secondary school where girls and boys stayed until they were 16 years old. It was not a grammar school but inbetween. Pearl had left when she was 14 and later regretted having done so. She had been quite a good runner and knew Millie who was very good at sports. I secretly thought a great deal about Millie. I don’t think she ever knew. I remember her coming home from school one day when she was about 15% years old looking like the most desirable thing I had ever seen. She wore a skirt revealing a beautiful pair of legs and thighs, white tennis blouse and carrying of all things a tennis racket, to which was attached a pair of white plimsoles which she was swinging about as she walked. My heart skipped a beat. I felt she was beyond me and I dare not do anything but admire her in silence. When she left school she became friendly with a lovely looking girl, blond, like herself, but taller and if anything, even more good looking. One day while standing on the corner, this girl was about to leave Millie at the door of the building and we were admiring her and making the usual cracks that young men do, when a sudden impulse made me walk towards her and I began to walk alongside, away from the corner. She didn’t seem to mind and I chatted to her all the way to Redman’s Road, about 14%miles away, where she lived. I did this quite a few times subsequently and came in for a lot of chaff from the boys. She was a nice girl but there was nothing but friendship between us. I was clearly not her type. I remember this so well because it was so rare for me to have personal relationships with girls.

Joe’s sisters grew up. Ada the eldest married a chap from the West End, where I found out there was a big Jewish community. Leah joined the Communist Party and remained a spinster. Annie was a milliner and a good business ‘nut’. She married and became very prosperous. Millie married a taxi driver. In my view, at the time, quite below her potential. Dollie married a shop keeper from Chelsea.

Mr. Harris was the owner of the shop on our corner. He had married one of the daughters of the Satins, who lived in a flat above the shop. They had just had their first child. Mrs Harris’ brother, older than her, was the envy of all the Jewish families nearby. He would arrive at our corner about once a week in a chauffeur driven Minerva Limousine. A big brown car in a sort of wood grain paintwork. This was the man who had really made good. He was married to a dressmaker who was one of the two sisters responsible for a very successful dress manufacturing firm in the West End, which still exists. They were reputed to be very wealthy people. I am talking about the time of the ‘depression’, remember, so you can imagine how envious people in our little area were.

Lew Lee (Lew the Lip) who was a traveller for a firm of cloth and silk piece goods’ merchants, knew this woman. He tried to tell us what she was like by saying — if you happened to see her with some samples and she happened to be in the lavatory at the time, she would say, ‘Push them under the door’. An exaggeration, no doubt, but you knew what he meant. That’s the stuff which goes to make a successful businessman or woman.

Lots of the men in their early twenties were beginning to pair off, often with local girls. Sam’s brother Solly was going with one of the Stein girls who lived over the Stain’s. Another of the Stein girls was going with Danny Berg from Nelson Street, another successful clothing manufacturer in the end.

One of Willie Cohen’s sisters married a stranger to us. His other two sisters did not marry as far as I know.

On Yaro’s comer, things were moving rather faster. ‘Ginger’ Waldman was married to Nancy Berg. A boy and girl romance this. Henry Lasky was married to Yaro’s younger daugher. Her old sister Sadie (I knew her as Sarah) married a barber from some distance away. Nearly all the men in this age group were moving away at the time when my activities were making my stay on the corner shorter and less frequent.

* * * * *

Most people who I know, who know the East End from reading about it seem to think that the population was almost entirely Jewish. Reading so far you may still think that this was so. Nothing could be further from the truth.

If you want to understand what happened in the East End, particularly with regard to Mosley and the militant dock workers, you would be well advised to consider what I tell you now. The population of Stepney at the time was about 225,000. About one third, 70,000 were the people who lived in St Georges, i.e. in Wapping and Shadwell, to say nothing of the people of Limehouse. But it is Wapping and Shadwell in particular that I am talking about.(1) These people were descended from an earlier immigration from Ireland. There were other Gentiles in the area but the majority were Catholics. When I first got to know them they had reached something like the fourth or fifth generation, if not more. There is a church in Commercial Road among several in St Georges, which was so crowded on Sundays you would not think you were in London, but in Ireland, Spain or Italy. Those who don’t know a thickly populated Roman Catholic area cannot know what this means. The church completely dominated almost every aspect of life.

They had their own schools and influenced the state schools in every possible way. Every kind of social activity was centred in the church. The only activity not centred around the church was the heavy drinking in pubs, which in some way was not entirely divorced from the way of life. More important than all this is the absolute domination of Catholics in the local Labour Party and the Trade Unions.

Here are some names of local councillors: John Sullivan, LCC; Jeremiah Long (Jerry), the ‘big man’ among the Catholics in the Labour Party; McCartney, McKie, the three O’Briens, Edward James, Julia O’Connor, O’Leary, Leary, Hurley, Jarvis, the two Leweys, Mullan, Carthy, Shaw and Shea. It may have been just a coincidence but even the Town Clerk was a man called W.L. McCarthy. Have I made my point?

Just over one third of the council were of Jewish origin, and there was a constant battle between them and the Catholics for leadership. For a long time, Jerry Long was in power, but he was defeated for a time by Morrie Davies, who was also the ‘big man’ in the Jewish Federation of Synagogues and Burial Societies. He later was involved in a big scandal and lost his positions in this organisation as well as in the Labour Party.

* * * * *

To get back to me. So far as I was concerned, there was a great deal to interest me in the movement and I was not short of opportunities to be an active Communist. At the beginning of 1931 there was the United Clothing Workers’ Union (UCWU) then situated at no. 9 Manningtree Street, E.1 as well as some branches of the following organisations which were mostly initiated by the CP:—

Friends of the Soviet Union — Secretary T. Bell; The British Section of the Red Sport International, founded in 1920 to which the British affiliated in 1929; The League against Imperialism, Honorary Secretary R. Bridgman; International Labour Defence, which had been known as the International Class War Prisoners’ Aid (ICWPA) (this was founded in December 1924 and was a section of International Red Aid, founded by a group of old Bolsheviks, headed by Helena Stassova, in 1920); The Workers’ International Relief; The Workers’ Theatre Movement; the National Unemployed Workers’ Committee Movement, founded 1921, which later dropped ‘Committee’ from its title; The Seaman’s Minority Movement. There were other Minority Movement organisations throughout the country, the best known being the miners’ one.

This movement was part of the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU) founded in 1921. The British Minority Movement (MM) was founded in 1924 (2). In addition there were two other Trade Union and Labour Party organisations as well as the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and many small left-wing groups.

The Daily Worker managed to keep one informed of most of the activities as well as reporting on the many meetings, demonstrations, social activities etc. In addition there was a regular feature column, reporting the Inner Party Life. This gave reports of discussions in the Central Committee of the CP as well as items from the 3rd International. There were open discussions in which people were often attacked and allowed to defend themselves in public, or admit mistakes, as the case might be. One important case was when Arthur Horner was being called over the coals for something he had done regarding the miners which was not to the liking of the Central Committee (3).

In the March London County Council (LCC) Elections, we had two CP candidates. Pountney and Elias, standing in Stepney. Pountney was a Party Functionary who was the secretary of the United Clothing Workers’ TU, drafted for the job, and I thought a most unsuitable type, who looked nothing like a clothing worker. Elias was a leader of the unemployed. The voting gave Pountney 374 and Elias 380. The Labour Party won with about 3,500 votes for each candidate. (4)

The Labour Government were proposing cuts in every part of the economy not least in unemployment benefits. The New Party led by Mosley had formally left the Labour Party early in March 1931. The political situation regarding the state of the parties, particularly the Labour Party, was to say the least confusing. The unemployed were being treated in a most heartless fashion by all the politicians. They fought back with all their might and suffered a great deal.

The Daily Worker, the International Labour Defence (ILD), the League against Imperialism and the Workers’ International Relief, were running campaigns in support of movements around cases like the Meerut trial in India were 31 people had been arrested in March 1929 for militant TU activity and were still being tried. There were three English defendants — Bradley, Spratt and Hutchinson. Bradley frequently wrote articles for the Daily Worker on their case.(5)

There were the Scottsborough boys on trial on a framed up charge of rape, in the South USA. Tom Mooney, California, on a bomb incident frame up, because of his militant activities. (6). Also there was a Moscow trial of ‘Social Democrats’, but somehow this did not bother me at the time. I must have been wearing blinkers.

A meeting to explain this trial was organised by the Friends of the Soviet Union, (FSU) at which Tom Mann, Willie Gallacher and Tom Bell spoke. After the meeting there was an ‘inquest’ because it was so poorly attended. In addition to the above named speakers there was of course Harry Pollitt, J.R. Campbell and a few names not so well remembered now, who seemed to tum up at all our meetings and demonstrations. They were

J.T. Murphy, T.A. Jackson, Saklatvala and Wal Hannington. (7) Locally, there was the 2nd Annual Conference of the UCWU at the ‘Three Nuns Hotel’, Aldgate, in April. (8) About a month after this conference the Ladies’ Tailors’ Union (LTU) called a strike which was supported by the UCWU.

Here is a list of the demands:

1. Against the absence of the 48 hour week.

2. Limitation of overtime during the busy period.

3. Abolition of overtime during the slack period.

4. Payment of not less than two shillings and sixpence per hour for tailors, pressers, machiners.

5. Payment of not less than one shilling per hour for felling hands, finishers and skirt hands (9).

Could anything be more primitive than this. We had to fight for such elementary things. At a public meeting organised by the LTU the speakers were Colton and Freedlander. The UCWU wanted to join in but were not allowed to have speakers on the platform. Groups of strikers would go round the workshops, still working after 6.00p.m. and ask the workers to stop work and often there were heated arguments and clashes with a lot of bitterness.

Some employers locked out their workers for refusing to work till 7.00p.m.(10)

There were a few successes in the form of more organised shops being established where the employers agreed to the 48 hour week. What usually happened after these skirmishes with the employers was that when the next season came around there would be a change round of workers and they would go back to the bad old days. As time went on there was a gradual adoption of the 48 hour, 5-day week. Pay only improved when the general economic situation created a bigger demand for clothing. I remember a report in the Daily Worker on clothing work in the Soviet Union by ‘an English girl’.

I’m not sure who it was, but I do know that Sarah Wesker had been to the Soviet Union for quite some time (11).

It was around this time that the news from Germany was beginning to get very grim. Hitler was getting stronger. Raids on the CP headquarters and the ‘Rote Fahne’. The Communist Party was being suppressed. At home the Labour Government was proposing massive cuts. Wage and dole cuts, including in the armed forces, totalling £120,000,000. In August the Labour Government resigned and a National Government under MacDonald was formed (12)

* * * * *

The second half of 1931 and the first half of 1932 proved to be the most important periods in my life. By a series of gross coincidences, events taking place in different parts of the world, which I only knew about from press reports, led to my getting to know nearly all the main people to be concerned in my future development. This in a very short time after these events occurred. It is almost unbelievable and I don’t know how to account for it unless I start to believe in ‘Astrology’ or ‘Fate’.

At the end of May, John Gollan was arrested in Edinburgh for distributing leaflets to soldiers. (13) He was waiting to be tried. He was eventually sentenced to six months imprisonment in July. He was released on bail pending an appeal. He must have lost the appeal because I remember his welcome home late in December 1931. I met him soon after his release but did not get too involved with him even though he was a close, active worker with my pal _ Willie Cohen. In August John Strachley left the New Party and I met him later a few times. (14)

Then I read a report around the middle of September of ‘unrest’ in the navy over the proposed cuts in pay along the following lines:

Leading Seaman 5/3d per day, cut 11d

Able Seaman 4/- per day, cut 9d

Ordinary Seaman 2/9 per day, cut 9d

The report said that the sailors had refused to carry out orders on 15th September. (15) This was the Invergordon Mutiny. The ordinary sailors did a great deal and I learned all about it from the undoubted leader of this mutiny — Len Wincott himself, who I got to know intimately. He became an important influence in my life.

In late 1931, there was talk in the press about a ‘General Election’. I recently read in the Oxford History of England, English History 1914-1945 by A.J.P. Taylor that ‘11th September 1931 marked the watershed of English history between the wars’ (page 298). On page 323, he writes:

‘On 5th October someone — perhaps Neville Chamberlain, perhaps Snowden, perhaps no one in particular — came up with a solution: a general election with each party putting forward it’s own programme under a blanket of words produced by Macdonald’

Between these two quotations there is a lot of ‘history’ written, but not one word about Invergordon! If that’s the way history is written I can do without such writers!

No one in the CP could have known about what was going on at Invergordon.

The Daily Worker did not carry its report about the ‘unrest’ until the mutiny was well and truly underway and almost over for the time being at least. It lasted two days. I can assure you that had anyone known about it the Daily Worker would have had to carry a report. The news from the ‘Atlantic Fleet’ was a very well kept secret, for as long as the authorities could hold it. The Australian fleet also mutinied but a report on this appeared on 11.11.1931 in the Daily Worker. On 1st September, two weeks before Invergordon, there was a mutiny in the Chilian Navy against a proposed 30% cut in pay. The first report I read was in the Daily Worker on 9.12.1931. So it would appear that this kind of action is not to be given publicity if it can be avoided.

Meanwhile, in Canada, two leading Communists Tim Buck and John Boychuck had been arrested during the middle of August. (16) This was to test the legality of the Canadian CP. There was a slump in Canada too! Tim Buck was eventually sentenced to five years in November (17). In Britain the Gold Standard had collapsed — the general election was on its way. Mosley’s New Party was trying hard to break into the political scene. It would seem that Mosley felt the need of protection from the very beginning. One of his bodyguards was Ted Kid Lewis and another, a former Rugby International.

This did not prevent thousands of Glasgow workers from chasing him out of town, around this time. The Daily Worker was raided and the printers arrested. The Bow Street magistrate ordered, no mention of ‘armed forces’ while the trial was pending. The Daily Worker appeared with blank spaces marked ‘censored by the printer’ (18) Wal Hannington the unemployed leader was arrested and refused to be bound over. So he went to gaol. (19) I got to know him too!

Then things really began to hot up. George Allison, an ex-Scottish miner, was the national organiser of the Minority Movement. He was arrested at Portsmouth on 2nd October. W.G. Shepard, a leading woodworker and CP member on the staff-of the Daily Worker at the time, was arrested in London and taken to Portsmouth. George and Bill were charged with Incitement to Mutiny! I got to know George Allison very well indeed!

During September-October there were 109 leading Communists and active sympathisers arrested for a variety of ‘offences’ (20). The Opposition to the ‘cuts’ was growing. Mass demonstrations on the streets of all large cities throughout Great Britain were a daily occurance. Women fought mounted police in the general fighting which was a feature of most of the demonstrations. 80,000 in Manchester, 150,000 in Glasgow, 100,000 in Hyde Park. (21) We began to prepare for the general election. Harry Pollitt was adopted as the CP candidate for Whitechapel and St Georges on 7th October.

Our committee rooms were situated at 59 Cannon Street Road, right in the middle of the constituency. There were other CP candidates, like Joe Vaughan, Bethnal Green —and W. Gallacher in Scotland. I got to know all three.

The International Labour Defence was appealing for funds to help the many causes of arrested militants and their dependants. So another name appeared in the Daily Worker, Alun Thomas from South Wales. A leading CP full-time functionary, National Secretary of the ILD. (22) He was to be another important man in my early days as an active Communist.

With ten days to go before the election, this is how the Daily Worker reported the adoption of candidates for Whitechapel. ‘H. Pollitt, CP, J. Hall, Lab, B. Janner, Nat Lib, Kid Lewis, Fascist’ (23).

In the East End this really was something. Ted Kid Lewis was a legend in his very early life-time. He had fought his way from the gutter, to international fame, as a boxer. He had made the East End of London better known than almost anyone else. Yet here he was, back in the gutter, so far as we Communists were concerned. I will never know why Mosley ever did this. Other

than the fact that he was out for cheap publicity. He must have known that there was no chance of his Party getting anywhere in Whitechapel. That Kid Lewis did this, is testimony to his lack of brain power, which I suppose in a way was why he was such a good man with his fists. No offence meant to other great fighters, who certainly had brain as well as brawn. I have heard so called ‘historians’ pay tribute to Mosley’s political ability, how do they explain this one?

Mosley was driven from Birmingham and Kid Lewis was ‘trounced’. The election campaign was furious in our area. What with Mosley and Kid Lewis there was a new factor in the form of Barnett Janner. He somehow managed to get some support of quite a number of Jewish boys, from the ‘shpielers’.

Meetings were hectic and exciting, as well as violent on many occasions.

The Jewish people saw in Janner a possible champion against the Fascist threat coming from Hitler and his supporters here. Up to the General Election in October 1931 Stepney had been solidly Labour for a long time. Our MP’s being Clem Attlee for Limehouse, John Scurr for Mile End and J.H. Hall, Whitechapel and St Georges. So confused was the state of local thinking that the election produced the following result. MP’s for Limehouse, Attlee, Labour, Mile End, O’Donovan, Conservative and Whitechapel and St Georges, Barnett Janner, Liberal. Limehouse had a small number of Jews, but the other two constituences were mixed. I think the Jewish people were responsible for this result. O'Donovan the conservative had a good local reputation because of his work at the London Hospital, where he was a well known consultant, in addition to his other social activities. Barnett Janner, now Lord, was a Jew, a lawyer, a Liberal and very prominent in the Jewish community. He later became Labour MP for Leicester and ‘Sir Barnett’ as well as being president of the Jewish Board of Deputies. Kid Lewis got 154 votes. I need say no more about him. Pollitt got 2,658.

I was very disappointed, as were a lot more people on our side. If the campaign on the streets was anything to go by, Pollitt should have won the election easily. Apparently, those who make the most noise are not always the strongest. The result needs a little closer scrutiny. The full figures were as follows.

B. Janner 11,013, J. Hall 9,864, Pollitt 2,658, Kid Lewis 154. (24) You will see that Pollitt’s intervention actually split the solid working class vote. In a Daily Worker report following a review of the campaign in Whitechapel, they actually drew attention to the fact, but no one condemned the CP for standing. (25) This was true for the review meeting of CP members also. One could not say that this was the view of the Labour Party. In Limehouse, Attlee only managed to hold his seat by about 500 votes. Hodge for Mosley got 307 votes. (26)

The 1929 Labour Government and the split in the Labour Party left the Jewish community in a confused state. Those who think that all Jews are ‘left’ or ‘red’ should remember what happened at this 1931 General Election in Stepney. Just as they should remember that the existence of a large Catholic population concentrated in Wapping and Shadwell did much to decide the outcome of Mosley’s attempt to win a mass base in East London. His failure may even have been a decisive factor in what followed, on an international level, leading to the second world war. I shudder to think what might have happened if Mosley had succeeded in getting a really big following.

* * * * *

1932 opened with the National Government in power, and no shortage of issues for us Communists to be active: in all forms of protest and the general conduct of the ‘class war’. This was the year in which the British Union of Fascists (BUF) was constituted giving us Jews a big interest in politics because here we were being threatened, directly on our own doorsteps. This together with unemployment was what we could deal with on an easily understood basis because it affected all of us. We must not forget the news from Germany, which was also of immediate concern to the Jews. So, what with hunger marches ane the purely local issues, life was full of hard work.

One positive result of the election for ‘us’ was that we made about 100 recruits to the party. The full result of the election was a massive vote for the National Government. Con. 471, Nat. Lib. 39, Simonities 27, Lab, 51, Nat. Lab. 13, LG Lib. 13, Independent 5, no CP, no Mosley. (27) Macdonald became Prime Minister and George Lansbury took over in the Labour Party with Atlee as his deputy. In my view, Invergordon continued to play a major role in the events which followed despite the overwhelming vote for the National Government.

Only a few days after the election we learned that the original proposals for the cuts in service pay were to be halved. Despite a definite undertaking, by Sir Austin Chamberlain, First Sea. Lord, that there would be no victimisation resulting from the mutiny at Invergordon, 24 ratings were dismissed.

This undertaking was skated round, by the use of a revealing phrase.

The ratings were dismissed without a trial of any kind, for ‘continued conduct subversive of discipline’, on 4th November 1931. (28)

Exactly one week after this, a report in the press which I must have read at the time but to which I did not give much attention, spoke of someone who was to be the most influential human political contact I ever had. Here is the Daily Worker report/excerpts.

‘British Communist Jailed in Argentine — Comrade Nat Cohen, Clothing Workers’ Secretary, Imprisoned without Trial — Fight to Release Him!

... Amongst those 250 workers recently thrown into prison without trial (they have just been on a five-day hunger strike demanding tea, warm meals, beds, etc.) is an English comrade, Nat Cohen, amember of the Communist Party and secretary of the Tailors and Garment Workers’ Union of Buenos Aires. . . .

. .. This comrade , who had been in South America about ten years, was formerly a member of the Communist Party of Great Britain... .

. . . Whilst in Chile he was in prison a number of times, underwent brutal tortures, and was eventually deported... .

. He came to Buenos Aires, where he was again imprisoned a number of times....

. .. And this time they mean to hold him in prison and probably send him to the Island Usuhia, “The Land of Lost Hope’’, because they put him down as an “international Bolshevik agent”, sent from Moscow to carry on propaganda amongst the workers of Argentine... .

. . . They refuse to deport. him despite the fact that he is a British subject. ...

. .. All trade union branches, etc., should send resolutions of protest to the British Home Secretary and to the Argentine Consul here, also to the British Counsul in Buenos Aires.

Fellow-workers, don’t delay one moment in sending in your protests, for it means sure death to this comrade and to the other comrades in prison with him.’ (29)

I had no idea that Nat Cohen’s family actually lived in my street. I probably knew most of the 2,000 odd inhabitants by sight, but I certainly did not know all of them, by name. This family actually lived less than 100 yards from our ‘corner’. Cohen is such a common name among Jews, it could have referred to anyone anywhere. I knew still less of the background to this report. This is what I learned almost immediately.

You remember Bert Teller? Well, he along with Sid Kersh were seamen as I have said. Bert had been going to sea for a few years and was on a regular run to Buenos Aires in the Argentine. The ‘turn round’ for this trip was about two months, when we would see Bert. He had been a ‘Party courrier’ for some time. I am not giving away any secrets, as it is a well known fact that revolutionary forces have always used sympathetic seamen in this way. The courriers carry messages and material which cannot be ‘risked’ by sending through the post. They are not spies. They do not collect information, or carry out ‘instructions’ of any kind.

This does not mean that on occasions one or two may not have overstepped the mark. Anyone who knows anything about illegal revolutionary

activity, would know that there is a vast difference between a ‘messenger’ and a ‘spy’. Just as during the war, we could distinguish between a ‘resistence worker’ and a spy.

Well, Bert was a friend of ‘Shimmy’ Silver and at one time very friendly with his sister Annie. By this time she had become very attached to a Party member called Hymie Cohen. It was Hymie who asked Bert to see if he could find his brother, Nat, who had been in South America, for over ten years. Sure enough, Bert found him, and has remained a close friend for the last forty years. Bert met Nat before he was arrested. he took part in demonstrations in Buenos Aires for his release, as well as the others. So we got first hand reports of what was happening to Nat. I was immediately fascinated by the sheer romance and adventure, associated with this character.

Nat Cohen’s family consisted of his parents, who were getting on, three (?) brothers and two sisters. I knew Hymie was a Party member but till now I didn’t know he had a brother called Nat. I’m not sure when Hymie married Annie Silver but around this time they had a daughter who was handicapped and rather difficult. Pearl, who I was still very interested in, was a friend of Annie Silver’s young sister, Miriam. Most of the Silvers were either YCL or CP members. There were a lot of them. Their father had a sweet and tobacconist shop at the corner of Old Montague Street and Queen Street, off the north side of Whitechapel Road. Pearl’s grandmother had lived in Queen Street and if my memory is not at fault Pearl met Miriam as a result of visits to her grandmother. That’s how Pearl made contact with the YCL. She loved children and even as a young girl of almost 17 she would spend a lot of time taking care of Annie’s little girl, Once again unknown to me the net was getting tighter and it became more certain that I would become more than just an acquaintance. I never knew that Pearl lived in Varden Street which started off in New Road and ended in my street. It was ali fitting together as though it had to be.

* * * * *

I was approaching my 19th birthday and had made rapid progress in learning to be a good presser. Because my top presser was well over 70 and getting a bit past it, his son, the boss, insisted that he should retire. -I was considered good enough to take over, despite my comparative youth. But since I was always accepted by people much older, it may not have been so unusual. This meant a big jump in my income and I could be quite ‘extravagant’ from now on and enjoy good clothes, which I liked. There is a very relevant point here concerning the appearance of Communists. Many of the young Communists were fond of dressing in an outlandish way. Khaki or Red shirts were common. Also, they liked to wear sandals. Even some boys who could afford it, didn’t go in for tailor made suits. The girls were even more likely to look different from the usual appearance of the non-political Jewish girls who really tried hard to be very smart and in the fashion.

Being in the clothing industry made this possible because clothing workers got some of their clothes made on the cheap. There were frequent arguments in the YCL and CP because some of us felt that these outlandish dressers were behaving in a ‘secretarian’ manner. I have since learned that nearly all progressive youth express their dissatisfaction with things as they are by trying to look different. I don’t think it a bad thing any more.

Things were hotting up on the political front. Tenants were organising against high rents and slum conditions. (30) The hunger marchers were on the way. Paterson of the Daily Worker was made a scapegoat for alleged incitement of the armed forces and got two years hard labour. Allison and Shepard were sentenced to three years and 20 months respectively, for ‘incitement to mutiny’. This was a blatant ‘frame up’. They had nothing to do with the Invergordon mutiny (31). When I met George Allison after he had completed his sentence I asked him how he fell for the simple trick which the ‘agents’ of the powers that be, had thought up. He was inclined to agree that he had been rather foolish. Fancy taking part in an arrangement to meet someone you never heard of by means of showing a yellow handkerchief in the breast pocket. This in connection with an offer from unknown people to help to extend the mutiny at Invergordon to the Home Fleet at Portsmouth. To meet in a public house bar of all places, and later in a lavatory at the station. Real fictional stuff this. Like you read in the cheapest sort of spy stories. He paid dearly for this, although he rightly earned a big reputation for getting more concessions from the authorities, than any other prisoner.

Invergordon was not allowed to go by without the authorities hitting back at the Communists, their main enemy at that time. I thought that the crude methods used by the ‘Special Branch’—the political arm of the law— were capable of being defeated. But I suppose someone would have to be found to take the blame for what the ordinary people in the Navy had done, because they did not enjoy suffering.

The young unemployed were being sent to institutions for ‘training’ when they had exhausted their statutory benefits. One notorious place was called Belmont, situated on the outskirts of London. Forty-one of these unfortunate victims were discharged for organising the inmates of this establishment, against the bad food and conditions. It seems there was no stopping these ‘Commies’ (32).

A new name began to appear in our adverts for meetings and demonstrations. Len Wincott—dismissed Sailor. (33). This was just before the end of 1931.

I first saw Len at a meeting in Limehouse Town Hall, and I was already impressed from what I had read and heard about him.

I was even more pleased when I finally saw him and even more so when I met him and got to know him. The story of Len Wincott’s early life has been told in detail in his own book Invergordon Mutineer (34). He was one of a family of eight with a drunken father and a long-suffering mother and was brought up in the dire circumstances of working class life in Leicester. He joined the Navy when he was sixteen. As he put it, no one will suppose that a 16 year old boy was moved by heroism to read a pamphlet on how to join the Royal Navy. In his case the urge was certainly the ominous spectre of unemployment. Len’s background was an adequate recipe for what went into his actions during the mutiny.

We were also busy in the UCWU, which moved to bigger premises at 4-6 Philpot Street, just round the corner from where I lived. (35) John Gollan was around quite a lot in the East End. We were also interested in the dockers and seaman who were stirring and their strikes against wage cuts (36). And 1931 was over.

1. 1931 Census—Total population 224,238: Limehouse 67,651, Mile End and Whitechapel 75,683, St Georges 81,904.
2. See J. Klugmann, History of the Communist Party of Great Britain, 2nd edition 1968,
vol I, pp 109, 121, 229, 296 and vol Il, pp 313 and 314.
3. The Daily Worker (DW), 18.3.1931 and 20.3.1931.
4. DW, 23.2.1931.
5. DW, 1.1.1931.
6. DW, 8.4.1931 and article by Theodore Dreser, DW, 17.6.1931 plus ILD pamphlet
printed in 1931, address: 29 Theobalds Road, London WC2.
7. DW, 30.3.1931.
8. DW, 15.4.1931.
9. DW,6.5.1931 and 7.5.1931.
10. DW, 8.5.1931 and 19.5.1931.
11. DW, 11.5.1931.
12. Detailed articles in DW, 11, 17 and 26.8.1931.
13. DW, 25.5.1931.
14. DW, 31.8.1931.
15. DW 17.9.1931.
16. DW, 14.8.1931. ;
18. DW, 26.9.1931 and 28.9.1931.
17. DW,17.11.1931.
19. DW, 5.10.1931.
20. DW, 6.10.1931.
21. DW,7 and 8.10.1931.
22. DW, 15.10.1931.
23. DW, 17.10.1931.
24. DW, 29.10.1931.
25. DW, 2.11.1931.
26. Ibid
27. DW, 2.11.1931. The election was to form a Coalition Government made up of defectors from the split Liberal and Labour Parties lead by Ramsay-Macdonald and Snowdon and the Conservatives in 1931. The abreviations stand for the following:

1. Con.—Conservative; Nat. Lib.—National Liberals; Nat. Lab. —National Labour; Simonites -- followers of Sir John Simon, Liberal.

2. Lab:—Labour; Ind. —Independent; Mosley -New Party; CP—Communist Party; L.G.Lib. —Lloyd George Liberals. Opposition to the National Government.

28. DW, 5 & 6.11.1931.
29. DW, 12.11.1931.
30. DW, 21.11.1931.
31. DW, 24 & 26.11.1931.
32. DW, 26.11.1931.
33. DW, 16.12.1931.
34. Invergordon Mutineer, by Len Wincott. Widenfeld & Nicholson, 1970. Libcom note: and see also this review by Joe Jacobs.
35. DW, 22.12.1931.
36. DW, 30.12.1931 and 4.1.1932.

1st January 1932 was the second anniversary of the Daily Worker.

Priestly, another leading comrade helping to run the Daily Worker was due to be tried for his alleged complicity in inciting the armed forces. (1) An all London Conference was called at the Rotherhithe Town Hall, to form the Invergordon Defence Committee. All interested organisations to send delegates.

This was organised by the ILD. The advert said, ‘All twenty-four dismissed sailors will be present’. (2) Len Wincott was writing articles and addressing meetings all over the place. The Communist Party was growing. East London had become a ‘sub-district’, covering Stepney, Poplar and Bethnal Green. Discussion on internal party affairs were still being reported in the Daily Worker (3). There was an article about the clothing trade, in the Daily Worker, which mentioned a large gents tailoring firm called Pollikoffs, among others. This is where Pearl worked. (4)

News from Spain told of insurrection in the north. (5) Two CP members from Birmingham were goaled. Five militant workers in Rochdale were sentenced.

John Strachey was speaking on Communist Party and other left platforms. There was a movement to stop the war in China. I can’t remember the details very well (6). At this time, T.A. Jackson, a leading CP theoretician, was protesting about an article on Rosa Luxemburg, which he thought said too much about her mistakes and not enough about her achievements. (7).

Once again we hear about Nat Cohen. On 18th September, the London Evening News reported.

‘A British subject whose name is given as Nat Cohen has been arrested in the Argentine on a charge of engaging in Communist propaganda. He is alleged to have been leader of the anti-American demonstration in 1928 in connection with the Saco-Vanzetti executions’.

A similar story was in tne News of the World the following Sunday. An article had appeared in a leading Buenos Aires journal, Noticias Graficas on the 17th, describing his arrest. This said:

‘He is one of the most active propagandists of the Soviet Communists. Cohen has been agitating in South America for many years. In Chile his activities led to his being imprisoned on the island of Mas Afurra.’ (8)

Nat’s brother visited the Foreign Office after these reports and received this reply:

‘Sir,—With reference to your visit to this department on November 6 regarding the arrest in the Argentine of Nat Cohen, I am directed by Secretary, Sir John Simon, to inform you that a report has been received from His Majesty’s Ambassador at Buenos Aires to the effect that Mr Cohen was arresting owing to his activities as a trafficker in the White Slave Trade and was under detention at the Carcel de Contraventores at Villa Devota pending his deportation as an undesirable.’

I am etc. (signature illegible).

The Daily Worker reported this on 16.2.1932 under the following headings: ‘Nat Cohen—Five Months in Jail Without Trial. ‘Charge Changed from “Moscow Agent” to “White Slaver”. ‘Foreign Office Endorses’. The article said:

‘Comrade Nat Cohen, an English member of the Communist Party of Argentine and Secretary of the Tailors and Garment Workers’ of Buenos Aires, has been lying in prison at the “‘Carcel de Contraventores’’, in Villa Devoto, since September, undergoing an indefinite sentence pending deportation, for his working class activities. He was arrested along with 250 Argentine workers, and none of them have been tried yet; although nearly five months have passed. So bad are the conditions, that the prisoners have hunger-struck in protest.

Comrade Cohen has been in South America nearly ten years, formerly being an active member of the Stepney Local Branch of the Communist Party of Great Britain. (CPGB).

While in Chile he was imprisoned a number of times, underwent brutal torture, and was eventually deported. He came to Buenos Aires where he was again imprisoned a number of times.

His offence was carrying out his revolutionary duties and organising the Argentine workers inside the revolutionary trade unions.

At the time of Comrade Cohen’s arrest the Argentine government tried to cover up their brutal persecution by issuing a statement to the Press, that he was a “‘Moscow agent acting as intermediary between the South American Communist Party and the Comintern.’

The same page of this issue of the Daily Worker also carried this report: ‘From Stepney.—At a meeting of the Christ Church (St. Georges-in-theEast) Parochial Church Council, the following resolution was passed.

“We the members of Christ Church Parochial Church Council, wish to make a strong protest against any infringement on the rights of free speech and we are particularly outraged by the unjust and vindictive sentence imposed on Frank Priestly and other members of the workers’ movement.” ’ (9)

Three weeks later, J.T. Murphy, wrote two articles in the Daily Worker column, ‘Communist Party Life’, about ‘factory work’—some observations on the Central Committee resolution. This was part of the current debate on work in factories versus the building of ‘Street Cells’ at the same time (10).

This debate was to become crucial to me a few years later. The German CP had doubled its membership during 1931. 145,300, in January to 312,555 by December. The German Presidential Election in March had the following result: Hindenburg—18,661,736, Hitler—11,328,571, Thalman Communist Party—4,971,079, Disterberg—2,517,876, Winter—111,470 (11).

Then there were more reports about Nat Cohen. Daily Worker 31.3.32: ‘Brutality to Deportees’—‘English worker on Argentine transport’.

‘The Chaco, the Argentine naval transport, has been calling at port after port in Europe, in an attempt to land her cargo of 79 deportees of various European nationalities. She is now steaming through the Kiel Canal, on her way to Poland, hoping to discharge the men at Danzig or Gdynia.

The deportees have been refused at Marseilles, Cadiz, Hamburg and other ports. Among the deportees is an English Communist, Nat Cohen, Secretary of the Tailors and Garment Workers Union in Buenos Aires, who was imprisoned in the Carcel de Contraventores in Villa Devoto, for five months without trial, prior to his deportation. His sole ‘crime’ was his working class activity.

When the ship was in Cadiz Cohen managed to get a letter posted toa friend in London. He says: “I am one of 79 deported for political activities.

Here on board our treatment is terrible.

They shut us up in a hold, which serves as bed-room, dining room and WC. But as if this were not sufficient and to remind us that we are classwar prisoners, they kick us and punch us about as if we were footballs, and on any futile pretext they hit us with the blunt part of their sabres.

So its not a pleasure voyage. Practically speaking all the class-war prisoners are without clothes and ‘broke to the wide’ and I am no exception.

Here we have ‘fraternised’ with the ‘sailors’. They are good boys with proletarian instincts. (It’s the officers and a special guard that ‘knock us about’).”’’

The Daily Worker, dated 19.4.1932, reported: ‘Argentine prisoner ship vanishes.’ “Expected at Gravesend, but failed to arrive.’ ‘Vile conditions for militants’.

Spanish prisoners had been dumped at Cadiz, French at Marseilles and six Italians were handed over to the Fascist police at Naples. From Naples the vessel was supposed to visit London to drop Nat Cohen. Nat’s brother wrote to Lloyds for information regarding the whereabouts of the ‘Chaco’. He received this reply:

‘I beg to inform you that according to a report from a Genoa newspaper, this vessel left Genoa on the 9th instant bound for Buenos Aires.’ A letter had been received from Nat, dated 10th April. This had been smuggled ashore at Barcelona, after the boat’s supposed departure for the Argentine. In this letter Nat told his story of what was happening. He said:

"...and now its my tum to be handed over to MacDonald’s police.

After touching England the Chaco goes to Poland where eight workers will be handed over to the Polish hangmen, then to Lithuania, where three comrades will be dropped.

There is a rumour abroad that we may be transferred to the transport, “Pampa”. I hope the International Labour Defence will keep a look-out for the arrival of either the Chaco or the Pampa in British waters”

The press on the 18th had reported that the Chaco was due at Gravesend.

A Gravesend dock official said, ‘the last we heard of her was when she left Genoa. We have waited all day for nothing’. A Lloyds’ official added, “We can only think she has returned to the Argentine”’. (12)

The men on board had travelled five thousand miles and called in at many countries without seeing land. The Empire News, Sunday, 24th April 1932, had a front page headline as follows: ‘Black human cargo of the Chaco’ —Floating hell for Thames?’—‘Scotch the idea of dumping mutineers here’.

Among other things this article said:

‘... Probably the least disreputable of the two hundred and fifty are the Communist firebrands among them, but even they are tainted, for among them are men who have stooped to assassination, arson and the lowest of intrigues. A score of them belong to the notorious secret society which exists exclusively for trapping Jewesses for sale in the white slave market of South America. This society has established itself firmly in the Argentine, and its deeds were of such a nature that the Argentine Government was forced to act, and over 400 of its members were rounded up and bundled out of the country. It is the worst specimens of these four hundred that are on board the Chaco, and some of them are former
inhabitants of the East End of London, though not necessarily of British birth, it is possible that they will be permitted to land.

The only one of the deportees who had papers to support his claim to British nationality is named Cohen who seems to have been something of a political adverturer.

There are drug addicts, degenerates, drug traffickers, thieves, spies, mischief-makers and crooks of all kinds among the “cargo”’.

Twice since the ship left, mutiny has broken out among them, and on one occasion they had full control of the ship for hours until armed force reduced them to order. . . Some of the gang are suffering from diseases of the worst kind, and with a limited medical staff available, conditions equivalent to plague exist on board.’ (13)

This is an example of the worst kind of ‘yellow’ press reporting, with its total lack of respect for truth and invention of stories calculated to deceive its readers. To say nothing of the blatent anti-semitism, which this paper among others, were giving more space to at this time. This report was alongside the report of Newcastle United’s victory in the F.A. Cup.

My 19th birthday, (as reckoned by my mother’s mistaken presentation of my circumcision certificate, and not according to my birth certificate) was near. Now that ‘old man’ Appel my old top presser had retired and I had stepped into his shoes it was possible for us to change from working on Sunday mornings, which we had had to do because Appel was an Orthodox Jew, to working Saturday instead. Mike Appel, the boss’s brother was a keen supporter of Tottenham Hotspurs, as were a large number of Jewish football fans.

I don’t know why this was so. Mike was the top-machiner and now that my status was raised, became closer to me because we had to co-operate both in the production process and in respect of our mutual interests when it came to negotiating piece-work prices, at the beginning of each season. Now that we were working on Saturdays, we would go to the pub when we had finished work, and then on to see Tottenham play when they were at home. I was flattered to be regarded as an equal by all my older friends and acquaintances, and the extra money I earned enabled me to keep up with them. As things tumed out my attendance at football matches didn’t last long, but not before I had switched my support to Chelsea.

The Daily Worker reported that the Chaco was expected in London before May Day. Another letter from Nat smuggled ashore at Barcelona on 17th April said, ‘I expect to arrive in England about the 28th, in time to participate in the May Day demonstrations.’ (14) This man was evidently very capable of conducting the struggle against his persecutors even from the confines of a prison-ship.

There were 33 ‘class-war’ prisoners in Britain, serving sentences. Six from one to three years, nine from six to ten months and others for shorter periods, when May Day arrived. There was a call for building strong sections of the ILD (15). On the 10th May, the Daily Worker reported that J.T. Murphy had been expelled from the CP. This came like a bolt from the blue. The article was a blistering attack for so-called anti-Party activity. According to the Daily Worker, Murphy had been advocating the extension of trade between the Soviet Union and the capitalist world. He also thought we should support the idea of extending credit to the Soviet Union. This apparently was antiParty. I didn’t know enough about these matters and I’m afraid I only heard’ the official Party line. -

When J.T. Murphy was invited to speak at the Circle House in Aldgate, I helped to break up his meeting, so that no one would hear what this ‘traitor’ had to say. That’s how things were. I feel ashamed of this action now. Murphy joined the ILP. Ten days after Murphy’s reported expulsion, Harry Pollitt, (General Secretary of the CPGB) wrote, ‘War to the death with the ILP!’ ‘The Independent Labour Party and the Communist Party have nothing in common.’ ‘Not a lesser evil.’ (16). During the next few weeks the Daily Worker gave a lot of space to attacking Murphy, using language which was usually reserved for use against Fascists. Murphy had been a leading and much respected member of the Communist Party for a long time. As time went on his views were adopted, but I can’t remember a single attempt to withdraw any of the awful things said about him and his ideas. This practice was commonplace without my being aware of it, at this time. I had not read Trotsky or any other person who had been cast out. We learned to accept all this as the years passed, only to find that the accusers were the guilty parties in respect of the charges they made. This is not to say that all those accused were themselves innocent of any crimes. Murphy did manage to make it clear that he had resigned, but we were told you can’t resign from the Communist Party, you can only be expelled. I did not understand the significance of this.

It became clearer very soon, as more and more leading Bolsheviks in Russia were ‘expelled’.

At this time Len Wincott was in custody, awaiting trial on a charge of having incited a crowd to assault the police, under the ‘prevention of crimes act’, in Dundee. (17) He had been campaigning in Scotland to raise money for the dependents of the victimised Invergordon sailors, and following the arrest of th 24 workers in Dundee on May Day, had been helping to build up the ILD in that area and to assist in raising money to help the dependents of the persecuted workers of Dundee.

A new name had appeared . . . Fred Copeman. (18) He had been a close friend of Len Wincott since boyhood and he was an Invergordon mutineer, like him. He freely admitted Len’s role as a leading light during the mutiny.

Fred became a leading member of the National Unemployed Workers’ Movement (NUWM), and a full time Party functionary, like Len. Fred also became an officer and commander of the British Battalion of the International Brigade, during the Spanish civil war. Later still he was expelled from the Communist Party.

* * * * *

Every day brought fresh reports of the whereabouts of the Chaco and its human cargo. 12th May we learned that nine prisoners had landed in Poland.

The day before the Chaco arrived at Gdynia it appeared unexpectedly in German waters. Here the Communist Reichstag Deputy, Hueck, demanded that the remaining Polish and Lithuanian deportees on board should be transferred to Soviet vessels. He declared that he had been informed that the men were to be landed at the Polish port of Gdynia, where they would be executed.

Hueck’s request was refused. This report also said, Nat Cohen was on the way to England. (19)

17th May press reported, . . “Chaco lands Lithuanians at Memel’—Deportees don red ribbons on May Day’—‘Hull on Friday?’ In a letter smuggled ashore at Gdynia, Nat wrote, ‘Instead of leaving Barcelona on April 20th, we stayed in that port another eight days, so as to avoid arriving anywhere on May day, or just before.

Instead of going to England direct, which we would have reached on May 1st, we went straight to Poland—the naval base, a place of great strategic importance to the war plans of the Imperialists against the Soviet Union. Here we said good-bye to eight comrades who were handed over to Pilsudsky’s Fascist bloodhounds. On May 1st, we all put red ribbons on our coats. Of course the sailors immediately saw the difference and asked us the reason why. We told them that today is the First of May, and we explained to them the significance.

At the table before dinner, we sang the “International” and waited for the expected “beating up”, but the officers, for political reasons cocked a “deaf ear’ and the day ended without any “casualties” on our part.

Going through the Kiel Canal the German comrades breaking through great difficutlies (I don’t know how) managed to get on board and handed over to the commander cigarettes for us.

You can imagine what effect this act had, to lift up the morale and fighting spirit of all comrades here. I expect to arrive in Hull round about the 20th of this month.’ (20)

Right up to the last minute all the imformation was misleading. I don’t know why it was so difficult to get mere accurate intelligence on the precise whereabouts of the Chaco. It seems incredible to me, today, unless there is some other explanation which I never learned about, although I have every reason to believe that Nat’s arrival was not altogether being welcomed by some people higher up in the Party organisation.

However, the great day did come, on 30th May, but we had to wait until Wednesday June 1st for the Daily Worker report. The headlines on page five of the Daily Worker read: ‘Imprisoned in the hold of a ship for four months.’ ‘Nat Cohen. . . The last of the prisoners of the Chaco released.” This was followed by Nat’s story as told to a reporter.

‘On February 9th the Chaco started off from the Argentine with 112 politcal prisoners, who were being deported after terms of imprisonment for their working-class activites. These men were to be distributed to various European countries—Spain, Italy, Poland, Lithuania and England,—to be delivered, in most cases, into the hands of the police and hangmen of the boss class.

All of the prisoners had been incarcerated in the Argentine prison, “Villa Devoto”’, and the news of their impending deportation gave rise to a mighty protest movement throughout the Argentine, taking the form of mass strikes in support of the prisoners.

The deportation of the prisoners was a move on the part of the new Fascist Government of Argentine, under General Justo, who wanted to get the leaders of the rising workers’ movement out of the way, so that he could, as a magnificent gesture, proceed to declare an amnesty to ‘all political prisoners’’.

Immediately on hearing of the decision to deport them, the prisoners declared a hunger strike, which was carried on for five days.

Immediately after, the police gave the prisoners two days to overcome the effects of the strike (which was the third hunger strike they had organised in three months) and carried out the deportation. Prior to being taken on to the ship, the prisoners were not allowed to see or hear from their friends, or to receive money or clothes from them The authorities chose as the opportune moment for taking the men away, a day upon which a carnival was being held.

While being prepared for their voyage, the prisoners shouted slogans and sang the “International”. For this they were attacked by their guards with swords, and a number of them were wounded. The money which prisoners had deposited with the Prison Gorvernor was denied them, and their receipts were torn up. Then they were transported in closed vans to the docks where the Chaco was lying. On the way the prisoners shouted slogans in an endeavour to draw the attention of the workers on the streets to the fact that the deportation was being carried out. For this they were brought back to the prison and beaten up, after which they were taken out to the vans and rushed to the Chaco, where they were placed in the hold of the ship, behind barbed wire and under the guard of armed sentries.

The authorities kept them abroad the Chaco for four days before sailing in order to see what effect the deportation would have on the population. Eventually, on Friday 13th, the Chaco sailed. The conditions on board for the prisoners were indescribably horrible. Despite the terrific heat, they were given no sanitary facilities and all their lives had to be spent in the hold of the ship. Big tubs were provided as lavatories and the stench they had to endure was unbearable. The facilities for bathing was farcical. Add to this the fact that in order to try to break the morale of the prisoners, the “‘caborsi” in charge of them treated them in the most brutal manner, beating them up on the slightest pretext.

Once in two days the prisoners were allowed out of the hold of the ship for half an hour, but when the Chaco was in port, this “privilege” was withdrawn.

This treatment continued until the Chaco reached European ports, after which, because of the tremendous world-wide agitation in support of the deportees the brutality of the authorities relaxed somewhat. The boat sailed to Bahia in Brazil, thence to San Vicenti, Las Palmas and finally to Cadiz, where the Spanish comrades were taken off the ship and marched off to goal by the Spanish police. Later, as a result of the mass agitation of the Spanish workers the police were forced to release them.

From Cadiz the Chaco sailed to Marseilles, where a cablegram was received announcing the fact that 33 of the prisoners were to be sent back to Argentina because an amnesty had been declared in their favour.

However, the French Government would not allow the Chaco to remain at Marseilles because it feared demonstrations of the workers in favour of the prisoners. Consequently the Chaco had to sail without having arranged for the transportation of the 33 prisoners back to Argentina.

The next port was Naples in Italy, where the black shirts of Mussolini came aboard to claim their prisoners, who were marched off to prison.

After remaining at Naples for a few days the ship proceeded to Genoa to report to the Argentine Naval Attache.

Here the prisoners learned that the Chaco was also carrying the crews of two submarines that were being built at Tarranto, and which were practically completed and ready to be taken back to form part of the war equipment of the Argentine Government.

The Chaco then entered into negotiations with the Italian Fascist Government for the transportation of the 33 prisoners who had been amnestied.

Mussolini, however, would not allow any arrangements to be made, and the Commander of the Chaco had to travel to Barcelona (Spain) to try to fix things up. Apparently he was successful, as the Chaco followed him to Barcelona after being held up at Genoa for 14 days. When they arrived at Barcelona a hitch occurred.

If the 33 were sent back to Argentina at that time they would arrive home in time for May Day — and this did not suit the authorities.

Consequently the ship was held up at Barcelona until April 20th, when the 33 prisoners were finally sent home. Even then the Chaco did not leave, as it was discovered that by sailing for England then it would arrive in time for May Ist, and this, also, did not suit the plans of the authorities in view of the tremendous interest the whole matter had aroused.

Eventually, on April 20th, the Chaco set sail on an altered course.

Instead of sailing for England, she sailed for Gdynia — the Polish military port — where the Polish prisoners were taken off. The Chaco then sailed for Danzig for fuel.

May Day was spent by the prisoners on the high seas. The prisoners dressed in their best and sported red rosettes to show the crew the significance of May Day. At the dinner table, speeches were made and the prisoners sang the “International”. The authorities strangely enough did not raise any objections to this.

From Danzig the Chaco sailed to Memel where the Lithuanian comrades were put ashore. Here a further hitch occurred, as the Lithuanian Government refused to take two of the prisoners, and a delay was caused over this. Eventually after a great deal of negotiations the men were taken ashore and the Chaco sailed for England to get rid of its last class-war prisoner, Nat Cohen, at Gravesend. When Nat was alone on the ship the sailors were forbidden to speak to him on pain of dire punishment.

On arrival at Gravesend, Comrade Nat Cohen was given five minutes to get ready, and he was smuggled off. Ashore he was taken charge of by the CID and port authorities who after questioning him, let him go. They offered to have a whip round to pay his fare to London, but Nat Cohen preferred to walk 23 miles rather than accept help from the agents of the Imperialists.’ (21)

That’s how the report ended. I don’t know why it was not possible for someone to be there to meet Nat and take care of him. He never managed to explain this to me when I got to know him. What I did learn, is why this incredible character could walk 23 miles to London, after more than five months in gaol and four months on the Chaco which had included bouts of torture in the generally harsh conditions of his confinement.

What the report did not tell, is that Nat went straight to 16 King Street, Covent Garden, headquarters of the CPGB, to report for duty and instructions, before he went to the East End to see his parents, three brothers and two sisters, who he had not seen for almost eleven years. That’s how much he considered his responsibilities and how he rated his priorities.

I had become very active by this time, alongside Willie Cohen (no relation of Nat), Sid Kersh and ‘Shimmy’ Silver, among many other serving members of the YCL. I was a member of the YCL, but mostly I worked with the older people who were members of the Party itself. In fact I don’t know how I became a Party member by the time I was still not 20 years old.

I knew Hymie Cohen, Nat’s brother, by sight, but had not yet become very familiar with him. I was a frequent visitor to Andy’s Cafe in Great Garden Street, the place where so many CP and YCL members and their friends met, for cheap snacks and much discussion. There was an air of excitment throughout the period leading to Nat’s arrival. After all, here was a person who had left Stepney over ten years ago, suddenlv returning in a blaze of publicity, and offering us an opportunity to further our political aims.

Hymie Cohen was very close to Bert Teller who also knew Sid Kersh very well, through their common connection with the ships going between Britain and South America, in which they both served as ships printers. Bert, as I have shown, was the bloke who first made contact with Nat in South America, and was the one responsible for the initial information leading to the world-wide publicity regarding the voyage of the infamous Chaco. Nat and Bert became life-long friends, and remained so until Nat’s death recently.

When I first saw the report of Nat’s arrival, in the Daily Worker, I felt a bit disappointed because it was on page five and not on the front page. All the other reports were on the first or second page, which I thought, somehow made it seem more important. I didn’t quite understand why his arrival should take two days to get into the paper. The fact that Nat actually lived in my street and that I had been reading about him in the press, and hearing first-hand reports from people who actually knew him, may have made me exaggerate the importance of his arrival. I still don’t think so.

We had to wait 17 days before he was given an official welcome home, at the St Georges Town Hall, on 17th June. (22) Surely he merited an all London welcome, if not more. I went to the meeting and saw Nat. He had obviously been through a very hard time. From a distance, I saw a medium built man, slightly rounded shouldered, with a thick barrel chest, and the rest of him as wirey as can be imagined. He looked strong, despite his apparently run-down condition. He gesticulated a great deal and appeared to be talking very quickly. His eyes were darting about in all directions. He kept wiping them from time to time, as they appeared to be watering badly. I actually thought he was crying. I learned that his tear ducts had been punctured by the insertion of needles into the corner of his eyes, when he was tortured, while in gaol in South America.

People near me, were talking about him and J learned he had managed to get a couple of sailors from the Chaco, to come to London, to join him at meetings which he had attended during his first few days here in England.

These sailors had been at his home for meals etc. and some of these people, who were talking, had met them. I was soon to learn how typical of Nat Cohen, this kind of thing was. He could make contact with anybody in any circumstances, and try to enlist them in some form of revoiutionary activity.

The meeting opened. The speakers were Isobel Brown, Mrs Despard, the ageing Irish revolutionary and J.R. Campbell. When Nat was called, he got a rousing reception. When he finally opened his mouth to speak, I got the shock of my life. He could hardly speak English. He had been in South America eleven years and had almost forgotten his native tongue. His accent was as deep as any I’ve heard from a foreigner. Every few words were interrupted with the phrase, ‘How you say?’ He did his best but I could see that he was not a public speaker of any quality. He was too excitable and spoke too quickly. His energy seemed to be too much for his body. It was trying to get out.

Seeing and hearing him for the first time was an exhilarating experience.

I did not meet him that night. The following Sunday, there was a demonstration at Trafalgar Square to protest on behalf of the Scottsboro boys.

The mother of two of them, Mrs Wright, was on a world tour on her sons’ behalf. (23) Nat was one of the speakers at this meeting. He was already fully engaged in his work in the movement. He never stopped. The Daily Worker did not report his welcome home meeting at all. I did not notice this fact, at the time. But I had reason to think about it, later among other things, which came to my notice, regarding Nat’s relationship with the leadership of the CP.

A couple of days later, I finally met Nat at Andy’s cafe, late in the evening, after we had done our usual task for the day. I listened to him as the conversation proceeded between many people, without regard to which table, they happened to be sitting. It must have been well past midnight when we left for home. A group of about eight or nine, headed in the direction of my street. By the time we got there only a few of us were left, and finally Nat and myself. When we got to his door we stopped to finish our conversation, and I knew then that I was ‘hooked’. He insisted on seeing me the following evening, early. I was in his company almost every moment of my free time, for days on end. Nat was 32 and 13 years older than me. We met at his home and I got to know his parents, brothers and sisters. We visited all the many places from which CP and other working-class activities were conducted.

‘Circle House’ was one of the best, because there was a bar with good Jewish food and above all, lots of people at all times of the day and night.

Nat soon got to know everybody and lost no time in making contacts, always with a purpose in mind. He always carried a small notebook and never stopped scribbling, names and addresses, phone numbers etc., he was always making notes in his little book. Sam Berks told me recently, that Nat kepta ‘file’ on nearly all the people he knew, and was most annoyed when Sam actually got hold of his ‘file’ by accident, when he was visiting him in his home. Sam said he was described as, ‘politically unreliable’, among other things. Nat started to work on me with all his mighty energy. ‘Had I read Lenin.’ ‘What did I know of Karl Marx?’ ‘Who else?’ Get this — get that.

We'll discuss . . . and so on, all the time.

He introduced me to three new subjects, almost immediately. You may not think these matters had any revolutionary connections. According to Nat you would be wrong. The first was, a game: chess. Yes, he insisted that this was a very enjoyable game which helped you to think more clearly, to learn to analyse, to concentrate, to control emotion and not to be caught napping.

We spent a lot of time playing chess and I thank him for introducing me to the game. The second subject was mathematics, for much the same reasons, but more important still, was the need to train your mind to think logically.

With my very scant knowledge of this subject, I had to struggle with very elementary concepts before I could get to know some of the language of mathematics, and its more difficult functions. I never became very good. Lastly, he taught me to walk. I couldn’t keep up with him. He walked so much and so fast that I would be exhausted after going anywhere with him. He did this deliberately. ‘It helps to keep you fit’ — It saves fare money. — You may find the need for long sustained effort, as do soldiers, who have to learn to march.’ Life with Nat was exciting in other ways. he was completely uninhibited.

He would enter anywhere at any time, if he thought there was something he needed. He had a habit of making the most innocent sounding requests for information. Always or usually, he knew the kind of answer he would get, and so he was ready with a suitable follow up, which would achieve his objective.

He used this method to travel around any country he was visiting, with very little cash. He once went to France, with a camera but no film. In the villages he would get a few children together and pretend to take their photographs. Sure enough, the parents would come to the doors to see what this stranger was doing. They would invite him in for a drink, or a meal, and in this way he would enjoy their company, and they his. This enabled him to go anywhere, in an interesting way, at very little cost. He was chock full of initiative and was able to adapt to the most impossible situations. I began to idolise him, and he was not slow to exploit me for all he was worth without seeming to do so. It was always something for my benefit that he wanted done. ‘It’s a good experience. — It’ll do you good. — You never know until you try. — You'll be surprised. — They won’t say, “no” ’ This kind of thing, when he was proposing a most unlikely kind of cheeky project.

He liked women friends and lost no time in becoming friendly with a young woman called Yetta. She came from Poland, some time after the war.

So far as I knew, she had no family here. She was a lively girl and laughed often. I had not known her before, but she had been an active Communist for some time. There were others who began to meet Nat and Yetta, and by this time Bert Teller came home from sea and joined our group. We engaged in activities mainly in connection with campaigns being carried on by the ILD.

Nat had become attached to the ILD and was becoming increasingly active in the local CP. Our group was growing all the time, as we engaged in activity Berlin’ —‘Hitler called in’ —Dismissal of Breuning’ —‘German Crisis’ (24).

Don’t think that all was grim, because it wasn’t. Just at this time, I was doing a job for a man living a few doors from Nat’s place, My permanent job was slack and I did this sort of thing at times. His name was Mr Phillips and he had a small workshop. His son was Sid Phillips, the claronetist and band leader. His other son was Wolf Phillips, who played the trumpet, at this time.

It so happened, that Larry Gains was due to meet Primo Carnera in a world heavy weight boxing contest, at the White City stadium. I wanted to see this fight, so I pretended to be sick and left early on that day, leaving poor Mr Phillips with ail his work unfinished. That’s how I remember this period so well. These things seem to stick.

The ILD announced a drive for the release of class-war prisoners. A three months campaign, culminating in a meeting to elect a delegate to the World Congress of MOPRA. These were the initials for the International Red Aid, and I have forgotten what they stood for in Russian. The Congress to be held in Moscow in October. (25) A discussion was opened in the columns of the Daily Worker, in preparation for the coming 12th Congress of the Communist Party of Great Britain, (26) Hitler’s influence was getting stronger — ‘Mass shootings in Berlin’. In India, the Meerut prisoners were found guilty after a trial lasting three years (27). The first anniversary of the Invergordon Mutiny had arrived. Len Wincott wrote an article for the Daily Worker in which he retold the story of the mutiny, this time with the benefit of some hindsight.

There was also a copy of the now famous ‘Mutineers’ Manifesto’, as a special feature. We had an anniversary meeting, speakers — Len Wincott, Fred Copeman, J.R. Campbell, Tom Mann and Saklatvala. (28)

The Hunger Marchers were on the way, from Scotland. At this time my reading material included Thesis of the 12th Plenum of the Secretariat of the Communist International. There were lectures and discussions going on almost every night, at the Workers’ Circle, the T & GWU, No. 2 branch, Buckle Street, the UCWU premises, and in other places. ‘The Friends of the Soviet Union’, held regular meetings of their local branch. The National Unemployed Workers’ Movement, (NUWM) was very active at this time. The Stepney NUMW did have some CP members, but most members were unemployed people who may have been sympathetic, but by no means all.

However, the organisation nationally was firmly in the hands of well known Communists, like, Wal Hannington, Harry McShane, Emrys Llewellyn and others. Locally, there was Morrie Silver, Alf Sheldon, and a little later Gordon Roper, a Scot, CP member who was drafted in as the full-time organiser.

They became exerts in dealing with individual cases under the ‘Means Test’, and could wring the last ounce out of the authorities. They used these cases to agitate and win the support from the unemployed and tried to enlist the local trade union and Labour organisations, for the fight on behalf of the unemployed. They were up to their necks in preparing a reception for the Hunger Marchers who were getting nearer London.

During the early part of October, I read, ‘Zinoviev and Kamenev Expelled’, (29) Old Bolsheviks. I could hardly believe my eyes. The unemployed in London, demonstrated against the Means Test, by marching to the LCC offices, where we engaged in fights with the police. (30) The Hunger Marchers arrived in London and were greeted by over one hundred thousand Londoners, in Hyde Park. (31)

There were many arrests and casualties. Wal Hannington was arrested for a speech ‘liable to cause dissaffection among the police’. They wanted him out of the way. Sid Elias, Chairman of the NUWM was arrested on a charge of ‘Incitement’. Same reason. Wally got three months. Sid was remanded. (32) Another name came forward in the leadership of the NUWM, Pat Devine. I got to know him too.

The headquarters of the NUWM was raided. ‘They’ demanded one thousand pounds bail for Sid Elias. He eventually got sentenced to two years. An article in the Daily Worker, on the first anniverssary of the imprisonment of Allison and Shepherd, told the story of how they were trapped by the secret police department, which led to their imprisonment. (33) Mary Mooney, aged 84, mother of Tom Mooney, was here with William Taylor of the ILD (USA), to campaign for the release of her son, trade union leader, who had been framed on a bomb throwing charge. (34)

During the middle of Deceinber, we saw the biggest bit of cheek on the part of the National Government. Tom Mann and Emrys Llewellyn were arrested under an Edward III Act for ‘Incitement’ in which no specific crime had been alleged, but they could be convicted if they did not give an undertaking not to commit one. They naturally refused to be bound over, as required under the act, and were sentenced to two months in gaol, each. Tom Mann was seventy-six years old. Kath Duncan was given one month, under the same act. There were others. (35)

Harry McShane and Bob McLenan were leading the Scottish NUWM and the Scottish contingent of the Hunger Marchers. I got to know both of them, particularly Bob, who came to live in London as a full-time Party functionary.

I met Harry years later, when he had left the Party.

K. Beauchamp and C. Mason of the Daily Worker were sent to prison for offences relating to publishing material ‘likely to lead to a disturbance of the peace.’ (36) Peace. I ask you? Millions starving and a few of them daring to protest. As far as I was concerned, it was meetings and demonstrations, going on all over the place.

1933 had arrived and we hardly noticed that Mosley had formally constituted the ‘British Union of Fascists’ (BUF). This does not mean that we were unaware of what he was doing. The name ‘Fascist’ was adopted and the ‘New Party’, as the Communists had predicted was transformed into ‘The British Union’. Late 1932, ‘The Fascist Defence Force’ was established.

Mosley had arrived with powerful support behind the scenes. 8th January, was Tom Mann Sunday and the fight for his release, along with other imprisoned militants, served to focus more attention on the plight of the unemployed.

(37) Wal Hannington was released after serving his sentence, at the end of January.

At exactly this time, on Thursday, 26th, our group, working with Nat Cohen, decided it was time to form a Stepney branch of the ILD. I’m sure it must have been decided in conjunction with the National Committee, ILD and the local CP, but I would not have known this kind of thing at that time.

A meeting was advertised and invited all interested parties to attend the ‘Dewdrop Inn’, 71 Vallance Road, E1 (38). This had been a pub bearing that name, and was now the headquarters of one, Mary Hughes, grand-daughter of the author of Tom Brown’s Schooldays. She had arrived in Stepney many years ago, to help the poor. She was a very old woman when I first met her.

Small, thin, but still very active. The building has recently been demolished, but until it was, it bore a plaque recording her residence there. Directly opposite, there is a large double block of council flats called ‘Hughes Mansions’. She was some ‘lady’. She had served on the council. She was a declared Socialist, but would enlist the help of anyone in her mission to help the poor. She was sympathetic to the Communists and her little meeting hall was Open to us or anyone else for meetings which she felt would contribute to the general good. She only charged a few shillings to cover the expenses, which sometimes included tea and biscuits or buns.

Mary was not going to wait for the revolution before behaving as a Socialist should. She was a Socialist today, not some time in the future. Whenever I met her, she would ask if I would like a cup of tea. Was I hungry? Was I working? How were my friends? I never actually discussed ‘Politics’ with her. She was too busy anyway. There were always people waiting to see her.

She would be listening to them patiently, and never let anyone go away without good advice or immediate material aid, where she felt able.

She was a power in Stepney, because she was able to open all doors. Nobody could say no to her without good reason. For all her frail appearance, she was tough in her dealings with anyone who was not showing enough compassion for the poor workers, particularly the unemployed and the children.

She didn’t question you about your political affiliations before deciding to help or accept your help, in the great work she was doing. Nobody dared ‘question’ her about her politics or who she associated with, either. Anyone who didn’t know Mary, didn’t really know the East End, and were much poorer human beings for not having met her.

When we arrived for our inaugural meeting, she was busy making tea and telling us where we could get more chairs for the expected arrivals. Don’t let anyone tell you, that all the so-called do-gooders are people with ulterior motives. Some have beliefs which they seek to further, like the Stepney priest, Father Groser, for instance, but like him, there are many who do a good job as humanitarians, and in his case, also as Socialists. He was a member of the ILP, but was always co-operating with us, and like Mary Hughes, was a name to be reckoned with in Stepney.

That evening at the ‘Dewdrop Inn’, as we waited for more people to arrive, I was looking at a chap I had not seen before. He was short, fat and had a badly crossed eye. His hair was brushed smartly back and his clothes were the usual well made garments worn by tailoring workers. It was his appearance which attracted me in the first place, because he was more like the boys from the ‘shpielers’, than those we normally attracted. He had a deep, husky voice and it sounded as though he was a bit ‘chesty’. His accent was ‘pure Jewish cockney’, if you know what I mean. None of these fancy words used by people who pretended to be ‘educated’. He laughed out loud, very loud. I went to sit beside him, I think, because Nat Cohen told me to make ‘contact’. We started to chat and I felt he was there for a lark. He wasn’t sitting on the chair, he sprawled. His name was Harold Cohen, and he was four years older than me, but as usual this didn’t matter. We started to talk, while waiting for the meeting to open. I could see that he was interested, but not sure what it was going to be like.

Nat was fussing around welcoming people he had invited, and then Bob Lovell, from the National Committee, ILD, entered. He was to make the opening statement. Among those present, were many I was destined to get to know intimately. As far as I can remember, there was one called Gorty, from the Workers’ Circle, about Nat’s age. Then there was Alf Finklestein, a little younger, cabinet-maker and an experienced trade unionist and young Joe Davishall, from the YCL—a good speaker. There was Hetty Stern, a good typist (very useful). Yetta, of course and Esther Wynne (Wienberg). whose father and brother were the owners of a local printing works (also very useful). This family were closely associated with the best branch of the Workers’ Circle and did some good work in the fight against Fascism. There was ‘Shorty’ Brooks, a tall young man, Pat Byrne and McNulty, two seamen, Joe Sims, a baker, Bert Foote, something to do with engineering, and Dinmore and Coleman, two dockers I had met before. The last four names were something to be glad of, indeed. Obviously not Jews. Altogether there must have been about thirty-five in attendance. Not bad to start with, especially as it was such a mixed group.

Esther Wynne took the minutes and was elected secretary. Nat became the organiser. You could see the way he worked, at that meeting. His mind was working away like mad, trying to find ways of involving people in some form of activity. For example, the collection had to be taken, so obviously we needed a treasurer. I can’t remember who, but I think it was Finklestein.

After all he was an experienced trade unionist. There would be a few columns of figures to add up, at times, so we needed at least two auditors. Then what about literature? So a ‘Lit-sec’ had to be found. Any volunteers? We were going to conduct propaganda and agitate for the defence and release of classwar prisoners and against Fascism, so why not an ‘Agit-Prop’ secretary? He or she would need help, so why not an ‘Agit-Prop committee? It was endless as far as Nat was concerned. He wanted to give everybody an official title. If he had his way everybody would be an officer. We would find the rank-and-file members later. He would not accept me for any of these positions. Nor some of the others who were already actively associated with him, because he was reasonably sure we would stick. What he wanted was to hold all the newcomers.

I began to learn a lot from him about how to handle people. Very important if you want to organise.

The meeting was a great success. We could go ahead with the full title— ‘International Labour Defence, Stepney Branch’. We elected a committee, including me, and agreed to meet, assuring all present that they would be informed of the next meeting, not forgetting to tell them to bring their friends along. It was a long meeting and quite late when we left the ‘Dewdrop Inn’.

I left with Harold Cohen and found out that he lived at number nine, Varden Street. So we walked up Vallance Road, crossed Whitechapel Road and continued along New Road until we got to Varden Street, the last turning on the left, before it reaches Commercial Road. We turned into Varden Street and number nine was just five doors up. Harold invited me in for a cup of tea.

You may not believe this, but as I entered the kitchen in the back basement room, sitting at the table with her mother was Pearl Cohen. I swear I did not know that Harold was her eldest brother. I blushed and felt very embarrassed.

Harold introduced me to his mother.

The rest of the family were already in bed. It was clear that Pearl and I were acquainted. She struck me as being a little subdued that night. Not her usual bright, cheery self. I had tea, spoke to Mrs Cohen and then left, after Harold and I had arranged to meet the following day, after work. I walked up Varden Street towards my home, feeling a bit strange. I wasn’t thinking about the meeting or the world in general, or the movement in particular, but only of Pearl.

I met Harold the following evening at his home and once again Pearl was there. Harold and I left to go to the committee meeting as arranged. Nat lost no time in organising the committee, and outlining a programme of activities.

Outdoor meetings, whitewashing slogans, leaflet distribution, canvassing and literature sales, etc.

Harold was committed, as were many more. We arranged things so that I would be with him in the different jobs that had to be done. We were to become firm friends very quickly. I was a bit puzzled about what this unlikely type was doing in the movement. I soon found out.

Harold was a waistcoat machiner, like his father, who had a small workshop at the back of the house. His brother Myer, was a waistcoat fixer, who had learned the trade working for his father, as did the others. Myer was already married when he was 19, and a father at 20. He worked at a big factory in Hackney, Polikoffs. Pearl was a waistcoat buttonhole hand and also worked at Polikoffs. Their eldest sister Becky, was married to Mick Gilbert (Gilbovsky), who worked in Mr Cohen’s workshop as the fixer. He was a very fast worker and the family called him ‘Mick-Flick’ whenever the conversation was anything to do with work. Mick was keen to get on and hostile towards those of us who were silly enough to be interested in politics. Mick and Becky lived in two rooms on the top floor of the same house. Arthur was the youngest male member of the family and was learning the trade in his father’s workshop. He was already a member of the YCL. I had not met him, as far as I know, prior to this time. There was a younger sister, Sylvia, still at school.

Mr and Mrs Cohen’s bedroom was the front, ground floor room. Pearl and Sylvia shared the back room on the ground floor. Harold and Arthur shared a couch, which opened for the night, in the front basement, which was also the parlour. Myer and his wife, Fay, and their young son Arnold lived in Hackney. Fay’s brother Harry and sister Rose were in the movement and Rose was a close friend of Pearl.

Harry became a life long member of the Communist Party. Pearl didn’t seem to be very active at this time. I had noticed some time earlier that she was not around. She did not seem to come to Andy’s and was not with her usual crowd; Harold told me why.

It appears that she had been involved in an argument with someone in the UCWU and had recently ended a short affair with Willy Goldman, and was spending more time at home. Harold had actually decided to come into the local political scene to find these people who had upset his sister, and in some way to deal with them.

His previous life had been very much the ordinary one in the East End.

He had mixed with a gang of tough street-corner boys and was himself, useful with his fists. Despite his build, he was an amazing short distance runner. His speed approached that of the National champions. His short legs would move like lightening. Also, he could do cartwheels all along the road in a perfect straight line, for quite some distance. He was his mother’s pride and joy. Very considerate where she was concerned. He made sure she would have a week’s holiday at the seaside every year, even though he could not afford one for himself. Another thing he did, even before I got to know him, was to bring home any poor ‘down-and-out’ he encountered, so that they would get a meal and a night’s rest, in his already overcrowded place.

Basically he was good material for the Communist Party because he was capable of deep compassion and concern for anyone who suffered.

We went everywhere together and no matter how late at night, I always went to his home on my way to mine. So I was seeing Pearl every night, when she came home. She was resuming her old way of life and was never short of boy friends. She rarely arrived home unaccompanied. I felt very jealous, but tried to conceal my feelings from everyone. As far as all were concerned, I was Harold’s pal and nothing more. In any case, I did not fancy my chances as I was big and bulky and she was just five feet tall and in very good proportion.

So very pretty —her father’s favourite. The ‘little cow’, he used to call her, because she had a biting tongue and a mind of her own.

She didn’t get on too well with her mother, who was a very shallow, selfish type of person who liked being pandered to, the way Harold pandered to her. Pearl used her ‘wit’ on me quite a bit, as we became more familiar.

She would often say that I was getting more attention in their home than some of the family. That I seemed to live there more than in my own home.

She wasn’t altogether wrong. I think she took a great delight in making wisecracks at my expense. I was naive enough to think that this was because she didn’t like me. I never realised that the best way to show disapproval was to ignore someone completely.

There were times when we were alone because Harold would be tired and had to get up early, and went to bed, leaving us talking. Our seasons did not coincide as he was in the gents’ trade and I was in the ladies’. I tried to delay going home as long as possible in the hope that he would go to bed and leave us alone. Pearl never seemed in a hurry to retire. As the weather improved these meetings usually ended on the doorstep, where we had no choice but to sit close together. We talked alot, but I did not attempt any familiarity. We were becoming good friends. She began to join in the activities of the ILD more and more. As I have said, she knew Nat Cohen through the Silvers, before I did. From the day of his arrival from the Argentine, he welcomed her into the fold. At times, when she was associating with some young chap or other, I only saw her later, when she came home.

One such young man was Lou Sherman, who lived in Varden Street, and was a leading member of the YCL for a time. A good speaker. He joined the Labour Party and emerged as the leader of the Hackney Branch, after the second world war. He married a girl called Sadie Parrish (now Sally). I knew her as a small child because she lived exactly opposite me in Bedford Street, next door to that cloth shop owned by Mr Pyzer, whose son had thrown the dirt in my face when I was three years old. Ours was a small world. In due course, both Lou and Sally became Mayors of Hackney, and they are now Sir Lou and Lady Sherman. They were not the only ones who started out to defeat the ‘system’ and became the respectable defenders of the same ‘systemPe’a.rl had other hoy friends and although most of them were about my age I regarded them as ‘youngsters’. All my friends were so much older, and that’s another reason why I thought Pearl would not be really interested in me. In addition, I had been Harold’s friend for some time and it might be a bit much if I was to take advantage of his sister. Or so I thought.

Meanwhile, things were happening in the great big world outside. Hitler was preparing to take over in Germany, without Von Papen or anyone else.

Here there was a dock strike and talk about a General Strike. Four South Wales militants were charged with ‘Incitement to Mutiny’. Len Jeffries, Sam Paddock, Ernest Watley and Chas Stread (39).

The Labour Party organised a big demonstration against hunger. We did our best to join in, but were not allowed to get into the demonstration, other than at the very end of the column (40). Harold made us laugh on this occasion. We were shouting slogans for all we were worth—‘We refuse to starve in silence’. He looked at me, pointed to ‘Tubby’ Goldman and several others nearby. About five of us big, fat, young men. It must have been quite a sight.

The Daily Worker carried an article attacking Trotsky for his statements regarding Germany (41). I didn’t pay much attention. The Stepney ILD was running its own public meetings now and bringing forward its own speakers.

New ones. Tom Mann and Emrhys Llewellyn came out of gaol and were welcomed home. Really big headlines in the press (42). The Daily Worker said, ‘Nazis burn down German Parliament’. Communist Party leaders in Germany were arrested and their press was closed down (43). The UCWU called a meeting, addressed by Dave Gershon and Sarah Wesker, against the employers’ proposal to cut wage rates by a penny an hour (44).

The Stepney ILD got a bigger meeting place for our growing membership, at 288 Commercial Road (45). The opening meeting there was addressed by Alun Thomas, National Secretary, ILD. He came from South Wales and was a full-time CP functionary. A fine young man who I liked and got to know well. Our newest recruits included a little, middle-aged man called ‘Harry the Barber’ and a Russian immigrant who didn’t care about the fact that he was an alien. This was unusual but not unique. Some of the older Jewish immigrants were quite militant but afraid because they were foreigners. And well they might be. The whole movement seemed to be attracting more mature men and women at this time. There was Mr Lazarus who also brought his son Alf and daughter Sadie into active Party work.

Jews were fleeing from Germany and we began to get a trickle of poorer ones into the East End. Most of those able to get away were people with money or other assets, and didn’t come to the East End. Some of them were not too welcome after being here for a time because they were generally not such good anti-Fascists, or, for that matter, good Jews. They were business men and their families, who had been behaving as though they were not Jews at all, in Germany, before Hitler came along. They were often described as being more German than the Germans themselves, even though most of them were immigrants or descended from immigrants from Poland, Russia and other Eastern European states, before they went to Germany. When they got to London they were more interested in establishing themselves in business here. Their behaviour was often very arrogant and they were not liked by the London Jewish community. It was early days as yet, and the growing number of arrivals from Germany had not had much impact.

Keeping in mind what I will reveal of what happened much later, I had better tell you that a pamphlet written for the CPGB by Idris Cox, price one penny, was issued at this time. It dealt with an internal Party matter. It was called, Factory, cell and street work (46). At this time Nat Cohen made sure that some of us were recruited into the CP. I was one of them. This meant that I had to attend Party cell meetings too. We were initiated into the ‘mysteries’ of faction work. This meant that all Party members working in a mass organisation had to meet to discuss and plan their work in their own particular organisation. For example, Trade Union, Friendly Society, Labour Party or ILD, Friends of the Soviet Union, NUWM, etc. This would hope to ensure that the Party line was being operated correctly. After all, the CP was ‘The General Staff? of the working class. Was it not? Without a well disciplined and tested organisation, how could you expect to overthrow Capitalism and establish ‘The Dictatorship of the Proletariat’? Also one must not forget the need for flexibility. The line had to change; sometimes very quickly and often. Only a disciplined type of organisation with strict adherence to the decisions of the leadership could be tolerated.

There were about six of us in the Party faction working in the Stepney ILD. Nat used us ruthlessly. He was always telling me about my heavy responsibility.

I had to see that our work was carried on ‘correctly’. I was not a very energetic person and had to be prodded all the time. I only acted when I felt the matter was urgent and when I had neglected to do something, I was inclined to panic. Nat must have understood this. He was a hard taskmaster.

He continued to prod me with my Party training too; making sure that I attended classes and lectures, in addition to carrying on my private studies which he personally took it upon himseif to supervise.

The comrades arrested in South Wales were tried and sentenced: Stead to 21 months, Whatley to 12 months, Paddock 15 months and Jefferies to 18 months to run concurrently with the three years he had received at an earlier trial on his own (47).

The ILD was a very busy organisation. Harold Cohen, Manny Zalsberg, N. Gorty, Bert Foote and myself had all become local public speakers for it; in addition there were the original ones, Finkelstein and Joe Davishall. We were able to run several meetings at the same time in different parts of the borough; and we did. We started to break into new territory outside Whitechapel, at places like’ Riverside Mansions, Wapping, Dellow Street, Shadwell, Philpot Street, Commercial Road and St Peters Road, Mile End.

Sometimes we would address several meetings during the course of one evening by running a shuttle service between the various locations where they were taking place. Net never lost an opportunity to push some new member on to the platform.

I think Nat did one kind of trick deliberately. If someone was speaking at one meeting and waiting for the next speaker to arrive from somewhere else, Nat would act in an excited fashion, approach some poor, unsuspecting member and say, ‘Look, Harold should have been here five minutes ago and Joe is due to speak somewhere else in ten minutes’ time, so I’m going to ask him to finish and you will have to take over until Harold arrives’. In this way he forced many unwilling people into becoming public speakers, no mean feat.

Harold’s photograph, taken while he was addressing a meeting at Vallance Road, Whitechapel, appeared in Der Sturmer, Julius Stricher’s antisemitic journal, in Germany, as an example of a typical ‘Jewish Communist agitator’ in England. Harold was a real mob orator and frequently used his arms and face to emphasise his points. This photographer must have had a field-day when he was taking these pictures of him. Social activity was not to be neglected either. Dances were also a good way of raising funds. Nat tried not to go outside the organisation for professional services if he could help it. so Harold had to be MC at our dances too. There were others too, of course. When time permitted we organised rambles, but this was not everybody’s cup of tea. In any case, some of us enjoyed the ordinary social events going on all around us.

Mosley was becoming increasingly active all over the place. The young Jewish boys were showing signs of wanting to resist. In addition, lots of people from the ‘shpielers’ who had helped Barnett Janner in the General Election were coming round to our way of thinking. An important place was situated right opposite Andy’s cafe, next door to the LTU. It was called ‘Chappers’. From this place we recruited Lew Mitchell, who was to become an active Party member and noted for his ‘fan-like’ devotion to Harry Pollitt.

He often appointed himself his bodyguard.

We got very good donations from ‘Ginger’ and others who helped to run this club. Ginger opened his own club in Whitechapel Road a while later and he always helped any organisation which opposed Mosley, as did many of his members. Other people besides workers were coming forward to be counted as anti-Fascists. The workers’ Circle Friendly Society had a meeting at the ‘Kingsway Hall’ in the centre of London at which the speakers covered a wide field: Lord Marley, Morris Myer (editor of the leading Jewish newspaper), Major Nathan (MP), T. A. Jacksom (CP), Hannan Swaffer, James Saunders from the ‘No More War Movement’, who had just returned from Berlin, as well as representatives of the ILP and other organisations. This was a protest meeting against the persecution of the Jews in Germany (48).

The LP and ILP also had a demonstration against Fascism on the 9th April, protesting against the murder of Jews (49). The Workers’ Circle Branch No. 10 held a united front meeting locally which was supported by speakers from the Labour Party, ILP, CP and some Trade Unions (50). Every organisation in East London was running meetings and campaigning, including, of course, the ILD.

The Jewish religious leaders were very cautious and calied on the community to behave with dignity and to pay attention to their religious observance and daily practice, as laid down. Their general idea was that if the Jews behaved themselves and did not offend the authorities, then God would deliver them from all evil.

The UCWU moved their headquarters to 60 Whitechapel Road. Bill Shepherd of the Invergordon ‘frame-up’ had finished his sentence and was released (51). The Communist International was calling for a united front against Fascism (52). The Metro Vicks Trial opened in Moscow (53). Mosley went to see Mussolini and his members had adopted the blackshirt as part of their uniform, to say nothing of the thick leather belt with a large, square buckle! (54).

Harry Pollitt wrote a strong article in the Daily Worker calling for the building of a strong International Labour Defence. He was supported by Bill Shepherd in an article the following day (55). There were others too. It seems the CP regarded our ILD as a very important organisation. It was my birthday at this time. I was 20.

Rosenberg was due to leave from Liverpool Street Station. I must describe this station in order to make clear what we Stepney International Labour Defenders did. The station is a terminus ending in Liverpool Street. For about a quarter of a mile its approach runs parallel with Norton Folgate from Shoreditch High Street until it joins Bishopsgate, which is the end of the line. There are about six bridges which connect the side turnings which run into Norton-Folgate. The trains run under these bridges into the station. We decided to see if we could catch the security forces napping. They would be expecting a demonstration in and around the station and they were not disappointed. We thought that it would be a good idea to create some diver- sionary incidents there while selected groups of our people with large, long banners suitably inscribed and leaflets etc., waited near some of the bridges. Just before the train was due to pull out all hell broke loose on the bridges. Our banners were strung along the iron sides of some of the bridges and we showered leaflets in all directions. We also threw a lot of other things onto the railway lines while chanting anti-Fascist slogans, as some climbed on to the girders. For gocd measure, we had not forgotten to put someone on the train to pull the communication cord just as the train was under the bridges. We had a good time. We certainly fooled the police on this occasion. We had begun to learn ‘tactics’. Rosenberg must have remembered his send off from Liverpool Street Station.

Regarding those Jewish youths who had been arrested in Piccadilly, we held a meeting at St Peters Road, Mile End, to protest at their sentences; just an ordinary street corner meeting with about 700 attending. We made 25 recruits to the ILD and sold over 200 items of literature (58). Feeling was growing stronger all over the East End. We called for an all-

London demonstration to the German Embassy to show solidarity with the German workers. An open conference was called at St George’s Town Hall for the formation of an East London Anti-Fascist Committee. Harry Pollitt who had been our candidate in the General Election, spoke as leader of the Communist Party. 179 representatives turned up and the committee was formed (59). Trade Union matters also needed attention. We clothing workers were balloting on the question of whether or not our National Union of Tailors and Garment Workers (NUTGW) should agree to the employers’ demand for a reduction in the hourly rate of pay. The Ladies’ Tailors were already opposing a proposed reduction of a penny per hour. Can you believe it now? Out of a national labour force of 250,000, only a small number were in the union (60). The Stepney ILD Social Committee advertised a Grand Coach Outing to Margate for Whit Monday: apply for tickets to Wynne, 30 Bedford Street, E1 (61). This was Esther, our social secretary, and this was my address, which was our only address as we did not yet have our own premises. I was virtually the secretary, assisting Nat Cohen, our organiser. Both Nat and I became the Stepney branch representatives on the National Committee of the ILD. There was still a couple of weeks to go before Whitsun and we had a lot to do. There were arrests at the Rosenberg send off, and we needed a lot of money. We held six meetings on Saturday and another six on Sunday, in- cluding one at noon, near the approaches to Petticoat Lane at the junction of Osborne Street, Brick Lane and Wentworth Street. This was outside ‘Bloom’s’ Jewish restaurant which became famous all over the world as a place to visit. I remember Max Bayer when he was world heavyweight champion, coming there. The crowds were so big, you could not get near the place. After that meeting, we held a poster parade all round the area, starting at 3.00p.m. and we did not finish until about 6.00p.m. We topped it all with more meetings during the evening (62). Nat Cohen was undoubtedly the human dynamo which kept all this feverish activity going. Arising out of the anti-war demonstration in Scotland, thirty-four workers were on bail in Renfrew (63). Alun Thomas, National Secretary of the ILD wrote a long article in the Daily Worker, calling for action to free Thaelman and Torgler who had been gaoled by Hitler (64). Fascists in black- shirts were appearing all over the place in the streets of London. We finally established the Stepney ILD in our own premises, situated at number 1 Rutland House, Christian Street, E1. This was a shop and room at the back (65). After our first meeting there, Nat had quite a row with Esther Wynne because he thought she was paying too much attention to me and was diverting me from the job in hand. I was getting a bit bolder by now and found females much more interesting for reasons other than those to do with politics. Esther was a good looking girl and we used to lark about quite a bit, and I had been escorting her home after some of our evening’s work was done. Nat was annoyed. Esther and I had a good laugh about this, but there was no need for Nat to be concerned.

Our outing to Margate was about due to take place and that changed everything. But before we come to that, I must tell you more about my mum and the family. I seem to have forgotten them in telling my story, just as I probably did most of the time then. Nat was introduced to my mother soon after I had met him. They got on famously. She liked him and I suppose, enjoyed the company of any friends I brought home. I did not take many of my friends home, up to this time, as mother was often away working and I did not want my friends to get to know that I had two sisters and a brother who we hardly ever saw. Harold also came home and met my mum. He could not fail to please her. She loved him. He was so homely and full of fun. She almost cried with laughter at some of his antics. He was always welcome and couldn’t visit my mum often enough to satisfy her. My half-sister Sophie’s girls were growing up. They continued to see their grandmother every Saturday without fail, walking all the way from Philip Street where they lived. Mum used to sit at the front room window high up on the fourth floor, waiting for them to turn the corner. They were a grand sight, all three of them. Rita, about eight, Nita, six and a half, Fay, almost five. Sophie had scrubbed them until they shone. She was a very good dresser herself and passed this quality on to her three daughters. My mother’s face lit up as they came into sight, and they made her very happy for the next couple of hours. My half-brother Harry was living nearby and his son Julius and daughters Maureen (Mushey), and Doreen, also came to see my mother very frequently, as did their mother Esther. They had another member added to their family later on, Jeanette. Harry himself saw my mum quite often because he was a waiter working at the same kind of functions as herself. He went on to become a well-known caterer for these same functions. Lots of people would know the name, Harry Jacobs, in the Jewish community. He often brought other waiters to see my mother. The man living on the floor below us was also a waiter. Mr Nelson had all those children I mentioned. Mrs Nelson was a good friend and neighbour, but a lot younger than mum. Harry brought news of Debbie, Annie or Hymie who he sometimes met in the West End. In a while they started to make an occasional visit home. Hymie did so in between spells in gaol, but my mother did not let on that she knew where he had been. I'm not even sure that she actually knew. But then she was a clever woman really and had learned to conceal most of her real feelings. When the girls came home on these rare occasions, mum would lay on a big spread and fuss around them, for all she was worth. No awkward questions, no recriminations, no sign of disapproval about their way of life or their appearance. She was so glad to see them, she could forget everything while they were there. Their visits grew more frequent over the next few years. I felt embarrassed in their company, but tried to be friendly though. I had never really managed to like the girls, even when we were together as youngsters. So I did not introduce too many of my friends to my home. There were all the other friends from the ‘corner’, who knew my family well, but I never talked to them about my sisters. k* k

Came the day of the outing to Margate, Whitsun, 5th June. I can’t possibly forget it. Eight shillings a ticket, if you could afford that much, plus some money to spend. Harold’s mother was there. So was Sam Berks. All the leading members of the ILD, and a few older people, probably parents or re- lations of some of our members. About 35-40 in all. But most important, there was a girl called Minnie, and Pearl. We were dressed for the occasion, and as we piled into the coach, Harold saw Minnie. I can’t remember if he al- ready knew her, but he sat beside her. She was dark and had very frizzy hair. A nice face with a beaming smile. She was well built but not fat. I looked around for a place. There was Pearl on the inside seat, about half way down the coach. I hesitated. She smiled, so I went towards her and she seemed to move over as if to make room for me. So I sat beside her and we started to chat. Her mother was way up the front. Harold had fixed that. We were all laughing and joking as the coach filled up. Finally we were ready to move off. We left our headquarters in Christian Street and headed for Margate. It didn’t take long for the younger people to get close to each other. Arms were already beginning to find their way round girls’ shoulders. Not everyone was as inhibited as I was. Before we were many miles out of London, the singing and laughing was almost deafening. The driver must have felt that we were a bit mad, or maybe he was used to such crowds. I didn’t know. I had not been to many coach outings, or even to the sea on many occasions, until this day.

I began not to notice what was going on as I wrestled with myself about whether to try putting my arm around Pearl. She was laughing and we got very close when the coach hit a bend in the road, going towards the left. I took all my courage in my hands and raised my arm above her head and she moved nearer and there was my arm right round her. She was so small and I was so big that my arm had no difficulty in really going all the way round and my hand was almost too big to fit in properly round her waist. Our eyes met and we kissed. A long, hard kiss. I had been in love with her for a very long time and here it was all happening.

Don’t ask me what happened as we sped towards Margate. There were only two people in all the world and I for one, was near to heaven. We cuddled and kissed, mostly in silence, for the rest of the journey. It was wonderful. On arrival, we straightened ourselves and only then did my arms leave her body, and hers mine. I felt a bit sheepish as we alighted from the coach and I saw her mother, who pretended not to notice. She must have known that something was happening, because we had been spending a lot of time on the doorstep over the last few months, late at night, when she and the rest of the family had gone to bed.

I still thought that Harold and his family would not notice that I was getting more interested in Pearl. I was obviously very young then. Harold, Minnie, Pearl and I formed a group and left the rest of the coach party after we had settled Mrs Cohen and her party near the sea.

There are only two things I remember about the few hours which we spent in Margate. All I could think of was the journey back home. The four of us went to sea in a hired boat. I was the only one with any rowing exper- ience, and that wasn’t much. The two girls sat at the back facing the stern and Hareld and I facing them, side by side, with one oar each. Before very long, we were about a quarter of a mile off shore and moving towards the pierhead, away from the spot where we had left Mrs Cohen and some of the others. We decided to turn round and get back, as we had exhausted the hiring time. We turned alright, and started to pull on the oars, but didn’t seem to be getting any nearer our objective. It was hot, so I stood up without warning the others, in order to remove my jacket and to make myself comfortable for a good, hard pull. Being on one side of the boat, it nearly capsized as I stood up. There were screams, but the boat righted itself. It didn’t really go over all that far, but it felt like it to my very inexperienced companions.

Harold gave me a piece of his mind and I apologised for not warning them that I had intended to get up. We soon realised that the current was carrying us away from the spot we had in mind. It was hopeless to row against this current. We might have succeeded in staying in the same place. I decided to head for the beach at the nearest point. This seemed to work better as we got in short; we tried heading towards the place where we had hired the boat. This too worked. We were out of the current. When we got to the boathouse, we had to pay for the extra time we had been out, from the money we had left as a deposit. This upset our budget for the day, but we were safe and happy. In addition we had a tale to tell. The boatman assured us that we were in no danger at any time, as we were being watched, and had we been in any real trouble, someone would have come to the rescue. We didn’t tell the others that.

I loved ice cream, and as soon as we saw where it was being sold, we headed in that direction. Harold and the girls had a normal size brick each, but I decided to get the biggest one available. A large family size. I certainly bit off more than I could chew. Before I could get half way through, it started to melt in my hands and I had to give up; but not before I had managed to eat most of the brick. We all laughed.

After a high tea in company with the rest of the coach party, at a restaurant which had been booked for the occasion, there was little time left before we were due to leave Margate.

This time as we boarded the coach, Pearl and I made a beeline for the long seat at the back end. We got a corner all to ourselves. As we moved off, we immediately get locked in each others’ arms and slid down well below the back of the seat in front. There we remained for the whole of the journey home, oblivious to anything which was going on in the coach. Once again I was near to heaven.

When we got back to the Cohens’ home, I realised that Minnie and Harold were already well acquainted. After a while, Harold decided to escort Minnie to her home in a narrow alley, just past Stepney Green underground station in Mile End Road, where her father had a barber shop. I finished up on the doorstep with Pearl. We were still there when Harold returned. He said good night, and he was the last of the Cohen family to go to bed, leaving us still on the doorstep. Pearl and I talked and cuddled and kissed and I told her I loved her. It must have been about 2.00 a.m. when I was able to leave her and walk up Varden Street on my way home. I was tired, Exhausted would be more like it, but so happy I could hardly believe that this was happening to me. Almost immediately, I thought that there would be some complications, but I hoped I could find a way of handling them, in a little while. In fact, we all carried on as though that outing had never taken place. Except that Pearl and I, in private, knew that we were now more to each other than we had been previously. I remained Harold’s friend and I met all my other friends for our various activities. I suppose 1 saw Pearl about three or four times each week, at the end of the day, when I got to her home with Harold. On almost every occasion we managed to be left alone, when everyone had gone to bed. The position was accepted as ‘normal’. I don’t know what anyone felt. It was never mentioned. Even less did I know what Pearl really felt. She was not very good at making her feelings known. She did not actually say how she felt. I suppose I never could be sure what she was thinking. This proved to be so for as long as I knew her. The position continued like that for at least six months.

Most of our crowd were getting a bit fed up with going to Andy’s cafe, and I forget the exact reason, but some of us started to go to a bigger cafe in Osbourne Street, called ‘Snelwars’. The number of anti-Fascists was growing so fast that several cafes were being used at the same time. There was ‘Curly’s’ a few doors from ‘Snelwars’, and, a little later on, another o Kid for Two Farthings. He also tells some stories centered on the Tailors’ Union in Whitechapel.

Osbourne Street and Brick Lane were not really funny places and I don’t know why they should have produced two good comedians and songsters. Brick Lane also housed the Russian vapour baths known as ‘Shefchicks’. Shefchicks has been referred to and described by Wolf Mankovitz in his book, A Kid for Two Farthings. He also tells some stories centered on the Tailors’ Union in Whitechapel.

Brick Lane also had a synagogue and Jewish school of a very orthodox sect. We called this place, ‘The Muzza Kadas’, which I think is its name in the Hebrew Talmudic language. I don’t know how they differed precisely from the other sections of the Jewish religion, numerous as they are, but they seemed to spend a lot more time in prayer.

There were lots of people who never used the cafes at all, but met privately in each others’ homes. This started to happen among the members of the ILD, especially as we were recruiting more married couples. Alf Finklestein and his wife Dora, with their two little daughters, lived in Buxton Street, off Brick Lane. Their home was open house to about a dozen of us, including Pearl. So I was seeing more of her away from her home.

There was Bert Foote’s place, in Lower Chapman Street, off Commercial Road. This was a typical East End gentile home and quite different from the Jewish homes. Bert was a middle-aged man. His wife was a jolly woman and they had two teenaged sons. We learned to drink beer in moderation at their home and began to use some of the local pubs on rare occasions. The Seals had arrived and George became the local Daily Worker agent. He made this a full-time job, ably assisted by his wife. They lived in the south side of Limehouse and we all met quite often in this house too. It must have been to- wards the end of 1933 that we recruited a young man called Sam Waldman. His uncle, aunt and cousins lived near me and his cousin Mary had been my sister Annie’s friend when they were still at school. Sam lived near the Searls but closer to our end of Stepney. He was very fair-haired and did not look so Jewish, except for his dress, which was always very good. He worked as a salesman in Houndsditch, which is a long street in Aldgate, full of wholesale shops and warehouses. Before that, he had been a violinist who had his musical career cut short before it had hardly begun when the talking pictures arrived. An intelligent bloke with a very nice manner. When Harold eventually started going steady with Minnie, he became my very good friend and we went around together for a long time afterwards. We liked to visit the West End and frequented the Holborn Empire and the Palladium for variety shows, usually finishing the evening at a decent restaurant for a meal. We were both relatively well off as we had what were considered to be good jobs. He must have been the first cloce friend I had who was actually a little younger than myself. He wasn’t so slow as I was with the girls, and I made more contact with some of them through his efforts.

I never stopped seeing Pearl regularly, although we never met by direct arrangement. I had not so far taken her out in the normal way. It was a strange sort of ‘carry on’. She continued to have other boy friends for a time. I know now that I was afraid to make our relationship formal, because in some vague sort of way, I knew this would mean introducing her to my mother and family. She, on the other hand, must have had some misgivings about the fact that we were so different in appearance. Also there was the fact that I was her big brother’s pal. I don’t think Harold had started to court Minnie regularly at this time. Pearl was becoming more involved in the ILD and we were all heading for an intense period of ceaseless activity.

1. DW 1.5.1932.
2. Ibid
3. DW, 14 & 18.1.1932.
4. DW, 20.1.1932.
5. DW, 23.1.1932.
6. DW, 23, 27 & 31.1.1932 and 4.2.1932.
7. DW, 12.2.1932.
8. London Evening News, 16.2.1932.
9. DW, 16.2.1932.
10. DW,6.4.1932 and 12.4.1932.
11. DW,3.5.1932 and 15.3.1932.
12. DW, 19.4.1932.
13. Empire News, 24.4.1932.
14. DW, 25.4.1932.
15. DW,7.5.1932.
16. DW, 20.5.1932.
17. DW, 11.5.1932.
18. Ibid
19. DW, 12.5.1932.
20. DW, 17.5.1932.
21. DW, 1.6.1932.
22. Meeting announced in DW, 15.6.1932.
23. DW, 16 & 19.6.1932.
24. DW, 25.6.1932.
25. DW, 18.7.1932.
26. DW, 15.8.1932.
27. DW, 19.8.1932.
28. DW, 15 & 16.9.1932.
29. DW, 12.10.1932.
30. DW, 19.10.1932.
31. DW, 28.10.1932.
32. DW, 9.11.1932.
33. DW, 30.11.1932.
34. DW,14.12.1932.
35. DW, 17.12.1932.
36. DW, 14.1.1933.
37. DW report, 12.1.1933.
38. DW, 26.1.1933.
39. DW, 31.1.1933.
40. DW, 6.2.1933.
41. DW, 7.2.1933.
42. DW, 16.2.1933.
43. DW, 1.3.1933.
44. DW, 7.3.1933.
45. DW, 13.3.1933.
46. Announced DW, 7.3.1933.
47. DW, 15.3.1933.
48. DW, 30.3.1933.
49. DW announced 30.3.1933.
50. DW, 4.4.1933.
51. DW, 8.4.1933.
52. DW, 10.4.1933.
53. DW, 12.4.1933.
54. DW,4.5.1933.
55. DW, 10 & 11.5.1933.
56. DW, 12.5.1933.
57. Ibid
58. DW, 15.5.1933.
59. Reported DW, 18.5.1933.
60. DW, 17.5.1933.
61. DW, 18.5.1933.
62. DW, 20.5.1933.
63. DW, 23,5.1933.
64. DW, 25.6.1933.
65. DW, 1.6.1931.

The tenants living in Blackwall Buildings were faced with a proposed rent increase of two shillings and sixpence per week. A large amount for most people to find in those days. They formed a Tenants’ Defence League and most of them refused to pay (1).

The ILD was continuing to run meetings and give public lectures at our premises. There were four public meetings and one lecture during the course of one week, just after the outing to Margate (2). There were also committee meetings and Communist Party meetings to be attended, as well as helping with the donkey work of advertising, canvassing and literature sales. There wasn't a lot of time for social past-times, until late evenings. All the time new faces were appearing. About this time, Sam Berks, Leon Grill and ‘Mad Mick’, the taxi driver, from my corner, had become more active in the movement.

The British Workers Sports Federation was a good organisation bringing more people from the sporting youth of Stepney into political life. A while later, two young girls, came from there. Bessie and her friend Julie. They were two well built girls interested in running and netball. I soon got to know them and got on very well with them, particularly with Julie a fine looking dark haired maiden, different from the blondes who I usually found more attractive. Bessie was to become the wife of my good friend Sam Berks.

Then there was Sam Masters, who lived in Newark Street, less than a hundred yards from Nat Cohen’s place. He was a ‘Lucas Tooth’ physical training instructor. The Lucas Tooth Institute was one of the best physical training organisation existing at that time. I was to be associated with Sam Masters for the rest of his short life, and I am proud to have known him.

I had become a ‘full-blown’ public speaker by now and found myself addressing street corner meetings, attending internal meetings and doing one or two other jobs, all during the course of one evening, after a hard days work in the workshop. I don’t know where we got the energy from to finish off the day with a little ‘snogging’ on the doorstep. But we did.

The opposition to Nazi terror in Germany was growing. We organised a conference to further the cause of the Meerut prisoners (3). Harry Pollitt continued to attack the ILP and Fenner Brockway in particular, because they were critical of the Communist International’s line regarding the events in Germany (4). Several names were being connected with the Reichstag fire— Tergler, Dimitrov, Tanev and Popov. The last three were all Bulgarian Communists who happened to be in Germany at the time. The ILD secured the services of a lawyer called Neil Lawson, to volunteer to defend them, if no suitable German lawyer could be found (9).

The NUWM in Stepney were carrying on with the job on behalf of the unemployed and were as busy as possible. We had to Join forces when a woman and her three small children became destitute and were threatened with eviction, from their home. They lived on the top floor of a large tenement block, one of several, which filled the whole of Flower and Dean Street. They were called Rothschilds Mansions. Sarah Wesker and her family lived a couple of entrances away from the place where the eviction was to take place. She didn’t take part in what followed, as far as I knew, because she was usually engaged in ‘trade union work’, in the tailoring industry.

Came the day, we arranged for this poor women and her children to stay with some neighbours and rallied all our available forces to support the local tenants, in resisting the efforts of the authorities to carry out the court order.

I found myself inside the flat with Max Levitas, who later became a Communist borough councillor, and one or two others. We used the furniture, such as it was, to barricade ourselves inside. | noticed that some idiot had brought some home made coshes and left them in the flat. [insisted upon them being removed, but the bailiff, accompanied by the police, were already banging on the door.

So I made two of those present leave through the window onto the balcony, which led to the next flat, and I’m sure they were as relieved to go as I was to see the back of those coshes. This left me and Max to hold the fort.

We could hear the crowd shouting all along the street and from the flats, through the windows, while others took up positions on the open landings and balconies. The door panels were beginning to split and I was frightened.

Suddenly, the banging stopped and there was no one in sight, when I looked through the cracks in the door. I went into the front room to look out of the window and see what had happened in the street. We found that the van which had arrived, had gone, the driver being ‘persuaded’ that it would not be in his best interests to assist in the eviction. Also, the police were hopelessly outnumbered and had given up the attempt to carry out the eviction. Max and I opened the door and joined the crowd in the street, who were marching up and down behind a big banner, shouting slogans and feeling very lively.

A platform appeared on the comer of the street and someone was addressing the crowd. The police were trying to get the crowd to move on. They approached the platform demanding that the meeting be closed, as the crowd were getting out of hand. Nat Cohen said we had a right to hold the meeting and he intended to continue. The police rushed the platform. As one speaker was thrown off, another took over. In a matter of minutes, two mounted policemen arrived and when they intervened, the platform was no longer able to remain standing at all.

I remember being one of the speakers to end up on the ground, surrounded by policemen with drawn truncheons. I got up with my back to the wall, but no one went for me, and I was allowed to walk away. ‘Mad Mick’ told me that he had been watching, and would have come to my rescue, had the police started to hit me.

Several people had been arrested and were being escorted by policemen, who made sure they would not get away. A large crowd followed all the way to Commercial Street police station. They shouted slogans and abuse at the police and now and then, some attempts would be made to rescue someone, On arrival at the station, the crowd continued to shout and gather round the entrance. The policemen only had to stretch out their hands to rope in a few more. Eventually the crowd dispersed and returned to Flower and Dean Street, where the people were congratulating themselves on the victory over the forces of ‘law and order’, who had failed to evict that poor women and her children, that day (6).

The National Unemployed Workers’ Movement were successful in preventing another attempt to evict a family, in Plumbers Row, soon after the Flower and Dean Street affair (7).

The tenants in other parts were forming their own local committees to resist rising rents and against bad conditions. The best known being the Blackwall Tenants’ Defence Committee. Things were beginning to get exciting everywhere but I was becoming more and more involved with the ILD.

* * * * *

In the middle of 1933 in Germany Torgler, Dimitrov, Tanev and Popov were accused of firing the Reichstag. An advert in the Daily Worker, under our Stepney ILD heading said, ‘Members are instructed not to go away this weekend on rambles, etc. Important—concentrate on German relief week campaign’. That’s how we did things. Note the word, instructed (8).

The Relief Committee for Victims of German Fascism had Albert Einstein as their international president (9). We in Britain were attracting more well known people to the cause. Another name was linked to the Reichstag fire—Van der Lubbe.

Pollitt continued to argue with the ILP and Fenner Brockway, in the columns of the Daily Worker, while appearing in joint efforts against German Fascism, etc. (10). Two of those arrested during the eviction attempt in Flower and Dean Street were given three months in gaol. The Reichstag fire trial was postponed (11).

Meanwhile the unemployed were particularly incensed by the operation of the ‘Means Test’, and they continued to fight in any way open to them. Some London tailors working for Alfred Cohen Ltd, went on strike against long hours. Before they were organised, they were working until 10.00 or 11.00pm when it was busy, also working overtime at weekends. The boss said, ‘If you don’t work those hours, there will be someone in your place in the morning’. The fight was led by the UCWU. Injunctions were applied for, by a firm whose shops were being picketed. The usual opposition from the police made picketing difficult, but this did not prevent the strike from continuing (12).

A team of international lawyers offered to defend the accused in the Reichstag fire trial, including Niel Lawson and DN Pritt KC; Sir Stafford Cripps also offered to help (13). Frank Peterson had completed his two year sentence and was welcomed home (14). Those sentenced in the Meerut case were having their appeals heard. The United Jewish Protest Committee, organised a march to Hyde Park on Thursday, 20th July (15). The Communist Party offered to help, but this was refused. We said, ‘Class against class—not race against race’. Shops were closed, market traders took the day off. The LTU workshops all closed for the day. The Jewish ex-servicemen marched. About 30,000 people participated (16).

The ILD moved its national headquarters to Cromer Street, WC1 and called an all London members meeting (17). The Meerut appeal result included the aquittal of nine defendants, one Englishman, Hutchinson, among them. Spratt and Bradley had their sentences reduced from twelve and ten years to two and one years respectively (18). The ILD and the Seaman’s Minority Movement took up the case of 23 seamen who were given 21 days for ‘refusing duty’ and disobeying orders. The seamen were from the SS Ionic. The boatswain on this ship had, it was alleged, caused an ordinary seaman to jump overboard on his previous ship. These seamen could not take his rough treatment, so they, in effect, went on strike. When the ship docked, they were charged and sentenced. The Seaman’s Minority Movement and the ILD took up their defence and tried to help their dependents (19). We organised a demonstration when they were tried and we had another, to welcome them home (20). During the three weeks they were ‘inside’, we got to know quite a few seamen, their wives and families.

In this way, it was possible to make contact with people, assist them in their particular trouble and try to introduce them to more important. issues, which we tried to show, formed one whole struggle between classes. As you can imagine, seamen are not easy to organise. They are at sea for long periods and don’t always retur to the ports they left. They change ships quite often, especially the militant ones. Since they had to ‘sign on’ for each trip, a skipper could refuse to sign anyone he didn’t like. Nevertheless, we had managed to establish a branch of the Seamans MM, with an office in West India Dock Road. The full-time organiser was one Pat Murphy (21). Some of the leading members were also members of the ILD and CP. Paddy Byrne, McNulty and others whose names I cannot remember. They were out of work for long periods so we saw quite a lot of them. Pat Murphy was brought to London to become the full-time organiser of the Seaman’s MM and had been CP functionary previously. He was a very big man. Built like a heavyweight all-in wrestler. He was a good public speaker. He loved to perform feats of strength, for our amusement. I remember being in his office, one afternoon, along with several other people. I weighed fifteen and a half stones at the time and Pat said he could lift me on the end of a broom. He placed the broom on the floor and invited me to stand on the head. He then got hold of the handle and tried to lift. The broom handle snapped in two. Pat was not satisfied, he went out and bought a new handle and fixed it on to the head.

He lifted me all right. As usual in these feats, it was not just brute strength, you need some science too. If you can imagine the position, with someone standing on the broom head, if you get hold of the end of the handle with your right hand, it will be easy to lift it off the ground. Then get hold of the handle with your left hand, as near to the head as possible, you now have maximurn leverage. Try it, you will see what I mean.

At this time some taxi drivers were on strike, led by their MM branch, over a demand for a bigger share of the increased prices which the owners had been permitted to charge (22). In New York, 60,000 clothing workers were on strike for a 30 hour week. A bit different to our lot (23)!

The Reichstag fire trial had been postponed for the eighth time. In fact we were not yet sure exactly who the defendants were to be. They hadn’t been named, as yet. We called a demonstration to protest about the proposed trial and linked it to the anniversary of the judicial murder of Sacco and Vanzetti (24). The Stepney ILD premises were too small, so we had to hold our aggregate meetings at the ‘Circle House’ (25). The trial date was announced as September 21st, although some of those named, had been arrested on 27th February (26).

Meanwhile, Mosley had set up the BUF headquarters in Chelsea. This ‘Brown House’ was established in what was formally the ‘Whitlands College for Women’. A hundred and fifty men were to be quartered there and they were to be self supporting. Mosley’s office would also be on the premises and the whole place was defended like a fortress. There were at least 2,000 German refugees in Amsterdam alone. We in Stepney called a meeting to demand the right of asyium, for Jews arriving from Germany (27).

The Canadian Communist Party was being attacked and an attempt was being made to declare it illegal, which it was, in practice anyway. Van der Lubbe, who we regarded as a Nazi stooge, had ‘confessed’ to buming the Reichstag (28). We welcomed home the two people who had been sentenced as a result of the eviction case we had taken part in earlier (29).

Someone called Jewell, who had thrown a brick at a German Embassy window, was arrested (30). Albert Einstein arrived in England (31). We had an aggregate meeting, this time in the St George’s library. The main speaker was a German ‘representative’ of the ILD (32). I’m sure we never learned his real name. I met him at the National Committee of the ILD, and we were told he was here as a representative of the European Bureau of the International Red Aid. He would be instructing us for a short period. He was a tall, distinguished looking man with a thin face and a full head of grey hair. He spoke English very well and was obviously an intellectual of some kind or other. A great deal of care was taken about his movements while he was here. He went back to Germany and I never heard of him again. The Stepney ILD were congratulated for having undertaken to support the dependents of Sid Elias while he was in gaol. We also undertook to visit him, supply books and anything else the prison authorities would allow (33).

A group of internationally famous lawyers took part in a court of enquiry into the Reichstag fire (34). The second anniversary of Invergorden had arrived and Len Wincott did a piece for the Daily Worker (35). — On Wednesday 20th, the eve of the opening of the Reichstag fire trial, the ILD had a demonstration to Tower Hill, to support the defendants, At the Kingsway Hall, in central London, Ellen Wilkinson, Professor Harold Laski, Ivor Montague, Kingsley Martin, Rev. H Beldon and Harry Pollitt, spoke for the release of the defendants (36). The trial opened on the 21st, but the charge of arson had been dropped and all but Van der Lubbe, were charged with ‘treasonable activities’. Van der Lubbe, with ‘arson and high treason’. On the 24th, there was a demonstration to Hyde Park. There was a speaker, wife of a member of the Reichstag, also, Len Wincott, DF Springhall and others (37).

The ILD received a letter from the Deputy Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, prohibiting any approach to the German Embassy for the presentation of petitions etc. He also said that no assembly there would be allowed, or in the vicinity thereof (38).

Meanwhile, some members of the ILP were still criticising the Communist International, for their attitude to the Social Democrats of Germany and elsewhere. They said, that not only were the Social Democrats responsible for the German situation, but so were the Communist International and the German Communist Party. This was hotly contested by the CP (39).

From the very beginning of the Reichstag trial, it was clear that the outstanding defendant was Dimitrov. Also that he was going to be the accuser, and not be content just to protest his innocence of the charge of being concerned with firing the Reichstag (40).

At home, drastic cuts in the dole were being proposed, including a cut of thirteen weeks instead of twenty-six weeks, in the statutory benefit period. The Stepney ILD were now using ‘Harry the Barber’s’ shop premises (41) at 91 Commercial Road, as our headquarters (42).

On 9th October, a meeting took place at the Essex Hall, to protest at the existence of a colour bar, organised by the Negro Welfare Association. The speakers were, Arnold Ward, A Rianzin and Jomo Kenyatta (43).

Opposite the London Hospital, in Whitechapel Road, were two of our best outdoor meeting places, Derwent Street and Fulboume Street. The Workers’ Theatre Movement were doing one of their open-air shows at this spot, when the police decided they were causing an obstruction. They moved in and proceeded to break up the meeting. Five ‘actors’, also Nat Cohen and Phil Cohen, were arrested. Nat was charged with ‘Wilful obstruction and assault’ and remanded in custody overmight. Phil was charged with ‘Obstruction’ and ‘Failing to notify change of address’. Phil was an alien. So we had some more class-war prisoners to defend (44). At the Shoreditch Town Hali, Ellen Dimitrova, sister of Dimitrov, spoke on behalf of the Reichstag Fire Trial defendants. This meeting was organised by the East London Anti-Fascist Committee (45). Then came the Fairdale strike.

* * * * *

Before I can deal with that, I have to tell you that things were changing in the East London CP. Voices were being raised against some of us, who, it was said, paid too much attention to street meetings and demonstrations etc., and not enough to work in the trade unions. My Party cell met at the Michaelsons’ place. A top floor flat at the comer of Nelson Street and Turner Street. Mr Michaelson was in his late fifties. He was a foreigner and a great one for messing about with wireless equipment. He was also a useful inventor.

I remember seeing a coin slot meter, which he had made, which was similar to those used by the electricity authorities today. His wife was English born and a good deal younger. She was good at selling the Daily Worker. In this cell were, Nat Cohen, Manny Slazberg, Hetty Stern, Harold Cohen and myself, from the ILD Party faction. Included in this, the Jubilee Street cell, there was also Sam Berks, Leon Grill, ‘Mad Mick’ and Alex Sheller, from my ‘corner’, also, Sam Masters, ‘Tubby’ Goldman and Sam Waldman.

There were three younger people who had been my brothers’ mates, up to about their fifteenth birthdays. -Archie Fiddleman, ‘Tubby’ Cohen and Joe Waldman, acousin of Sam Waldman. Later on we recruited Alf Fitterman, Sadie Lazarus and brother Alf along with their father. Also, Jack Ross, brother of Harry Ross, the actor. Jack married Sadie Lazarus and I remained friends with them for many years to come. There were more to come as we continued our work as the Jubilee Street Cell. Nat Cohen was our ‘instructor’. I can’t remember all those who held leading positions, over a long period.

I can remember a case concerning “Tubby’ Goldman, a married man with four children, at the time. He was being criticised for not being active enough and came up with the excuse, that his wife would not allow him to spend so much time away from home. Nat was a dedicated Communist and thought nothing of telling him, he should choose between his wife and children, or the Party. “Tubby” did eventually leave his wife and children, but not for the sake of the Party. He was a trouser machiner, who, according to Sam Berks, was the fastest worker he ever saw. He started his own workshop and went on to become one of the biggest trouser manufacturers, with a very well known brand name. He owned factories all over the place and became a rich man.

Things were changing in my personal life too. Pearl and I never stopped meeting at her home and wherever our paths crossed, in the many places connected with our work as Communists, Harold had begun to find his time being taken up by the ex-servicemen, who were organising along anti-fascist lines. We still spent a lot of time together, in the ILD and Communist Party.

Pearl was almost 18 and I was over 20 years old. We decided it was time to come into the open, to be accepted as a couple, in the way that others were accepted. For the first time, we arranged for me to call at her home and we would leave together, for an evening on our own, away from the East End and its polities. It was a Friday evening. I arrived, all dressed up to kill, at 7.00pm. Pearl was almost ready, dressed in her best outfit. And very lovely she looked. No one in the house knew we had planned to meet in this way, deliberately. If was like making an announcement without saying anything.

We could have met somewhere else, but that would have meant nothing if we had merely arrived home together. Without saying anything, we left the house and Pearl slipped her arm in mine, the way couples usually do. We headed for the West End.

On arrival at the "Holborn Empire" we joined the queue for the second house. While waiting, I went to get a box of chocolates and behaved as though we were like all the other couples in the queue. The usual assortment of buskers entertained us, as we waited to move into the theatre. I can’t remember who was top of the bill, because for some time afterwards, this was a regular Friday night off, and one bill was very like another, with the same artists appearing again after a few weeks absence. This was round about the time when Max Miller and Tommy Trinder were beginning to be friendly rivals. The Crazy Gang were beginning their long stay at the ‘Palladium’, in a series of shows. We started to alternate between the Holborn Empire and The Palladium. On this first occasion, we left at the end of the show and boarded a bus for our return to the East End. Instead of going to one of our usual haunts, we went to a small Jewish restaurant, off Commercial Road, and had a slap-up meal. It must have been almost 11.30pm when we got back to Varden Street. The whole family were still up and gathered in the kitchen, round a big oval table. When we walked in, there was a lot of chaff and banter, all in very good humour.

Mr Cohen was in one of his good moods, after having had a skin-full, at the pub. He wasn’t always like that. I heard many stories of hard times in the home, due to his habit of getting very drunk, very often. He had mellowed somewhat, by the time I got to know him, but was still capable of being an awkward customer when he had been drinking too much. He was a small thin man, who worked long hours, in his little workshop. He employed three or four people and made the rest of the family help in any way they could.

From early childhood, all his children had to go to ‘shop’. Pearl told me how, when she was nine years old, she would have to carry a quantity of finished waist coats, to a shop ‘over the water’, in Borough High Street, over London Bridge, then collect the cut work in a black bag and bring it home. All this was in the dinner hour when she came from school, to get some food. After school, she would repeat this process, only to another shop in some other part of London. Mr Cohen worked for about five or six bespoke tailors shops.

Each shop would have a couple of waistcoat makers, working for them. This is how these establishments operated. It is different now, most of the big gents outfitters are multiple concerns with their own factories. There are still many survivors of the old system. In the old days, what was known as a ‘Saville Row’ suit, was likely to have been made, by sweated labour, in a dingy East End’workshop. Pearl had taken over the job of ‘going to shop’ from her older brothers, when they had left school,just as her younger brother Arthur, took over from her when she left school, and so on right through the family. A master tailor with no young children to ‘exploit’, would have to employ someone to do this job. At one shilling and ninepence to about three shillings to make a waistcoat, you need a big quantity to earn any thing like a living. No wonder the ‘old man’ wanted to drown his sorrows in drink. But that really wasn’t what started him off.

After his arrival in England from Poland, when he was only 17 years old, he became a very good ball-room dancer, In fact, before the first world war, he was the Master of Ceremonies, at a club called “The German Oak’, situated in Welclose Square, off Cable Street. He taught dancing and made a lot of money, besides being a waistcoat machiner. This is when he developed his drinking habits. He also earned a reputation for toughness, despite his small physical stature. He was known as ‘Moisha Hoorn’. A ‘Hoorn’ being a ‘fighting cock’ in this context, and ‘Moisha’ sure could spring around when he felt like it. He was a nice man with all his faults. We got on very well and I joined him in the pub on many occasions.

He once frightened the life out of me. We had been drinking and as usual, he had been going at the rate of three pints to my one, and on the way home he was overcome. He sat down on a step at the entrance to one of the blocks in Fieldgate Mansions, opposite the Rowton House in Fieldgate Street. I thought he was going to pass out. I knocked on a door and asked for some water. I don’t know if Mr Cohen heard me, but he seemed to recover very quickly, and we got home, where he went straight to bed. He was none the worse the following morning, because he was at his machine as usual, by about 6.00am.

When he started to court Mrs Cohen, he was making some money, and being a bit jealous of her, he insisted on her giving up work so that she would not have to mix with the men in the workshop. She was one of seven sisters and two brothers. One of them was killed in the war. Pearl’s parents met soon after the Boer war. Mrs Cohen was very fond of talking about the ‘good old days , Mafeking and all that, Marie Lloyd and the real old music hall. She had actually been one of Marie Lloyd’s young ladies of the chorus, when Marie appeared at ‘The Pavilion’, Whitechapel. She was a ‘good looking girl’, as Mr Cohen was always telling me.

The eldest Cohen daughter Becky, who was already married to Mick Gilbert, when I arrived, had a very promising career cut short by her father, because of his fear of what might happen to her. Like she might marry a “Yok’. She had been trained as a dancer and by the time she was 16, had been successful in getting many engagements as a soubrette and dancer, in concert parties and on the variety stage. She had appeared in London at the "Trocadero", Elephant and Castle, and at ‘The Pavilion’, Whitechapel, in the name of Betty Moore. She had a female cousin who was a violinist in a band, and had run off with a gentile chap, while on tour in Buxton, Derbyshire.

When Mr Cohen heard about this, and for other reasons, no doubt, he decided that no daughter of his was going on tour unaccompanied. So, Becky had to give up her attempts to reach stardom on the stage. She went into her father’s workshop, to become a needle hand and that’s where she met her husband.

You know something about Harold, who was not now working with his father, as there was not enough for two top machiners, all the time. Young Arthur was learning the trade and at just over 16, was already a member of the YCL, where he met Betty Prince, who he eventually married. The Princes were a large family, from the Stepney Green area, the father being a ‘City street trader’, as Betty said, when she got married. This was because someone had called him ‘a hawker’. Most of the Princes, about ten of them, were in the CP or YCL, or sympathetic. The youngest Cohen daughter, Sylvia, was about 13. She was never political in any way, and when she left school, became a general clerk in an office. During the second world war, she met and married a nice Jewish GI. She joined her husband after the war. They lived and raised a family in New York, until they retired to live in Florida. The other member of the family, Myer, was now an old married man and father at the ripe old age of 22.

Mrs Cohen was not all that much of a ‘home loving’ woman. She was a good cook and there was always plenty of good food in the house. She was more interested in going to the pictures, clothes and broaches, ear-rings, necklaces and having her hair done. She was always reading those cheap novelettes. Mostly romances. I felt, she had never really grown up. She had learned to tolerate her husband, but despite their large brood, there was not a lot between them, when I came into the household. Mrs Cohen had known better days during the first world war, when ‘Moisha’ was getting a lot of money from his dancing lessons as well as the waist coat game. Between them it was certain not to amount to anything, as they could each in their own way get through any amount of money. Mr Cohen’s only achievement had been his ability to remain his own boss, even if that meant alot of worry, for not much more reward than an ordinary worker.

From now on, I was accepted as a member of the family. Becky was pregnant and as there was a house to let just opposite, she and Mick moved out of No 9. The arrangements for sleeping etc., were altered, so that Harold and Arthur did not have to open the couch each night, but now had a bedroom, upstairs. The parlour was now open to Pearl and I and where as previously we spent a lot of time saying ‘good night’, in the passage near the front door, we could now spend that time in greater comfort. Especially during the winter months.

This was how things stood with me. My personal affairs were more straight forward, but I had not yet dealt with the matter of introducing Pearl to my mother and family. I don’t remember ever talking to Pearl about my family, beyond mentioning that I lived with my mother, in the course of our normal relationships. She must have known that, as well as where I lived, because she knew Harold was a frequent visitor to my place. She never asked any questions about my family and I never volunteered any information. | knew this position could not last, but I took my time before deciding to open the subject, in anticipation of the day when she would be introduced to my mother. I don’t know if my mum knew I was going steady, at this time, because I never told her and she never asked me, if indeed she knew. I know now she must have known a lot more than I thought. Just as I know now, that Pearl knew a lot more about me, than I imagined at the time. I didn’t know much about love or how it affects you. I hadn’t had a lot of love shown me as a child. This isn’t to say that my mother didn’t love me. She certainly did, but you know how things were.

* * * * *

Came the middle of October and with it the Fairdale strike. John Fairdale’s factory was situated in Bethnal Green, and was a big gents clothing concern, of that period, employing about 200 workers. I’m not sure exactly how the workers were organised. There were a few peopie who were active in the UCWU, which now had its offices at 225 Shoreditch High Street (46). I think most of the workers were in the National Union of Tailors and Garment Workers. Anyway, this was during a slack period when the factory was on ‘short time’. The manager decided to take on a new cutter who was not a union member. When the union protested, the management replied by locking-out all the workers. I should imagine they had planned this so that they could break up the organisation, while the trade was quiet. The workers in this factory had a good record as militant trade unionists. There were several members of the CP working there (47).

Before very long, pickets were being arrested for obstruction. Meetings near the factory were broken up by the police. They broke up a meeting at Cygnet Street, near Fairdales and refused to allow the platform to be placed in Finch Street (48). People were arrested and like the pickets, were fined, usually about five pounds a time. The National Union did not declare the dispute official, for some time. So, the strikers received no strike pay. Inside the CP voices were raised criticising all local party members. especially clothing workers, who did not give all their time to helping to win this dispute. We had to argue, that this dispute, important though it certainly was, could not claim all our attention. Some of us who were being criticised, thought that those who were mainly engaged in trade union work, were neglecting the other important facets of the class struggle. For example, German Fascism, unemployment, rents, Mosley, etc, etc. This kind of argument had been going on for a long time and came to the surface more and more, as time went on.

The East London Sub District Communist Party organised a dance, all proceeds to the Fairdale strike fund (49). The local leadership had some powerful voices favouring the “Trade Union group’, which included, Sarah Wesker, Morrie Segal and ‘Chick’ Segal, clothing workers, and others engaged in other trades. We continued to work in the ILD as much as possible, but had to spend a little more time on other Party work.

Dimitrov’s lawyer, Detchev, arrived here on a tour, after being expelled from Germany. I chaired some of the meetings we arranged for him (50). The trial continued to hit the headlines with Dimitrov becoming more of a hero as each day passed. We ran a dance at the ‘St Georges Town Hall’ with Len Wincott as Master of Ceremonies (51). I was getting to know him better. I liked him and tried to talk to him as often as I could.

Len told me all about the Invergorden Mutiny. Not much was known about that, except the little details which Len told me. He described some of his feelings while the Atlantic Fleet was without effective control by the officers. How they organised communications between ships. How they spent time speculating on the possible consequences of their actions. How different people reacted to this situation. How discipline was maintained at a very high level, on a completely voluntary basis. The elected representatives were respected and committee decisions carried out with efficiency. He described later in his book in 1974 the gulf which separated men from the officers, those who gave the orders and those who were expected to carry them out. It was so great that the mutiny had to take the course it did. The result of the mutiny is a living testament to the ability of the ordinary seamen, rank and file, in organising their own affairs under conditions of extreme stress.

There is no evidence that the rank and file sailors ever had any contact with any outside person or body (such as Trade Union or political party) during the course of the mutiny. All decisions were made by all the men on all the eight ships independently, after an initial mass meeting on shore where it had been decided to ‘strike’.

If you want to know the form and content ofa self managed struggle in which the rank andfile never surrendered decision making to any outside, selfappointed leaders, then you should read Len Wincott’s book. I do not share all the author’s present day views, but what happened to Len afterwards explains that his views are coloured by the fact that he suffered a great deal more from some of those he came to regard as his ‘friends’ in the Communist Party than ever he did from his known enemies.

Bob Lovell had finished his prison sentence (52) and retumed to work, but had been replaced as National Secretary of the ILD, by Alun Thomas. The ILD decided to organise a demonstration to the German Embassy, despite the police ban. The Daily Sketch carried the following headlines regarding this demonstration, on page one: ‘Batton charges in West End. —Riotous scenes outside the German Embassy. —Police charge mob in West End. —Disturbance when a party of Fascists appeared. —Deputation refused permission to present petition. —More than one hour to clear crowd’ (53). The Daily Mirror reported, “Attempts were made to rush the doors. --Many arrests. ~Arrested people to appear at Bow Street’ (54).

What happened was, we held our meeting in Trafalgar Square and formed a column to march to Waterloo Place, a hundred yards or so further, where the German Embassy was located. Before the police realised what was happening, we had raised a banner and everyone just fell in behind it, with Nat Cohen at the head. I knew how determined he was to break the police ban and several of us had been briefed beforehand on the plan to do this job.

It only took a couple of minutes to get to Waterloo Place, which had a strong cordon of police stretched right across the road, and alot of mounted police behind them. The embassy which was on the corner of Duke of York steps, with its rear on to The Mall, was surrounded by more police.

Nat led the demonstration right across the entrance to Waterloo Place, as though we were going to march past. When he saw that the maximum number of people were in contact with the police cordon, he stopped and we all turned left and charged into the cordon. That’s when the baton charge took place for the first time. It was a bloody affair but the police could not clear the area. This was when I and Alun Thomas, who had the petition we had not been allowed to present earlier, approached the police inspector or superintendant, | don’t remember which. We said, ‘Look, if you don’t allow a deputation to approach the Embassy, there will be more trouble’. He agreed to allow two people to go to the Embassy door, if we could get the crowd to retreat from the entrance to Waterloo Place. An announcement was made to this effect. A tremendous cheer went up. We had broken the ban. We were by no means finished. Alun Thomas and I were the two allowed through the cordon. We had already planned for this possibility and I had been charged with the responsibility of trying to crash my way into the embassy, if the door should be opened to receive us.

The police officer and constable at the door, had just said to us, ‘Now, no funny business’ as we mounted the half dozen steps, leading to the door. The inspector knocked as [ held the petition in my hand. The door was opened about six inches and I held my hand far enough away in the hope that the man at the other side, would have to open the door wider. He was reluctant to do so and as | made a move to rush the door, I was a bit too slow, and finished up ar the bottom of the stone steps, on my back. The petition was left on the door steps of the Embassy.

Just before I left the door, a photographer had taken a picture of my back as I stood waiting for the door to open. Had he waited a couple of seconds he could have had a good picture of me falling down the stairs, backwards. The crowd had been pushed back and groups were forming up to march back to Trafalgar Square, but proceeded down Whitehall instead, to join the crowds which were filing past the Cenotaph, to view the wreaths.

While I was at the Embassy door, the crowd had been engaged in another battle when a Mosley Fascist van, flying the Union Jack, had arrived on the scene. They had to move quickly to avoid serious trouble. The police had been reinforced by this time and the demonstration was eventually dispersed.

Another part of the plan was for someone to plant a red flag on the Embassy flag pole. This was never reported anywhere as far as I know, but comrade McNulty, our seaman friend, did get on to the Embassy roof and managed to unfurl the flag, but it wasn’t there for more than a few seconds. A lot of people had to pay fines when those arrested appeared in court. I was not one of them. I'll never know how I escaped being arrested or beaten up.

At this time, seven Meerut prisoners had been released (55). Tom Mann had returned from a tour of North America and Canada. His welcome home meeting at the St. Georges Town Hall, was chaired by Ted Hill of the Boilermakers’ Trade Union (96). The Scottsboro Boys retrial had opened (57). The Fairdale strike continued solid (58). The Communist International felt the need to do some explaining. O Piatnitsky, on behalf of the Communist International, was the author of some articles in the Daily Worker under the following headings, relating to events in Germany. —‘Why no armed revolt? —Did German Communist Party miss the bus? —Why no General strike? Is the German CP finished?— Are the Social Democrats finished? —Can the Nazis maintain power?’ (99).

I must confess I did not go into these questions too deeply, at this time. I tended to take for granted, anything coming from the top leadership. In any case, I never sought to hear what our critics had to say, apart from what our people said they said. Up to this time, and for a long time to come, | was completely under Nat Cohen’s influence in matters concerning strategy and tactics. This related to local affairs as well as more important national and international ones. I don’t want to make excuses. That’s how things were. | just did not know a great deal about politics really. I regarded the CP as the ultimate in the working classes interests. I could not see, neither did I seek, an alternative.

* * * * *

Mosley was coming into the picture more and more. Lord Trenchard announced an important reorganisation of the ‘specials’ by the New Year (60).

The Fairdale dispute was in its seventh week (61). Then came an announcement of a National Hunger March to reach London on 22nd February 1934 (62). We organised an open conference at ‘St Georges Town Hall’, to establish a Free Speech Council for East London, to deal with Lord Trenchard’s ban on meetings, poster parades, picketing, etc. (63) The Stepney NUWM began preparing to receive the hunger marchers.

The Jubilee Street cell, CP, held a solidarity meeting for the Fairdale strikers (64). The Fairdale strike had now won support among other trade unionists and there existed a Solidarity Committee in which the Communists could oppose the efforts of official Trade Union leaders to resolve the matter by means of a compromise, which we called a ‘sell out’.

Then we heard that there was heavy fighting in Spanish towns. A general strike in many towns. Reports of over a hundred killed (65). We continued to demand the release of the Reichstag fire trial victims. Came the announcement that all had been aquitted, except Van der Lubbe, who was sentenced to death. This did not mean the immediate release of the others (66).

The Fairdale Solidarity Committee called for a boycott of the firm’s goods, with special reference to the Co-operative Wholesale Society, which was still handling them (67). Union officials tried to get a settlement of the strike on terms which had been rejected earlier (68).

It was the fourth anniversary of the start of the Daily Worker. 1934 had arrived. Our District Communist Party moved its offices to 93 Tabernacle Street, EC2 (69).

In East London, a united protest conference was organised against the harsher ‘means test’, to be administered by a government sponsored Unemployment Assistance Committee and against the ‘slave camps’. This was held at the Bow and Bromley Town Hall and had the support of some local Labour Party people, including the Mayors and many Trade Union branches (70).

The 13th Plenum of the Executive of the Communist Intemational declared — 'A new round of revolutions and wars was approaching.’ Preparation for the coming Seventh World Congress of the Communist International were announced, A thesis on the German situation and another on the position in Britain regarding the ILP, was adopted (71).

The CP in Britain seemed to come out more openly to present its face to the workers. Two halls were booked for the same evening. The Shoreditch Town Hall and nearby Hoxton Baths. The big halls in central London would not allow the CP to hire their premises, at this time. Harry Pollitt, Ted Bramley, Wal Hannington and all the top brass in London, were to speak. The following slogans appeared and gave a good indication of the tasks confronting us. —

‘Support the Hunger March and National Congress’—‘Support our candidates in the forthcoming London County Council elections’—‘Defend the land of Soviets against imperialist intervention —‘Strengthen the ranks of the British Communist Party’—‘Fight the Fascist policy of the National Government’-—‘ Against the Morrison spurious Socialism’—‘Stop the transport of munitions from London being used against the heroic Chinese Red Army’— ‘Fight against the growth of Fascist bands in London’—‘A call to members of the Independent Labour Party to fight for affiliation to the Communist International’ (72).

You will see from this list that something was going on in the leadership of the CPGB. The party was to make a big effort to put itself on the map in the British labour movement and among the workers.

‘Nazi Dupe’ Van der Lubbe was executed on the 10th of January. Dimitrov and the others were still being held (73). Willie Gallacher did a piece for the Daily Worker (on the growing financial support for Mosley (74).

Once again, the ILP replied to the Communist International. This time a letter was drawn up for their NAC by James Maxton, Fenner Brockway, CA Smith and Jennie Lee. The letter suggested that the CI had pursued a deliberate policy of sacrificing the revolutionary movement of one country, in order to strengthen the world revolutionary movement, by safeguarding the USSR through a network of trading agreements, non-aggression pacts and treaties of friendship. The CP said, there was no evidence for this, that Trotsky had made similar statements. I did not look for any evidence. I was conditioned into accepting such things from our leaders. The ILP suggested, the CI should reform itself (79).

The Fairdale strike ended after 13 weeks. The terms offered were, Trade Union recognition, no victimisation, strikers to be reinstated in batches of 00, before the end of January, the rest before the end of March, as and when the trade would allow. A Complaints Committee was set up, composed of two members of the Masters Federation and two members of the Union. The strike leaders said, they were forced to accept terms falling short of their demands. The CP blamed the Trade Union leaders. The strike committee published a statement in the Daily Worker (76).

Lord Rothermere announced his support for Mosley. He called on people to join the Blackshirts (77). Dimitrov was reported to be ill, so we organised another demonstration to the German Embassy (78). The great Hunger March began on the 22nd January. The Scottish contingent was on the road. There were adverts locally, for food, clothing and cash required, to be left at the ‘Dewdrop Inn’, Vallance Road, E1 (79). The CP called all their clothing workers, including members of the YCL, to a special meeting at the ‘Circle House’. ‘All must attend’ (80). Nat Cohen and I discussed this meeting in light of the events and outcome of the Fairdale strike. We felt a big attack was coming from the ‘Trade Union faction’. This was an ordinary discussion between two Party members. We were careful not to communicate our views to others, as we did not wish to be accused of forming a faction, within the Party, though we believed we were facing an organised faction. Our past experience led us to believe, that there were a lot of people who did not carry out the ‘Party Line’, as we understood it. [ must point out, once again, that Nat was the author of most of the ideas | adopted. Nat was not a good public speaker, so it fell to me to get up at meetings to project our point of view. | wasn’t always equal to this task, at this stage and I took many a verbal beating from my opponents. I did improve.

Those party members, who like myself, including Nat Cohen, Harold Cohen, Bert Teller, Hetty Stern, ‘Yetta’, Finklestein and others, had spent so much time in building the ILD and conducting its particular campaigns, were at the same time members of Party cells in different areas. We had to contend with demands for some of our time for other Party activities. Selling the Daily Worker, ete. Similarly, those people who spent most of their time in Trade Union activity, were also members of party cells. The chief names, I can remember, among clothing workers, were Sarah Wesker, Morrie Segal and brother ‘Chick’, Mick Mindel and Hymie Kanter. There were others working in other industries, where they formed Party factions and also belonged to street or factory cells or both. Added to this were those who were in the unemployed movement, tenants organisations, sports clubs, cultural organisations and so on.

There were Party members who had no connection with any mass organisation, like, ‘Ginger’ Greenblatt, whose father had a drapery store in Commercial Road, and Silkoff, whose father was ‘Shumas’, that is secretary / administrator of New Road synagogue. Silkoff was a salesman training to become an accountant. When all these different people met in their own cells, a certain amount of friction developed between those claiming that their particular activity was more important than others.

The Branch Committee in Stepney, was elected from the whole membership and had some people co-opted for special reasons. If a branch committee did not have a member on the District Committee, it does not follow that the ‘District’ did not know what was going on. After all, the branch secretary would be in close communication with the district officials. Don’t forget that ‘District Representatives’ would appear from time to time, to lead campaigns and also to put the ‘Party Line’, on many different issues. So they were never unaware of any important aspect of branch life. As in all organisations, some people seem able to consult the leaders in an informal way and even personal friendships can influence policy, in no small way.

Over a long period, a better struggle developed in Stepney, between those who advocated what we loosely called, Trade Union activity and those who favoured street work. The real basis for this division is to be seen in the fact that the Trade Union people saw the organised Labour movement, as the most likely place from which to develop the Communist Party and so hasten the revolution. Whereas it was alleged that those who favoured ‘street work’, saw the future in terms of organisation of the unorganised, who were the overwhelming majority of the working class. You may well wonder, why a combination of both should not have been agreed upon. In theory, it was.

I repeat, I had eventually become identified as a spokesman for the ‘street work lot’, although all the ideas I expressed, at that time, were inspired by Nat Cohen. I did not know then, the full implications of this division. Since we were labelled as anti-Trade Union, we regarded the others as guilty of ‘underestimating the role of the unorganised’. The time for longer and more complicated labels had not yet arrived.

I quoted Marx on the role of the wages struggle. My opponents quoted Lenin on ‘Left wing Communism’. I am trying to relate all this, without using hindsight, and find it very difficult. I will refer you to documents later, which may help to redress the balance, if I should err. Where I thought my opposing comrades were wrong was, that they regarded the wages struggle as an end in itself, whereas Marx had pointed out that strike action was a double edged weapon, and that the struggle on the industrial front was a school for revolution.

I said that Trade Union activity was only one form of activity. They said, Lenin had taken Willie Gallagher to task for his previously scornful attitude to parliament and that all organisations, where possible, should be used for furthering the revolution. Well of course. So I thought. We had arrived at the point where ‘We’ had become ‘Left Sectarians’ in their view, and “They’ had become ‘Right Deviationists’.

This division simmered or boiled up from time to time. It arose when the tenants struggle was uppermost, or when Mosley arrived, during elections, during the events in Spain and it affected almost every issue. For a time the Trade Union faction were dominant and formed the branch committee. Then we became stronger, the branch committee was mixed, and then we were on top. But not for long.

I must comment here, I did not think so deeply in those days. These issues were much more important than I could imagine. During the events in France, May 1968, this very issue was crucial in the differences between the Communist dominated CGT and the Communist Party itself and the students, who were in the vanguard of the struggle, and desperately trying to link up with the workers and their organisations.

Even in the old days, I had said that these ‘Right Deviationists’, were Trade Union parliamentarians who thought the Labour Party and Social Democratic trade unions could be captured and used to change society fundamentally. This is an issue today, between those who are loosely called ‘the left’, At the time, I had accepted all that Lenin had said. I tried to defend my views and retain my party membership. I thought, that to alter things, one could not operate outside the party, without being identified with the party’s enemies. This was a monstrous position to find oneself in, having the Moscow trials in mind. Had I not been so indoctrinated, things might have been different for me. I’m not saying I could have affected the outcome historically speaking. I blamed myself for being too weak to deal with my opponents, and being ill equipped intellectually and educationally. I had not yet learned about ‘character assassination’, ‘falsification of history’, ‘selective reporting’ and the ‘big lie’. Still less did I know about Trotsky with all his brilliance as a polemicist, who was fighting someone who had a hatchet in his hand, or rather more to the point, an ice-pick.

Whenever I tried to quote Lenin against those who quoted him against me, I was assured, mostly by older party leaders, that I was young and would learn. ‘You don’t understand’, they said. No one was more aware of being in need of understanding, than me, What worried me was, that those who claimed to understand, didn’t sound very convincing. The more I tried to learn, the more I doubted the correctness of some of the ideas of my would-be educators.

* * * * *

The ‘Circle House’ meeting of the Party clothing faction in London, was as anticipated, called to review the Fairdale strike and to draw some lessons from same. But it included some heavy criticism of those who did not spend all their time in Trade Union work. Naturally I was in opposition to the leaders of this faction. What is more, I accused them of not conducting the strike along correct Party lines, which I said, made them responsible for the miserable ‘sell-out’ which resulted. I said, they had not dealt with the ‘blacklegs’.

Neither had they dealt with police interference, and they had not sought to extend the strike to other organised shops. That, to leave the Fairdale workers all that time, exposed to the crippling personal sacrifices which are always a part of a long strike, was a gross betrayal of those workers and the interests of clothing workers in general. | said a great deal more, like, that those comrades who were attacking us, were only covering up their own lack of real Communist spirit and were only too ready to compromise with Trade Union leaders and the employers, long before the Fairdale strike. [| don’t have to tell you that I, a ‘leftist’, in their eyes, was not likely to enjoy any comradely considerations from some of them. That meeting decided nothing. This conflict continued to fester.

Meanwhile, the East London NUWM had called a conference to organise the reception of the hunger marchers. This was supported by many Trade Unions and Labour Party organisations, as well as church and other bodies interested in helping the unemployed (81). The Stepney Communist Party had adopted John Gollan and Jack Lynch as our candidates in the forthcoming LCC elections (82).

The East London sub district of the CP called a meeting to discuss the 13th Plenum decisions, in preparation for the 7th World Congress of the Communist International (83). We had a report from the Fairdale people who complained bitterly because they had to work with the ‘blacklegs’. They said that conditions were worse than ever (84).

Harry McShane arrived ahead of the Scottish contingent of Hunger Marchers, to address meetings and help organise the reception (85). He went back to his fellow marchers on the road, before their expected arrival in London. Local preparations for accommodation were hampered by police enquiries at those places where the NUWM had received offers of help. The police ‘specials’ were alerted to be ready for duty when the Hunger Marchers would arrive (86).

The ILD were preparing to welcome George Allison, after serving his three year sentence arising from the Invergorden Mutiny. We produced a souvenir programme and had a star platform. The chair was to be taken by Bill Shepherd, who was sentenced with George with Alex Gossip of the National Amalgamated Fumiture Trades Association, John Aplin, ILP, Len Wineott, Ben Bradley from Meerut and Allison himself (87). We also had a meeting of the Free Sneech Council, to assert the right of free speech and assembly (88).

Big news from France. The Daladier government had been forced to resign. Huge street demonstrations. Shooting—many injured. Death roll estimated at 16. Over 1,500 injured, including 500 policemen. This because the French workers were opposing further attacks on their wage standards. The French CP was calling for a general strike (89).

On Sunday, 11th February, ten tailoring workers were arrested in Whitechapel Road. This had followed the arrest of 12 the previous Sunday (90). That's what happened if you caused an obstruction while looking for work, in the customary way. We contrasted this treatment with that of the jewellers in Hatton Garden, who day in and day out, caused similar obstruction of the footway, in pursuit of profit. They were never interfered with by the police.

A similar position existed near the Stock Exchange where business was conducted in the street. We had more work to do on this issue. We held yet another protest meeting at the ‘Grand Palais’, Commercial Road, when four leading German anti-Fascists were reported to have been murdered (91). Just to liven up the scene, fighting had broken out in Austria. Workers’ flats were being bombarded with artillery. The Austrian workers were locked in a life and death struggle. The Communist Party were condemning the Social Democrats for the ‘treachery’. Troops were driven from the Karl Marx Hof, a block of flats in Vienna. We called for support of the Austrian workers against Dolfuss, by announcing a big rally in Hyde Park (92).

In Paris, a hundred thousand people demonstrated in a general strike against Fascism (93). George Allison was released and we held our welcome home meeting and I met George and started a long association (94).

Dimitrov, Tanev and Popov were declared to be Soviet citizens (95). There were meetings everywhere in connection with the hunger march, There was a call for a general strike in Spain (96). The offices of the West London sub-district of the CP, were smashed by a gang of Fascists (97).

Plans were issued about where the different contingents of the hunger marchers could be met. They were converging on London. The police ordered full mobilisation of their forces. In Paris, two hundred thousand people attended the funeral of the murdered workers (98).

The Stepney ILD held a meeting in support of the Austrian workers (99). The Stepney Solidarity Committee met to make final preparations for receiving the hunger marchers (100). They arrived and we prepared for Sunday’s big march to Hyde Park. We met these wonderful people who had tramped through all that winter weather, for hundreds of miles, just to demand food to keep them and their families alive. We swapped yarns. We saw that they were fed and had somewhere to clean up and be sure of a good night’s rest. We enjoyed Welsh miners choirs in the Whitechapel Road, as we did the Scottish pipers. Individuals quickly acquired friends, and took them to their homes. The spirit was electrifying. The activity was furious. Different groups put on shows in all the local halls and meeting places, to entertain us and each other. It was great.

Harry Pollitt was arrested and taken to the Rhondda, where he was charged with making a seditious speech. So was Tom Mann. This was on the eve of the great congress which was to take place at the Bermondsey Town Hall (101). They don’t miss a trick. The congress was a great success. Hundreds of delegates including those from 45 Trade Union organisations, were supporting the unemployed, along with every organisation you could think of in the labour movement (102).

The demonstration in Hyde Park drew a crowd of over a hundred thousand. There were many scuffles with the police on all the routes leading to the Park as well as in the Park itself (103). Pollitt and Mann were released on two hundred pounds bail, for a few days (104). A story appeared in the press, about a member of the BUF, who had been given the ‘castor oil treatment’ in their headquarters, for alleged giving of information (105).

The hunger marchers took their massive petition to the Houses of Parliament. A deputation demanded to see the Prime Minister. All this caused countless clashes with the police and many arrests (106).

Dimitrov, Tanev and Popov were released and had taken a plane to Moscow (107). The Stepney ILD held a meeting in the ‘Mile End Baths’ in connection with Austria, tne Hunger March and the arrest of Harry Pollitt and ‘Tom Mann (108). The CP and ILP were still going on about the ILP affiliation to the Communist International (109). The hunger marchers were to return to their homes on 7th March (110). The LCC elections had been held and the result should have pulled me up sharply, but I hardly noticed this. The result was a big victory for the Labour Party. In Whitechapel, Davis and Oldfield got nearly six thousand votes. The Liberals, two thousand and the Communists nearly four hundred (111).

In Canada, AE Smith, leader of the ILD was on trial in connection with his so-called ‘seditious utterances’. This was over his comments about an alleged attempt to murder the Communist Party General Secretary, Tim Buck, in Kingston prison, where he was serving a long sentence, at the same time as the other arrested leaders of the Canadian CP. Tim Buck gave evidence at the trial and AE Smith was acquitted (112).

Next thing I heard, Pat Murphy had been arrested in Cardiff. Apparently there was a Greek seamen’s strike in Welsh ports and Pat was accused of assaulting two ‘blacklegs’. He got two months hard labour. During the case, Murphy had to be restrained by the magistrate’s clerk, according to the report.

The police had a big file on Murphy. I wasn’t surprised (113). Tom Mann was sent to the assizes and Pollitt’s case was adjourned. The Stepney ILD held a meeting at the ‘Mile End Baths’, (114) to meet George Allison and elect a delegation to visit Austria. Not forgetting that this was also the anniversary of the Paris Commune, Fenner Brockway spoke and Alun Thomas was in the chair (115).

We also held an important aggregate meeting of the Stepney ILD at the ‘Circle House’, but I can only tell you that this was one of many which we were holding, to consider the internal organisation, in which we Communists were talking about the need for a strong Communist Party. Allison was holding a series of classes for the membership at ‘Harry the Barbers’ place (116). I had my first big billing as a public speaker on Friday 13th April 1934. This after hundreds of speeches at street comers and others at indoor meetings where I was either in the chair, or only an ‘also ran’.

* * * * *

Then something happened which will give you an example of the ILD’s special activity, on an international level. We were able to snatch Yugoslav Tom Cacic out of the hands of his would-be murderers. You must remember that we had national sections in many countries. That each section had some branches and many sympathisers. Also, some legal, technical and financial resources.

Tom Cacic had been a leading communist in Yugoslavia and had to leave as a result of the counter-revolutionary activity which threatened his life. He fled to Canada. He continued to be an active Communist and was eventually one of the leaders of the Canadian CP. The whole of the leadership, including Tom, were arrested, tried and imprisoned (117). While in prison, serving his sentence, some ‘bright spark’ thought it would be a good idea to get rid of Tom, once and for all, by returning him to Yugoslavia. Tom had been tried in his absenve, in his own country, and sentenced to death. There was no legal way that this return could be achieved, as far as we knew. We received a message revealing the fact that Tom had been removed from rpison and was being taken to a port on the east coast of Canada. Don’t ask me where this message came from. Tom was an experienced revolutionary, and J assume he had a great deal to do with this. Remember what Nat Cohen was able to do, while a prisoner on a naval vessel. I heard that the first message came from a prison officer.

The next message gave the name of the ship and its sailing date and time. It was not difficult to find out it was due to arrive at Liverpool. We still did not know the full extent of the plans to get Tom to Yugoslavia. That this was the objective was not hard to assume. We did, however, have other possibilities in mind. It was decided to play it by ear. I was present at some of the discussions when this operation was going on, but played no active part. What I’m telling you is certainly what happened. When I use the words ‘us’ or ‘we’, I am referring to our people and not necessarily including myself.

Len Wincott gave an account of his part in this, in Invergorden Mutineer. He mainly tells about his trip to Liverpool, in a borrowed ‘old banger’ which broke down, causing Len and his companion a lot of trouble. My recollections and some important details don’t always tally with Len’s story. Tom Cacic, in a massage to us, tends to substantiate what I say. | wrote my account long before I read Len’s (118). We Knew it was up to us to devise a plan or plans, to rescue Tom from whatever his captors had in mind. We contacted a very well Known legal expert, who had helped us previously, and put what we knew before him. He advised us that there was no legal method of getting Tom from Canada to Yugoslavia, against his will. He would have to be taken from Canada to Europe and pass through several countries. We already knew he was on his way to Liverpool. This lawyer agreed to co-operate, but in the background. We had a leading member, with some legal experience, and he could easily be made to look like an important man. The real lawyer agreed to inform his office that he was going away on important business, without saying what or where, to his staff. So that, if anyone phoned his office no one would be able to say where he was or what he was doing.

He told us, that if we could establish Tom’s presence on British territory, it might be possible to get a writ of ‘habeas corpus’ and there would be time, eventually, to get a visa to enable Tom to proceed to the Soviet Union. We decided to try this one on, without realising what we were up against. ‘Our man’ contacted the Home Office and drew a blank. They said, there was no Knowledge of Tom in any of their departments. Likewise, the Foreign Office had no connection with Tom’s existence. We had contacts almost every where who were active CP members, therefore it would not be difficult to get to the ship when it arrived in Liverpool. We sent a couple of people from London with the following plan. To try to contact the crew of the ship and find someone who would agree to pass a message to Tom, simply saying, ‘The ILD is on the job’. To try to rescue Tom, by force if necessary, from the ship. If any attempt was made to bring him ashore, which was most likely if he was to be taken to the continent, to once again try to rescue him, and if there were any arrests, so much the better.

Our people organised a ‘commando’ from among our seaman and dockworker contacts in Liverpool. Through some of these, it was easy to get our message to Tom, while the ship was anchored in the river, before it docked. It was not possible to get on to the ship to carry out a rescue. [It was learned that the captain of the ship was told that Tom was a dangerous criminal and he was to keep him in close arrest and hand him over to the police, who would call on the ship when it docked. He had some legal looking documents to make things look right. Accordingly, the captain had made sure that Tom would be kept under restraint while on his ship. However, he had to be fed and exercised, so we could make contact through a member of the crew. Our ‘commando’ never left the dockside from the moment the ship docked. Sure enough, later that night, a police van arrived and parked near the ship’s gangway. A squad of policemen boarded the ship. They were unaware of the presence of our people. As they came down the gangway, holding Tom who was handcuffed to two of them, our ‘commando’ emerged. Tom began to struggle and a fierce fight ensued. Some of our people were pretty hefty blokes, but they failed to get Tom away. We realised afterwards, that no arrests would be made short of murder. The police van drove away, with Tom, at high speed. Our representatives phoned us immediately. We were standing by. What to do?

We had planned for this possibility and we knew of several ships due to leave ports in England, for the continent, within the next few hours. We had already alerted our contacts in the most likely ports concerned, and we asked them to go to their action stations, to repeat the attempts already made in Liverpool. A ship which was due to leave Harwich for Holland, was the one.

Our people in Harwich repeated the effort which had failed in Liverpool, with the same result. Tom was on the ship due to leave in a few hours time. We were informed and proceeded to carry out the last part of our plan. Should it fail, this meant that the job would pass to our organisation in Holland and then to Germany or anywhere else en route to Yugoslavia. We could see how difficult it would be if we failed and the forces we were up against managed to get Tom on to the continent. So it was a pretty desperate situation.

We had ‘organised’ a method to get to Holland quickly. ‘Our man’, suitably attired and carrying some legal looking documents had become that real lawyer, who was nowhere to be found. From this moment on he was Tom’s ‘legal representative’. He was able to get to Holland before the ship from Harwich arrived. When it did, he had already contacted several people and it would have been impossible to land Tom in the same way as he was landed and despatched in England. Tom’s lawyer was able to see him with permission of the ship’s captain. The captain agreed to return Tom to Harwich, into the hands of the police, where he was taken to prison. The Home Office could not now say that they did not know of Tom Cacic. They did not explain how Tom had come to Liverpool in the first place, except to say that the matter would be investigated.

We understood, he had been shipped as ‘cargo’ with some ‘fiddling’ of the documents. We had no idea who made the arrangements for the police to collect Tom in Liverpool and hand him over to the ship’s captain at Harwich, again with some documents. We undertook to see to Tom’s welfare while in prison. A visa was obtained to enable him to proceed legally to the Soviet Union. The Home Office agreed to release him, I assume with suitable documents. No time was lost in getting him to safety in the Soviet Union. His first action on arrival was to send us a message of thanks and congratulations, on a job well done. This, not entirely correct version of the Tom Cacic affair, appeared in the Daily Worker, 22.11.1934, page two.

‘Tom Cacic gets to Soviet Union’

‘Tribute to International Labour Defence’

‘Tom Cacic, who was deported from Canada at the beginning of the year, has arrived safely in the Soviet Union. It will be recalled that comrade Cacic was met at Liverpool by members of the International Labour Defence, who procured a visa for him to go to the Soviet Union.

At first the Home Office refused to allow him to receive this, but finally the International Labour Defence managed to force them to do so. The Home Office kept Cacic in prison at Liverpool and Harwich and also sent him to Holland in an attempt to deport him to Yugoslavia, where he would

undoubtedly have been murdered. Cacic pays tribute to the yeoman service rendered by the International Labour Defence in Britain in an article in the Canadian Labor Defender

“The International Labour Defence of England, during my stay there had steady contact with me, and I am certain I would have been deported to Yugoslavia if it were not for the heroic fight of British workers and its defence shield, The International Labour Defence. Our International Labour Defence of England not only had steady contact with me, but they sent food, cigarettes, working-class newspapers. A lawyer visited me and I was given financial aid”’.’

This report does not explain how Tom got from Canada to Liverpool, from Liverpool to Holland and then to Harwich and into prison. There may have been some legal problems in the way this report had to be worded. You may well ask, why there was no subsequent enquiry or publicity regarding this affair. After all, some secret forces, spanning two continents and several countries, had been at work.

The British authorities denied all knowledge of the earlier events, despite the presence of Tom in England and Holland and finally in the Soviet Union. The matter was effectively hushed up, and we were content not to press too much.

When this matter first came to light, the people who handled it, had little experience of such an action. Otherwise, we might have saved a lot of time and effort, by carrying our the plan in Holland, here in Liverpool. But that’s how you learn, in practice. Had we not received the first message, Tom would have been taken to Yugoslavia and probably ‘done in’. No one would have known how he got from Canada to Yugoslavia. I don’t know how the Canadian authorities would have explained Tom’s disappearance. I assume they would have had some explanation ready, but that has to remain a mystery. Questions could still be asked. They could have said, he escaped from prison, or been kidnapped, and that they were not responsible for what might have happened to him. That would have been a simple matter, if he had really ‘disappeared’, as was intended. As I have said, I don’t know all the details of the case. I was only present at some of the discussions, and did not take part in the subsequent handling of the case, once Tom was ‘safe’ in an English prison.

We were also handling lots of people who had arrived on British soil, from Germany, in a variety of ways. It was possible to provide them with suitable Papers so that they could get jobs and try to settle here. There were many ‘phoney’ refugees whose job it was to penetrate our organisation. One case I remember well was a certain ‘Johann Schmidt’ of all things, who said he had managed to hide in a life boat on a cross channel ferry. His papers showed that he was a member of a Trade Union and a German Communist. He came directly to our office, without any contact in this country but explained he had been given our address on the continent. Having arrived and survived all the hazards of his escape from Germany, he suddenly developed a complete phobia for the wide open spaces. When someone was detailed to take him to a place where he could be looked after for the night, he did not want to leave because he was certain that Gestapo agents would catch up with him if he went out of the office. He was allowed to spend the night locked in our office.

When our people arrived the following morning the bird had flown, but not before he had turned the office inside out.

Some of us may have lacked experience or even been a bit foolish, but we certainly did not keep anything that could be useful to the enemy in that office. But these things happen and we did get information from our contacts in other countries including lists describing people who we should avoid.

‘Johann Schmidt’ did appear on one of these lists but we received it after this particular event. I think this was also the time when I met ‘Peter’ who was a representative of our European Bureau, ILD and he was to play a part in my story.

Notes

1. DW, 1.6.1931.
2. DW, 8.6.1933.
3. DW, 17.6.1933.
4. Ibid.
5. DW, 21.6.1933.
6. Report DW, 21.6.1933.
7. DW, 30.6.1933.
8. DW, 24.6.1933.
9. DW, 30.6.1933.
10. Ibid.
11. DW, 22.6.1933
12. DW, 1.7.1933.
13. DW, 15.7.1933.
14. DW, 17.7.1933.
15. DW, 20.7.1933.
16. DW,21.7.1933.
17. DW, 27.7.1933.
18. DW, 4.8.1933.
19. DW, 8.8.1933.
20. DW,15.8.1933.
21. DW, 10.8.1933.
22. DW, 16.8.1933.
23. DW, 17.8.1933.
24. DW announced 18.8.1933 for 27.8.1933.
25. DW, 21.8.1933.
26. DW, 25.8.1933.
27. DW, 31.8.1933.
28. DW, 2.9.1933.
29. DW, 8.9.1933.
30. DW, 9.9.1933.
31. DW, 11.9.1933.
32. Ibid.
33. DW, 12.9.1933.
34. DW, 15.9.1933.
35. Ibid.
36. DW, 21.9.1933.
37. DW, 24.9.1933.
38. DW, 23.9.1933.
39. Ibid.
40. DW, 25.9.1933.
41. DW, 2.10.1933.
42. DW, 6.10.1933.
43. DW, 9.10.1933.
44. DW, 10.10.1933.
45. Ibid.
46. DW, 14.10.1933.
47. - Ibid.
48. DW, 25 and 30.10.1933.
49. DW, 6.11.1933.
50. DW, 30.10.1933.
51. DW, 8.11.1933.
52. DW, 10.11.1933.
53. DW, 13.11.1933.
54. Ibid.
55. DW, 16.8.1933.
56. DW, 18.8.1933.
57. DW, 21.11.1933.
58. DW, 20.11.1933.
59. DW, 22.11.1933.
60. DW, 28.11.1933.
61. DW, 1.12.1933.
62. Ibid.
63. Ibid.
64. DW,2.12.1933.
65. DW, 12.12.1933.
66. DW, 23.12.1933.
67. DW, 1.1.1934.
68. DW, 3.1.1934.
69. DW, 10.1.1934.
70. DW, 5.1.1934.
71. DW, 6.1.1934.
72. DW, 8.1.1934.
73. DW, 11.1.1934.

74. Ibid.
75. DW, 12.1.1934.
76. Ibid.
77. DW, 16.1.1934.
78. Ibid.
79. DW, 19.1.1934.
80. DW, 22.1.1934.
81. DW, 24.1.1934.
82. DW, 29.1.1934.
83. DW, 27.1.1934.
84. DW, 31.1.1934.
85. DW, 1.2.1934.
86. DW, 3.2.1934.
87. Ibid.
88. DW, 7.2.1934.
89. DW, 8.2.1934.
90. DW, 12.2.1934.
91. DW, 13.2.1934.
92. DW, 16.2.1934.
93. Ibid.
94. Ibid.
95. DW, 17.2.1934.
96. DW, 19.2.1934.
97. Ibid.
98. DW, 20.2.1934.
99. Ibid.
100. DW, 23.2.1934.
101. DW, 26.2.1934.
102. Ibid.
103. Ibid.
104. Ibid.
105. Ibid.
106. DW, 27.2.1934.
107. DW, 28.2.1934.
108. DW, 3.3.1934.
109. Ibid.
110. DW, 6.3.1934.
111. DW, 9.3.1934.
112. DW, 10.3.1934.
113. DW, 23.3.1934.
114.
113. DW, 23.3.1934.
114. DW, 22.3.1934.
115. DW, 17.3.1934.
116. DW, 24.3.1934.
117. DW, 22.3.1934.
118. Len Wincott, op cit, pp 165-175.

By 1934 Fascism was becoming a serious menace in England. Mosley was now making a big effort to break into working class districts. His arrival in Deptford was resisted and he had to beat a hasty retreat. Priestly of the Daily Worker was released after serving his three years for his ‘part’ in the Invergorden Mutiny. Tom Mann, aged 78 years, was facing trial for ‘sedition’ (1).

The national budget showed a surplus. Income Tax was reduced. Bond-holders got 224 million and the unemployed got 7 million of their dole cuts restored. Things were getting a little better on the economic front (2).

The Austrian Solidarity Committee was running its affairs from our Doughty Street office, as was the Pollitt-Mann Defence Committee (3).

Mosley held his first really big meeting for a selected audience at the “Albert Hall’. He used his armoured cars and blackshirted members to steward his meeting. A reporter was severely mauled when he naively tried to enter as a ‘representative of the press’. He had to get inside again, after being thrown out, as an ordinary person. The opposition to this meeting was not organised on anything like the scale it should have been (4).

May Day was approaching and when it came there seemed to be a lull in the movement’s development. The reports show only 2,000 on the march and 8,000 in Hyde Park (5). Once again the CP and YCL clothing workers were meeting to deal with problems in our industry. There were more verbal battles inside the Stepney branch. There was now an organisation called the Council for Civil Liberties. An offshot of ours which it was hoped would be able to take in a wider circle of non-Communist people interested in Civil Liberties, which could attract everybody from the left to the right. It still exists (6).

There was a dock strike in London involving 4,000 men (7). I think this was the occasion when ‘Scotty’ Levitas and I were chased away from the entrance of the St Katherine Dock, when we got there early one morning to sell the Daily Worker. We were told to go by the dockers who didn’t seem to like us at all.

Mosley announced a mass demonstration to be held at ‘Olympia’ on Thursday, 7th June. The CP wrote to the Labour Party, ILP and the London Trades Council, the Co-ops and all organisations for a united effort to oppose the demonstration (8). We went ahead with arrangements for a march to ‘Olympia’. Mosley replied by threatening to deal with us if we got anywhere near Olympia on the day (9). He was allowed to make all his own arrangements for stewarding the meeting inside and at the entrances to Olympia. A large force of police were held in reserve all round the hall at strategic points. All approaches to the hall were heavily guarded by police mounted as well as on foot.

We marched from Stepney. On arrival we had to battle with the police but many people managed to get through and make their presence felt inside the hall. They were set upon by trained thugs who beat some of our people unmercifully. That event was fully reported at the time and reports show how close was the co-operation between the police and the Mosley organisers (10).

So effective was our penetration into Olympia that despite repeated attempts, Mosley was unable to make his speech because of the noise and the fighting between his stewards and supporters and the anti-Fascists. Around 9.45pm a man was seen climbing the rafters supporting the roof. He began to call out anti-Mosley slogans and when some of Mosley’s people tried to get him, Mosley had to appeal to them to stop for fear of a very serious incident (11).

The man in the rafters was our seaman friend McNulty. He finished up on the water front near Cardiff, so I was told many years later. His spirit was never broken by our enemies, but I am pretty sure his so called comrades didn’t help to keep this ‘bright spirit’ in the working class movement. Twenty five people appeared in court following Olympia, among them Barney Becow from Stepney who was fined three pounds and sent to prison for one month.

We set about raising funds for the injured and others who needed help. The brutality of the Blackshirts was described in detail in the press (12). I did not succeed in getting inside Olympia because I had arrived a bit late and by that time it was not possible for many people to get through the police cordon and the approaches to Olympia. We did manage to keep things alive even if we were not all in direct contact with actual Mosley supporters other than the police (13).

After Olympia Mosley’s forces were routed in many parts of London when they tried to hold meetings. A rally in Hyde Park was held to protest at the Blackshirt brutality at Olympia (14). Questions were asked in the House of Commons and Parliament discussed Olympia. Sir John Gilmore, the Home Secretary, called for greater police control of meetings, which was very clearly aimed at the anti-Fascists (15). The Communist Party and Young Communist League were emerging more than ever as the ‘leaders’ of the fight against fascism. Internal reorganisation was proceeding with a view to making this more effective.

A meeting of all the cell leaders and instructors was addressed by DF Springhall, London Organiser who called for a big drive for new members (16). Reports of Mosley activity were now a daily feature of the news. I didn’t notice it at the time but a new member had arrived, among so many, who was to become known as Communist MP for Mile End, Phil Piratin. He wrote a book in 1948 called Our Flag Stays Red. William Gallacher MP wrote the foreword in which he says that the big rent struggles made it easiér to oppose Mosley at a later date. I don’t know if this is a deliberate piece of distorted history, but I would point out that Mosley’s defeat on 4th October 1936 came long before the rent struggles in Stepney to which he refers (17). Even Piratin’s book makes it clear which came first. I learned from this book that Piratin was born 15th May 1907. That he had been a sympathiser for some time but had not joined the CP until a few days after Mosley’s Olympia meeting on 7th June 1934. The first chapter of the book is called ‘but no one asked me to join’ (18).

I’m not sure what he is getting at, unless he wants to explain why he did not become a party member before he actually did. So far as I remember, there were few meetings which did not include an appeal for people to join and there were more opportunities through the Daily Worker and other publications for anyone wishing to join. He says he was interested in politics for a long time and mentions the General Strike way back in 1926 when he must have been about 19 years old. He repeats, that all through this period up to his entry into the Party, no one had asked him to join. Eventually it was ‘Shimmy’ Giver and Lew Mitchell who did ask him. According to his book he had settled down to being a business man, married, and was leading a normal life. In all the time I knew him, I did not discover what his particular line of business was. I knew his wife had a small millinery business but I don’t know if he was connected with that.

After describing the Olympia meeting he makes a strong point of condemning a Labour MP who thought Mosley should be allowed the right to be heard and should not be opposed by means of attempts to break up his meetings. This is an important point in view of future events in which Piratin was a participant. By 1935, he says, Mosley was emphasising the anti-semitic character of his policies. That’s true. But Hitler had been demonstrating his attitude to the Jews for a very long time. Mosley had started calling himself a Fascist in 1933. It should be pointed out that Mussolini had been in control of Italy for a very long time, without the Jewish people being any different from other people in their general attitude. In fact when Kid Lewis joined Mosley in the beginning, he like some other Jews would have been happy to support some form of Fascism, if only it had not been anti-semitic.

I’m sure many German Jews could have been quite happy with Hitler if he had not seen the need to make the Jewish people the scapegoats in his fight against Communism. The Jews have been used by many different kinds of so called politicians where any means to an end is deemed permissible. And not only the Jews either. What about the coloured people? With Mosley’s growing activity and support from people in high places, the Jews could do nothing but join in this fight against them. Many found their way into the Communist Party. Piratin’s wife Beaty, her two sisters and their boy friends were with us. As was ‘Chirps’ Steinberg, Victor Marks, his brother Jack and so many more.

‘Chirps’ was a very strong young man, son of a weil-to-do local butcher. He was one of the first young men to drive a high powered sports car that I knew in the East End. He was chauffeur to the Russian Ambassador for a time. Later he became a Stepney Communist Borough Councillor. In the end he returned to being a successful business man.

Victor Marks founded a big business after the second world war which was taken over by Courtaulds. Quite a good bloke was Victor as indeed was ‘Chirps’. They just happened to be closer to Piratin than to me when they all arrived on the scene.

* * * * *

It seemed to me then that the Council for Civil Liberties was taking over more of our functions in the ILD. George Allison was concentratng more of his work in the direction of wider united front possibilities through that organisation than through the ILD, which was based on local branches as well as national and international organisation, which was largely working class in character (19). The CP announced coming soon a pamphlet by R P Dutt on The Rising Storm in Germany Crisis of Fascism. The news for Germany and Austria was of mass murder and the crushing of all workers’ organisations (20).

Von Papen resigned. Hitler was in complete control of Germany. The Tom Mann trial opened, defended by D M Pritt, KC. Both Pollitt and Mann were acquitted a great victory (21). The ILD were facing big debts arising from the Pollitt-Mann defence. We appealed for a special effort to return all monies collected as soon as possible (22).

We proposed a big anti-Fascist demonstration to Victoria Park in East London (23). I welcomed this as a better place than Hyde Park in Central London. Mosley had proposed to hold his third big rally in White City, but it had to be called off. No doubt the authorities were thinking of the Olympia affair (24). The ILD were still campaigning for the release of Thalmann and other German anti-Fascists.

A demonstration to the German Embassy resulted in another 11 arrests and more work for the International Labour Defence (25). We held a special meeting to consider our position on funds. An advert was put in the Daily Worker calling for a special effort for all monies to be sent to Bert Teller, c/o Andy’s Cafe (26). Over 5,000 marched from Aldgate to Victoria Park in a well marshalled organised effort. Because of Mosley’s partial success in the area through which we had to pass special precautions were necessary. Harry Pollitt praised this effort in a special article in the Daily Worker (27).

At the North West Ham Labour Exchange the unemployed decided to break the Trenchard ban on meetings and marches (28). Dollfuss was reported dead in Austria Schuschnigg took over (29).

* * * * *

My personal life was quite enjoyable, as Pearl and I became more attached to each other and were accepted by all our friends as being permanently associated. I had started to talk more freely about my family to Pearl and at long last I asked her to meet my mother, She was delighted to do so, as it confirmed my long lasting intentions towards her, although she must have known that marriage was still a long way off.

She was almost 19 years old when she first came to see my mum, one Saturday afternoon for tea. My mother put on a big spread and the flat had been turned inside out. She was anxious to make a good impression and to do me proud. She never let me down.

From the very first meeting they seemed to get on famously. I was delighted that I had managed to overcome all my apprehensions concerning Pearl’s introduction to my family. I need not have worried at all, Pearl was concerned with me and not with what kind of family I had.

Throughout the long years, Pearl contributed to my mother’s limited enjoyment of life in every way. To my knowledge, there was never a bad word passed between them. Pearl’s visits became a regular thing and before long she came and went as freely as I had been going to her home for such a long time. I knew that my mother was not happy about the possibility of my marriage at an early date, as she would be left to live alone. I hastened to assure her that I did not contemplate marriage for a long time. She was happier than she had been for a long time.

She was worried about my activities and not a little disappointed that I had not paid more attention to ‘getting on’, as some other young men had done. Her attention to the self imposed task of making life as comfortable as possible for me never flagged. She extended this devotion to Pearl and this was appreciated greatly. Nothing was too good when it came to preparing meals for us.

My sisters’ visits were becoming a little more frequent and in due course Pearl met them and they got on very well whenever they met. Not very often for about two years. But as time went on she got to know them along with the rest of my family. My young neices were delighted with her as she was with them. So I was much freer to get on with the work in the movement, which Pear! shared fully.

* * * * *

It must have been around this time that Nat Cohen was to leave Stepney for quite a time. I can’t be sure exactly when but I know that he was not around when the big blow fell. I was on ‘my own’ at last. I had to work out my own problems without his aid. I was virtually running the Stepney ILD from where he had left off. I don’t know where the decision came from but it was decided that Nat needed a long holiday. He was sent to the Soviet Union.

I got some cards from him. One I remember well was from a Workers’ Sanatorium in Yalta on the Black Sea. While there he learned to speak as well as read and write Russian. He must have been away for at least nine months.

I don’t know what else he did there. Nat was always very careful when talking about such things. From what I know about Len Wincott’s stay in the Soviet Union as well as Sarah Wesker, there was usually some form of training in revolutionary activity and education.

It must have been a short time before Nat, that Len also went to the Soviet Union the first time. I can’t remember these dates exactly. In his book Len gives the date of his appointment at the International Seamen’s Club in Leningrad as 24th May 1934 (30). I remember seeing him off at the time.

He decided later to stay in the Soviet Union. During the second world war he served in the Red Army, but later was arrested as a ‘British spy’ and spent 11 years in a labour camp in the Northern Urals. In 1957 he was released and cleared of all charges when the gates of the labour camps opened after Krushchev’s denouncement of Stalin.

I met Len Wincott again in July 1974 when he came to Engiand to launch his book about the Invergordon Mutiny. He was 67 and living in Moscow with his fourth wife Lena, whom he had married in 1965. He decided to return to the Soviet Union because he had no intention of trying to start a new life at his age, in his very bad state of health, when his wife had all her friends and relations in Russia where they were now quite comfortable with reasonable jobs and access to good medical and other facilities. So anything Len could tell me about why he was sent to the labour camps will have to remain untold and much he could have told me and others about this and life in the USSR in general he refused to tell, even to an old friend like me. News reporters at the time of his visit to London were very disappointed.

That he was unable to tell us about the Soviet Union says a great deal about the state of affairs existing in Russia today. Len’s silence in 1975 made a very loud noise!

* * * * *

Meanwhile, back in East London in 1934 we continued to deal with all the many issues facing the movement. Mosley held an inaugural meeting at Medway Road, Bow (31). The Fascists had to be rescued by the police who got them away in a police van. The London District Party Committee called a special meeting of all members living on LCC estates or engaged in ‘tenants’ work’, to be addressed by J R Campbell. This was to deal with a campaign against rent increases (32). The two people arrested in the attempt to break the Trenchard ban at West Ham Labour Exchange were fined (33).

The newspapers headlined the news from Austria—Civil War Sweeps Austria (34). I wondered why not Germany? Mosley henchmen were having a hard time in places like Southampton and Brighton among others. The BUF announced a rally to Hyde Park on 9th September (35). Our immediate reaction was stated in the Daily Worker

—Turn Fascist Rally into an antiFascist triumph. Act on September 9th--Fascists must not succeed’ (36).

Mosley threatened to deal with any attempts from any opposition. There could be no doubt what he meant. We called a special meeting at the ‘Circle House’ to prepare our September 9th campaign (37). A meeting of the ILD in South Wales was attacked by police with drawn batons, who rushed the hall. Alun Thomas, our National Secretary was there (38). At this time Sid Elias was released from prison after serving his two year sentence. His welcome home was organised by the NUWM (39).

Our 9th September preparations were going ahead with great success. Many Trade Union organisations among all the other anti-Fascist organisations were mobilising for the big day. A statement from the official Labour Party Trade Union and Co-ops, the National Council of Labour signed by Walter Citrene and Arthur Henderson, called on the workers to have nothing to do with the Mosley rally in Hyde Park (40). The Communist Party roundly condemned this statement and all those associated with its circulation to all Labour organisations. We produced an ‘Anti-Fascist Special’ which sold thousands of copies. Harry Pollitt wrote an article in the Daily Worker headed—‘You can’t argue with a tiger!’ (41).

Our attitude was very clear. This article referred to events in Germany and in reply to the National Council of Labour’s statement, calling for a free hand for Mosley’s thugs, it pointed out that all working class organisations were in danger. D F Springhall on behalf of the London District Party Committee said, ‘Olympia had been a smashing blow—make September 9th a bigger blow’ (42).

The anti-Fascist campaign was one of the best organised efforts I can remember. The Bedford Street group of the YCL (Bedford Street is where I lived) called a meeting at Rutland Street School to hear Johnny Gollan and Barney Becow a local Young Communist who had just retumed from

Germany (43). The International Youth Day celebrations were held in Victoria Park. Speakers were the two just named and Willie Cohen my old pal, as well as an ILP representative (44).

The Daily Worker said in an article—‘London Trades Council officials funk fight against Mosley’. Once again Harry Pollitt wrote—‘Make September 9th a landmark in the fight against Fascism!’ (45) William Joyce, Director of Propaganda for the BUF had summonses issued against the proprietors of the [i]Daily Worker for inciting others to commit a breach of the peace in Hyde Park on September 9th. The case to be heard at Old Street police court (46).

We carried out a very good stunt during an organ recital from the Trocadero Cinema, Elephant and Castle, which was being broadcast by the BBC (47). A group grabbed the mike during the broadcast and managed to say ‘March against Fascism—All to Hyde Park 9th September’ before being switched off.

The Communist Party issued a leaflet in Yiddish to Jews, to warn them that they must learn the lesson of Germany. This was done because 9th September happened to be the eve of the Jewish New Year, when most Jews would be in their synagogues. We called on Jews to do their ‘duty’ and go to Hyde Park (48).

The Law Courts in Fleet Street was covered in scaffolding, which gave one of our comrades a grand opportunity to hang an enormous banner high up on the building with the call—‘March against Fascism September 9th’ (49).

Likewise a banner was unfurled on the top of the BBC building, in Portland Place calling for a March against Fascism—Hyde Park 9th September. This banner was in position for 25 minutes during the early afternoon. Showers of leaflets were thrown from the roof of Selfridges in Oxford Street and from the Post Office in Newgate Street. Over 1,000,000 leaflets were distributed during the campaign.

At this time the case against R K Haseldine and A L Morton of the Daily Worker was dismissed (50). Clearly the anti-Fascist forces were so strong that the authorities did not wish to add fuel to the fire.

Another good ‘stunt’ took place when two of our people suitably dressed visited “Romanov’s Restaurant’ where Lou Preager was to broadcast a dance music programme. They managed to grab the microphone and shout, ‘Demonstrate against Fascism on Sunday next in Hyde Park—Down with Mosley’s Blackshirt gangsters!’ Once again this was managed before anyone could prevent the message from reaching millions of listeners (51). I know all the people who did these things but I see no point in naming them.

The detailed planning of the march to Hyde Park was very comprehensive and was published on the whole of the back page of the Daily Worker. Over 150,000 opposed Mosley in Hyde Park on 9th September. The rally was described as an utter fiasco. The Fascists marched in at 6.00pm and out again at 7.00pm protected by a massive force of police (52).

The speakers were never heard and the Fascists were effectively kept apart from the crowd which surrounded them while in the park. There was no riot and no bloodshed. The East End had a tremendous turn out. There were only 18 arrests and some were given short prison sentences or fined. The whole front page of the Daily Worker reported this as, ‘Only the first step in organising our mighty forces’. It said, ‘Drown the Blackshirts in a sea of working class activity!’ (53)

A few days later the Eastern area ILD held a meeting at the Grand Palais, Commercial Road, where I had my full name billed in company with John Gollan, Ernie Wooley and Dr Cullen of the ILP. I tell you that simply to indicate that I was developing as a public speaker and generally gaining experience as a conscious worker in the movement (54).

Other activities were also bearing fruit. Tenants won a rent reduction in Stratford East. This was cited as the good work of the High Street cell of the CP (55). The Soviet Union joined the League of Nations. Reports were coming in of an increasing opposition to Mosley from all parts. Manchester was preparing to receive Mosley’s proposed visit to Belle Vue (56).

Pollitt and Gallagher called for the building of a mass Communist Party. In London we held a special conference to further this objective (57). The Relief Committee for the Victims of German Fascism, was widening its support from people like Aneurin Bevan and Ellen Wilkinson (58). In Manchester the call went out to follow London’s lead—Rally to Belle Vue 29th September (59).

* * * * *

We in the Eastern Area ILD were continuing all our routine activities at the same old furious pace. But some of our work was being undertaken by the Council for Civil Liberties (60).

Spain was in the throes of revolt. A General Strike was complete in 15 provinces. Our slogan advanced was—‘Fight for Soviets’. Reports said—Spanish troops join revolt. Regiments mutinied and officers were killed. Catalonia established its own government. Factories were sieged (61).

We carried out two more good stunts. The Red flag was hoisted on the German Embassy and flew for 20 minutes. Slogans were painted on the side of a German ship in the Surrey Commercial Docks (62). The press reported that the King of Yugoslavia and a French minister were shot dead in Marseilles (63). A demonstration in solidarity with the Spanish revolution was held in Hyde Park (64). Crowds of 10,000 smashed a Mosley meeting in Plymouth (65). The borough council elections were approaching so the leadership in London called a special meeting of all sub-district committee members, to prepare (66). In support of the campaign for the release of Thalmann and all prisoners in Germany, we organised another very good stunt. This time it was at a cinema called the London Pavilion in Piccadilly.

As the film was being shown there suddenly appeared on the screen the words calling for the release of prisoners (67). The manager when interviewed said he had no idea how this was done. It was suggested that someone must have had a projector in the audience which was focussed on the screen. You don’t need much knowledge to see that this was almost impossible. The film itself was examined and it had apparently not been tampered with. I never did see an explanation of how this was done, published anywhere.

I can assure you that it was not all that difficult if you knew exactly when the projector would be unattended for a few seconds. Have you never seen a performer making images by intercepting a beam of light focussed on a screen? Some of them use small cardboard cut-outs which they hold to make the images more life like. In support of the same campaign the Eastern area ILD organised a gala variety and surprise night at the Empress Hall, Cambridge Road, E1 on 27th October (68).

For quite some time there had been a campaign against the government’s intention to introduce a bill designed to strengthen the law against Sedition. This followed the Pollitt-Mann case when these two had succeeded in getting the charge of sedition, dismissed by court. This was another case for demonstrating yet again in Trafalgar Square (69). Mass lobbying of MPs was organised and all this activity was disrupted by the efforts of the police.

Mosley held a meeting in the Albert Hall with an invited audience and this time only about 5,000 demonstrated. I don’t remember why this meeting was not opposed in any real strength. Alun Thomas was one of those arrested on this occasion (70).

The Municipal election resulted in a big victory for Labour in the London Boroughs. We got our usual few hundred votes here and there (71).

Once again I can’t remember exactly how or when, but it appears that Barney Becow had been arrested for anti-Fascist activity so we had to runa Release Becow Campaign. A Poster Parade organised by the ILD assembled in Ford Square (72). This was my old corner. Do you remember?

We held more meetings locally in the St. Georges Town Hall in addition to many outdoors. But Becow had completed his three months sentence and we organised a welcome home, at the Bow and Bromley Town Hall (73).

The Solidarity movement for the Spanish workers was discussed at International level. Jennie Lee and James Maxon participated (74). On the Whitmore Estate in Bethnal Green, the tenants were organising against the disgusting state of the houses. They sent a delegation to County Hall (75).

This kind of thing was going on in other places. Willesden in West London registered some big victories over rapacious landlords. They recovered over three hundred pounds in excess rents as well as securing big rent reductions.

All the work Of the Deacon Road cell of the CP said the Daily Worker (76). This was the time when the Trade Union Council were getting worried about the growing number of people who were co-operating with the CP.

They issued the infamous ‘Black Circular’ which excluded all Communist Party members from holding positions in the Trade Unions or being elected as delegates to conferences, etc. (77). This started another round of active campaigning, within the Trade Unions, against this ‘splitting’ tactic.

The general work of the NUWM was never ending. The unemployed were still suffering from the administration of the Public Assistance Committees with its Means Test and Labour camps which now began to include married men who were separated from their families.

We regarded the proposed marriage of the Duke of Kent to Princess Marina as a sort of comic relief. But we lost no time in contrasting the lavish expenditure with the plight of the unemployed (78).

Like a bolt from the blue the headlines screamed—‘Kirov assassinated in Leningrad’ (79). At the same time, the Home Office announced a massive increase in the ‘Special Branch’ of the Metropolitan Police, the political wing of the force (80).

Inner Communist Party meetings were being made more secure. Nearly all the adverts for such meetings instructed members to bring their membership cards to obtain entry (81). We did not neglect completely our international obligations, so we held a meeting in the Mile End Baths to commemmorate the 7th Anniversary of the Canton Commune and declared our solidarity with the Chinese workers and peasants. Fenner Brockway joined in this effort (82).

The Daily Worker ‘What’s on’ column recorded the death of Mrs Silver— mother of revolutionary sons and daughters. (This was ‘Shimmy’s’ mother.) Buried on 7th December (83).

The near-east sub district of the CP called an aggregate meeting which when advertised said that all those not attending would be regarded as no longer belonging to the Party. Admission by paid up membership card only (84). Things were hotting up. The arguments regarding our so-called ‘street work’ being ‘in opposition to Trade Union work’ were growing stronger inside our Communist Party branch. Phil Piratin speaks of ‘verbal battles’ in his book (85).

Then came the incredible news that Zinoviev had been arrested for involvement in a terrorist plot! 16th December. Funny, this was the old Bolshevik, former secretary of the Communist International! Still it must be true. There had been confessions! One headline in the Daily Worker said, ‘Stalin murder plot confessed!’ (86). No doubt it would all be explained in due course. It was a bit perplexing, but I could not bring myself to believe that Stalin could be wrong. Damn clever these imperialist agents. They would surely know how to undermine the revolution from within. Sure enough the explanations followed and I was so sure that the Communist Party leadership could not be wrong. because if that was so, who then would be able to lead us to overthrow the capitalist system? To me the idea that the Communist Party could not do so was unthinkable. So it must be true. Zinoviev and Kamenev were guilty. After all, Kirov was dead.

Meanwhile fighting continued in Spain, and 1934 was over. We held the Sth Anniversary of the founding of the Daily Worker. The paper carried the news from Moscow in its first edition for 1935, that those accused in the Kirov case should be sentenced to death (87).

The Mosley anti-semitic campaign was becoming more emphatic. In many places throughout the East End the slogan—‘Perish Juda’—was whitewashed on the walls. Eventually the letters ‘P J’ were sufficient. The Jewish people reacted by joining our side in ever greater numbers. Who else was there that showed such determinism to fight Fascism? Certainly not the Labour or any other party. The Jewish leaders could only give advice, which said, that the Jews should not draw any attention to themselves by taking part in anti-Fascist action on the streets. They seemed to think that it would only play into Moseley’s hands if he could point to more and more Jews as Communists.

The Jewish leaders always pleaded for dignified behaviour and support for religion and trust in the authorities to be fair and decent. Germany didn’t seem to show that this attitude was right. There was still a long way to go before we learned all about the extermination policies of Hitler and Co.

After a great deal of the usual discussion and negotiating between the NUTGW and the firm of L Coleman & Company Limited, women’s clothing manufacturers, it was decided to give one week’s notice of an official strike.

A hundred workers withdrew their labour. This was over three weeks after the firm had sacked 50 workers including the shop stewards (88). As a result of the good work by the stewards and committee which had secured back pay for people who had actually been working below the Trade Board Minimum Rate, the firm decided to try to break up the organisation in the factory.

I’m not quite clear what the position really was at the time because ‘Chick’ Segal, a Party member, was the shop steward. Most of the Party members were in the UCWU. There must have been some who were members of the LTU as well. With three unions catering for Ladies’ Tailors in London the position was a bit confused. If you happened to get a job which was organised by any one of the three it would be necessary for you to change your membership from one to the other. So, it would happen that during the course of time one person could have been a member of all three unions for short periods.

Anyway, the UCWU and also the LTU supported this official strike called by the National Union. The CP called its usual aggregate of all members in the clothing industry to decide policy and action in support of this strike. The strike was conducted officially from the Buckle Street offices where a Mr Rollin was then the secretary of the Ladies’ Tailoring section. There was the usual picketing and fund raising in addition we organised marches and poster parades (89).

The UCWU held its own meeting at the Mile End Baths in support (90).

While the strike was occupying some of our time, we read that Zinoviev and Kamenev and 17 others had confessed! An article in the Daily Worker was headed, ‘Who is this Zinoviev? A record of tricks and hypocrisy!’ (91) Remember this man was an old Bolshevik and one time secretary of the Communist International. It took some swallowing but somehow I was able to swallow along with many others. Then as in the future, if you could not fully understand, or had any serious doubts, it was possible to say, well even if something is wrong, it could only be corrected if you remained a member and fought from within for your point of view. In any case there were the confessions to be explained. If they had confessed, then how could you say the allegations might be false?

The District Party Committee moved its offices to 133 East Road, N1 (92) and I had reason to visit them very often during the following two years.

An interesting advert in the ‘What’s on’ column of the Daily Worker announced the birth of Karl, Erst—a soldier for the revolution, to Tubby and Cissy Goldman. 12th January (93). That’s the ‘Tubby’ Goldman who was a member of my party cell, who became a very successful capitalist. So, you never really know about some people.

The unemployed continued to fight the cuts in benefits which the government continued to impose. The Coleman strike was still going strong. The East London Anti-Fascist Committee called a preliminary conference to prepare for a demonstration on 3rd March. This was at the Ciro Ballrooms which was now owned by my half-brother Harry who had become a successful caterer (94). The 17th Congress of the CPGB to be held in Manchester was also being prepared.

A Finsbury Committee of Action was being formed to demand a 25% cut in rents (95). There was a big battle in Sheffield over the Means Test and the Slave camps (96). King George V’s silver jubilee was also on the way. Once again contrasting the condition of the unemployed and the ease with which money could be found for circuses but not for bread.

At the Whitechapel Art Gallery there was a united meeting of clothing workers ta support the Coleman strikers, addressed by Robertson, NUTGW, Fine, LTU, and ‘Chick’ Segal, strike leader. Mr Fine, who the Communists had been attacking for so long, made an appeal for unity of all clothing workers (97). This policy was later adopted by the CP itself when it liquidated the UCWU and conducted a campaign for amalgamation of the then existing LTU and NUTGW which became effective just before the outbreak of the second world war in 1939.

Meanwhile, two people were arrested for whitewashing slogans supporting the Coleman strike, and the ILD paid the fines. Four more people were arrested while using a loudspeaker, from a van on behalf of the strikers (98). At Riverside Gardens in Hammersmith the tenants were conducting a battle against very bad housing conditions (99). This whole period was full of intense activity on every conceivable front in the class war.

Notes

1. DW, 16.4.1934.
2. DW, 18.4.1934.
3. Ibid.
4. DW, 24.4.1934.
5. DW, 2.5.1934.
6. DW, 6.5.1934.
7. DW, 16.5.1934.
8. DW, 17.5.1934.
9. DW, 28.5.1934.
10. DW, 8.6.1934.
11. Recent BBC programme said two people climbed on rafters —confirmed in contemporary Daily Express report: ‘crowds of Communists singing the “International” hurled defiance at Police and Blackshirts all night long.’ Daily Express and Daily Mirror reports, 8 and 9.6.1934.
12. DW, 9.6.1934.
13. The recent BBC Radio Four programme (October 1977) in which eye witnesses including Mosley himself, former Fascists, police, uncommitted and CP members (Julius Jacobs and Ted Bramley, both of whom are cited in this book) described Olympia, confirmed the unprecedented brutality of Fascist stewards and supporters at this meeting. Many contributors suggested that this rally resulted in alienating potential supporters of Fascism and destroyed the movement as a ‘respectable’ conservative force. Henceforth it is claimed the thug and ‘Lumpen’ elements predominated among the Blackshirts. Lord Rothermere with his powerful Associated Press chain of newspapers withdrew support for Mosley after the rioting which occurred at the Olympia rally. Many witnesses testified to spotlights being turned on communist demonstrators interrupting Mosley’s speech inside the hall and to the fact that these hecklers were beaten up and jumped on by Fascist stewards in full view of the audience. Mosley claimed he needed his private army because the police were no good in preventing the protesters from disrupting the meeting.

According to the programme the police did not protect the Fascists, at least not enough for the Fascists’ own liking. The point was also made that the night of the long knives in Germany occurred only three weeks after Olympia and that the two became associated in people’s minds. Also the undoubtedly large East End Jewish contingent among the protesters was seized upon by Mosléy and it is after Olympia that his propaganda became openly anti-semitic. Whether it was Olympia which sealed the fate of British Fascism is open to question. (Editor’s note).
14. DW, 11.6.1934.
15. DW, 12.6.1934.
‘16. DW, 23.6.1934.
17. Phil Piratin, Our Flag Stays Red, pp 28, 33-49, 55, 56.
18. Ibid, p 1. 35. DW, 18.8.1934.
19. DW, 26.6.1934.
20. DW, 30.6.1934.
21. DW, 5.7.1934.
22. DW, 10.7.1934.
23. Ibid.
24. DW, 13.7.1934.
25. DW, 13 and 16.7.1934.
26. DW, 16.7.1934.
27. DW, 23.7.1934.
28. DW, 25.7.1934.
29. DW, 26.7.1934.
30. Len Wincott, op cit, p 175.
31. DW, 26.7.1934.
32. Ibid.
33. DW, 28.7.1934.
34. DW, 30.7.1934.
35. DW, 18.8.1934
36. DW, 18 and 21.8.1934.
37. DW, 21.8.1934.
38. DW, 20.8.1934.
39. DW, 21.8.1934.
40. DW, 24.8.1934.
41. DW, 27.8.1934.
42. DW, 28.8.1934.
43. DW, 1.9.1934.
44. DW, 3.9.1934.
45. DW, 5.9.1934.
46. DW, 6.9.1934.
47. Ibid.
48. Ibid.
49. DW, 7.9.1934.
50. DW, 8.9.1934.
51. Ibid.
52. Ibid.
53. DW, 11.9.1934.
54. DW, 13.9.1934.
55. DW, 14.9.1934.
56. DW, 17 and 18.9.1934.
57. DW, 20.9.1934.
58. DW, 22.9.1934.
59. Ibid.
60. DW, 24.9.1934.
61. DW, 6 and 8.10.1934.
62. DW, 9.10.1934.
63. DW, 10.10.1934.
64. Ibid.
65. DW, 12.10.1934.
66. DW, 18.10.1934.
67. DW, 22.10.1934.
68. Announced DW, 25.10.1934.
69. DW, 29.10.1934.
70. DW, 30.10.1934.
71. DW, 3.11.1934.
72. Ibid.
73. DW, 8.11.1934.
74. Ibid.
75. DW, 17.11.1934.
76. DW, 13.12.1934,
77. DW, 19.11.1934.
78. DW, 29.11.1934.
79. Report DW, 3.12.1934.
80. DW, 6.12.1934.
81. See e.g. DW, 27.11.1934.
82. DW, 8.12.1934.
83. DW, 10.12.1934.
84. DW, 8.12.1934.
85. Phil Piratin, op cit.
86. DW, 24 and 28.12.1934,
87. DW, 1.1.1935.
88. DW, 4.1.1935.
89. DW, 7 and 12.1.1935.
90. DW, 12.1.1935.
91. DW, 17.1.1935.
92. Ibid.
93. DW, 21.1.1935.
94. DW, 25.1.1935.
95. DW, 2.2.1935.
96. DW, 7.2.1935.
97. DW, 9.2.1935.
98. DW, 11 and 14.2.1935.
99. DW, 6.2.1935.

I was becoming increasingly aware that all was not well inside the Party itself. It seemed to me that for all the positive activity which was going on, very often initiated at the local level, there were forces at the top who were critical of some of the tactics being employed. The old argument regarding so called ‘street? work versus ‘Trade Union work’ was still raging. People were beginning to doubt the correctness of opposing all Mosley’s efforts to hold meetings and he was beginning to make headway in places like Green Street, Bethnal Green and Ducket Street, Mile End as well as in Limehouse. All these places being on the periphery of the Jewish areas.

It seemed to me that the time was coming when we would have to consider how to deal with the organised violence of the fascists supported by the police. The time was coming when it would be difficult for us to hold meetings without being attacked by gangs of Fascist thugs. If you tried to ask questions at Fascist meetings you were really asking for a beating up. People were saying, we must not seem to be behaving like the Fascists themselves by trying to break up their meetings.

In fact Piratin in his book says, there were people who were saying— ‘Bash the Fascists wherever you see them’(1). That is not what we were saying at all, but interpreting what we said in this way made it possible to make us look irresponsible and we could be called leftists’.

The questions really being asked at that time were, how do we meet the growing attacks on individual Jews who were being violently assaulted by Fascists and how do we meet the growing assaults on our organised activity? What to do when our people were whitewashing or selling papers, etc. and were attacked by thugs? How to prevent Mosley from making further penetration into areas where he had previously not been able to hold meetings?

As I saw it, this was not a question of how we attacked Mosley’s force and the police, but how we defended ourselves from them. More important still, how did we stop them from getting further support from workers who were vulnerable to anti-semitic propaganda. This whole question was a source of internal argument and discussion extending over a long period, as you will learn.

I don’t remember what was happening to me in my personal relationships, other than that Pearl and I continued to enjoy each others company and were now ina wide circle of friends in the movement which kept us busy and reasonably happy. There were lots of occasions for social activity of all kinds and occasionally we were able to tear ourselves away for outings and visits to the cinema or the variety theatres, on our own.

I had become a part of her family as she was now part of mine. Harold was becoming more and more involved with the anti-Fascist ex-servicemen which he eventually led into the formation of a very good organised body with big premises in Whitechapel Road and a fine lot of active people, who performed yeoman service in the fight against Mosley.

Several different aspects of the work which the ILD had been doing were being taken over by other bodies which seemed to come and go as occasion demanded. Usually Defence Committees set up around a particular case. Barney Becow was one example.

The pressure from the Party for different members to take on other activities was taking some of the active members from the ILD. The Coleman strike now in its ninth week also needed a great deal of attention. A proposal to collect five hundred pounds to send children from the East End to a holiday camp, had the support of the Mayor of Stepney, Councillor I M Vogler JP (2). The secretary of the Children’s Fund organisation was Mrs Finkle, formerly Finklestein, of the ILD. Her husband Alf was now engaged in Trade Union activity and had not been active in the ILD for some time. He had become critical of Nat Cohen and myself. He now joined the others on the Party branch committee who didn’t see eye to eye with us.

Then it happened. So far as I can find out it must have been late February or early March 1935. Certainly it was before Nat Cohen returned from the Soviet Union and I know when that happened. The last reference to the ILD in Stepney I can find is in February (3). This coupled with a reference to Mosley’s appearance in Cambridge has given me the approximate time (4). George Allison called a meeting of the members of the Party Faction of the National Committee of the ILD. I don’t know who had discussed our organisation or how a decision was arrived at without any prior consultation with us, but George simply said that the Party required us to liquidate the ILD.

I know that Alan Thomas was present but I can’t remember any others of the small group. Not more than six. I pointed out that we were a national organisation with many branches and a great number of non-party people working with us. George said that that was no problem as some of the work was being done by the Council for Civil Liberties and that this was a much broader based body and would do much better than we could. As for the rest, it was clear that without the active party members, the organisation would fold up anyway.

This was true, but I saw a great deal of value in the mass campaigning which we had done and saw no great reason why it should not continue. The answer to this one was that the Party needed all the active members to concentrate on building the party itself, because we needed a strong party in order to pursue the United Front tactic.

I could not see how the existence of the ILD did anything but help in that direction. I pointed out that it was precisely our kind of approach which made united action easier, and in the process we were able to recruit people into the party. Alan Thomas looked very glum, and I thought he rather agreed with me, but was keeping very quiet. I realised that he knew alot more than I did about what must have been going on behind the scenes.

It didn’t occur to me right away that ours was not the only organisation to be closed down. What had happened to the Workers’ International Relief? I said to George, ‘What about the fact that we are part of an International organisation?’ He said something like, ‘Don’t worry about that. It has all been discussed and decisions have been made’.

We had been visited some time earlier by a person called Peter, from Belgium. When he was here I had accepted an invitation to visit him in Antwerp, with Pearl, later on during the summer holidays. He was a very lively person, and a leading Party member in Belgium. I’m not saying that I know why he was here or what his mission was, or that he had anything to do with the discussion. It is possible that there was some connection. I don’t know. I never found out. He and his brother were both killed fighting in the International Brigade.

After a lot of discussion I found myself in a minority of one. The general attitude was that the Party had decided and we as disciplined members must accept the decision of a higher body. I had no difficulty in understanding that but I remained unconvinced of the political or any other reasons for the decisions. I must have been behaving in a rather hysterical fashion because George said that I was a young comrade and I would learn. He would do his best to let the Party Secretariat know my point of view. In the meantime I was not to discuss the matter with anyone outside the National faction.

It couldn’t have been more than a day or two after this meeting that George told me that I must attend a meeting of the Party secretariat to be held at 16 King Street, the head office. I was convinced that this was a bad decision and I was prepared to do battle when I came before the secretariat. I know now how inexperienced I was and how much I was taking on. I believed I could really have an effect on the leadership. Certainly I had a lot of experience in fighting for my points of view inside the Party at the local and district level. This was a different kettie of fish.

Present at the meeting were Harry Pollitt, Palme Dutt, J. R. Campbell, Bob Stewart and George Allison, who was not a member of the secretariat. I think, Peter Kerrigan came in later during the meeting. Pollitt opened up by telling me that this was an extraordinary prodecure which had been agreed, because I was considered a good comrade and very young. He said the secretariat were anxious to instruct me in such a way as to convince me that this was a correct decision. He felt I should not be lost to the Party for failing to accept the decision. I replied that I was not worried at this point about what happened to me, but whether or not he could convince me that the decision was correct. I added that I understood that at the end of the day, I could not think of opposing a Party decision and remain a member.

That out of the way, I was requested to say why I thought the ILD should not be liquidated in face of the growing need for concentrating all our forces to building the Party and working for united action with existing Trade Union and Labour Party organisations. I told them that I didn’t see how the work of the ILD, NUWM, League Against Imperialism or the Friends of the Soviet Union, in any way conflicted with the general aims of the United Front. In fact I saw the work of these and other organisations created to attract people around issues which might appeal to them specifically, as an excellent way of making contacts who could not yet accept the whole policy of the Communist Party. As a result of participating in these different kinds of activity they would learn to accept the revolutionary solution to all the problems which capitalism presented. I added that in the past, these socalled non-party bodies were used as levers and conveyor belts for policies which we sought to further. That is how I had always regarded them and I could see no need to change that view. If an unemployed man joined the NUWM to get help and to see as a result that he was being asked to help himself by taking part in the work of the organisation then he could eventually be taught that the solution to the problem of unemployment required an end to the system which produced such a thing.

Similarly if you were attracted to the movement because you had been arrested for attending a meeting or demonstration, or knew of someone who had been treated unjustly by the authorities, you could then be brought into the whole field of injustice generated by the capitalist system. Once again it was possible to win members for the Party from such beginnings. In the same way, if someone was sympathetic to the Soviet Union, then this interest could be expanded by joining the Friends of the Soviet Union and we would hope eventually becoming a member of the Party.

I repeated all the arguments I had put to George Allison about our National and International organisational ties. | wanted to know whether this applied to the ILD only and was this a decision taken at some International decision-making body, or was it just a matter for the CPGB?

The reply generally stated was that this was a tactical matter which I was not in a position to appreciate fully because I did not know the facts which had prompted the decision. If the leadership after due consideration had come up with a decision it was because they believed that they knew best how to deploy the forces available, which was something which could not be discussed publicly. Such matters as membership figures and precisely where they were employed on a national basis could not be gone into by the membership in general. They added that since it was a tactical matter in which no great political principles were involved, I should have no difficulty in accepting the decision and they were sure things would work out all right. I would see that the Party leadership were as keen as I was to further the aims of the Party and the working class, for a revolutionary solution to our problems.

I continued to argue and ask questions but after a long time, it was decided that I must accept the decision and undertake not to raise the matter anywhere, as this meeting represented the highest authority in between 1meetings of the Executive Committee. Somehow I had been persuaded that this was only a tactical question so I would carry on and do my best to abide by the decision. I was not happy and I said so. Then someone came up with another idea. It appears that Pollitt was due to address a meeting at the Guildhall in Cambridge the following day. He would need a couple of bodyguards.

So if I would go along with him, he could use some of the time of the journey to give me more instructions.

The secretariat were in possession of some threatening letters which said that Pollitt would be attacked and prevented from speaking in Cambridge and he had better not come. Mosley had addressed a meeting in Cambridge recently. Some of his supporters as well as other right wing bodies had decided that Cambridge should not hear Pollitt. It was agreed that I should find another suitable comrade and meet Pollitt the following morning.

I suggested Lew Mitchell and this was readily accepted. I found Lew and he was more than willing to join us. We left London as arranged. Henry Parsons was driving with Lew by his side and Pollitt and I in the back seats.

We decided that going by train was out as this would present anyone intent on attacking Pollitt, with an easy point from which to intercept him. So we went by car, intending to get within a few miles of Cambridge before turning off and skirting the town so that we would approach it from any other direction than London. Somehow Pollitt didn’t get round to discussing anything with me as was suggested.

He was in a jovial mood and was more interested in teasing Lew Mitchell who was making alot of noise about what we would do if we were attacked. Pollitt did not take the threats very seriously. He had faced that sort of thing many times before. He told us how he had been kidnapped while speaking from the tailboard of a lorry, in Liverpool. Someone had simply gone into the cab and driven away as he was addressing the meeting. He was dumped down in a quiet street and the lorry drove away and was abandoned. We all laughed.

The weather was very bad that day and as we got within about ten miles of Cambridge, Pollitt nudged me and whispered, ‘support me’. He then said to Henry Parsons, ‘I think it would be a good idea if we stop here and walk the rest of the way’. Well, if you would have seen Lew’s face, you would think he was about to burst open. He started to shout and wave his arms and what he wouldn’t do to those Fascist bastards if they came within a mile of us. He wasn’t afraid and he saw no reason to walk miles in the rain just to miss meeting up with them. I ‘supported’ Pollitt and Henry, who had seen what Pollitt was up to, was pretending to look for a suitable place to park the car. I thought Lew was going to have a fit. We allowed him to rave on fora few minutes and then Pollitt said he would only agree to drive on into Cambridge if we all agreed not to let the secretariat know that we had decided to take this ‘grave risk’. Lew calmed down and was happy. We arrived in the centre of the town without encountering any interference.

The meeting was not due to start before the evening and we had about five hours to spare. We did not want to contact the organisers of the meeting until as late as possible, as that might have presented them with a security problem. After having a meal, Pollitt and Henry wanted to spend a few hours at a cinema, reasoning that that was a good place to avoid an open attack.

Lew and I wanted to see the town. After seeing Harry and Henry into the cinema, we two ‘bodyguards’ left them and went for a stroll. After having a good look around, during which Lew took a great delight in whistling after the undergraduates in their gowns and mortar-boards we went back to meet Pollitt and Parsons outside the cinema. Then for some tea, by which time we decided to head for the Guildhall. We got into the car and decided to have a look round before actually approaching the hall.

People were going into the hall and there was quite a crowd outside as weil as a iarge force of police. We decided to approach the front of the hall and we were greeted by people who knew Pollitt. Apparently those who might have been waiting to give him a hostile reception didn’t even know what he looked like. We were approached by a senior police officer who ushered us into the entrance to the Guildhall and said to Pollitt, that in his opinion we would be well advised to abandon any attempt to hold the meeting. Pollitt replied that he had come to address a perfectly legal gathering, and that it was the job of the police to maintain order outside and our stewards would handle the situation inside.

Lew, Henry and I had strict instructions. We should take up positions in the front row and if any attempt was made to mount the stage we were to try to prevent anyone from getting there and not concern ourselves with anything that might be going on in the hall. If Pollitt should not be able to continue speaking, we should get to him by the shortest route and get him out of the hall and into the car.

That there was going to be some trouble there could be little doubt. Before the meeting opened noises were coming from the gallery which did not sound very friendly. Lew and I were to one side of the front row not far from some steps leading up to the stage. Henry had decided he should actually be on the stage, in the wings, so that he could get to Pollitt first, if necessary. The meeting was very well stewarded and the majority of the crowd were our sympathisers. The thing to worry about was if those who were intent on breaking up the meeting decided to throw missiles. This is always a big worry.

The meeting got under way in very good order. When Pollitt rose to speak he was received with loud cheers and hand clapping mixed with some loud boos and cat-calls. The interruption started almost right away. Mostly individuals heckling. Pollitt was more than a match for that sort of thing and after about ten minutes he had the meeting in the palm of his hand. Pollitt was a great orator. Not long before this meeting took place Princess Marina had married the Duke of Kent. When Pollitt mentioned Princess Marina the meeting suddenly erupted.

A soldier in uniform stood up at the back of the hall and started to shout. Pollitt was accusing him of having been sent into the meeting to provoke trouble as he had no right under military law to be there. That’s when all the tough guys in the gallery let fly. Our stewards were having a hard time restraining people and trying to restore order. No attempt had been made to approach the stage and Pollitt was determined to continue. The soldier was hustled out of the hall and things became relatively quiet. Pollitt finished his speech and the meeting closed. Lew and I were on the platform before you could blink an eyelid. We had Pollitt in the car and were moving away from the back of the Guildhall where the car had been left. We pulled up outside a big house which we all entered. This was where Maurice Dobb, the well known Cambridge professor lived. There were lots of people there and after Pollitt was seated in the centre and some drinks were poured we settled down to a happy review of the meeting, followed by a general discussion of the current political scene.

Lew and I had some difficulty in finding the toilet. Every door opened in this big house seemed to be full of young people lounging about. We decided to leave as late as possible to shake off anyone who might decide to try to get Pollitt on the way out of Cambridge. Nothing happened and we got back to London about 3.00a.m.

There had been no discussion about the ILD or anything else which related to my disagreement with the leadership. The following day I felt very much alone. I could not discuss things with anyone. I went to our head office in Doughty Street and I learned that Alan Thomas was winding up things in this office and that it would not be long before there would be no more ILD.

George was right about one thing. It would not be difficult to convince our people that we should not continue in business. The Council for Civil Liberties would be able to function more effectively!

As time went on I got more worried. The NUWM was continuing to function as was the Friends of the Soviet Union. The Minority Movement was still functioning and this was related to the Red International of Labour Unions. I didn’t realise that this was to go when it was decided that all our people were to join the reformist unions. But that did come. It began to dawn on me that only those organisations based on international ties were the ones to be liquidated. This would leave only the Communist International which was shortly to hold its 7th Congress, with Dimitrov as its secretary.

It didn’t seem possible then that even this would no longer exist. Had I thought that the Cl would cease to function, things might have been different for me. I’m quite sure I could not have altered the course of history. There were lots of people saying that something had happened at the top in the CI.

There was the NAC of the ILP. There was Trotsky. I knew little about all this as I did not and would not read Trotsky. James Maxon and Fenner Brockway did not appeal to me very much. Besides, I was sold on the idea of the Communist Party being the workers’ vanguard and without it there could be no successful revolution. In any case, the 7th Congress of the CI could not have been more outspoken in its determination to fight Fascism and war.

Now that I know what happened I am surprised that I refused to think things through to a logical conclusion. My whole development in the CP had made that impossible at that time.

Like so many who were to be perplexed by the Moscow Trials, Spain and the eventual disappearance of the CI I had only one of two alternatives. To remain a Party member and accept decisions or to vote with my feet. At all times when I found myself in disagreement with the leaders I felt as did Nat Cohen, that you could only be effective in fighting for your point of view so long as you remained a Party member. To risk expulsion or to desert was the end of the line. I had alot to learn. Learning was not going to be easy and it was going to take a long time.

As I write this, it is over fifty years since the Russian revolution occurred and so far as I can see the Communist Party has not succeeded in getting rid of capitalism in the world. Neither has it established Socialism in those territories it controls. The idea that Socialism could be built in one country was not new and I along with the rest of the membership had accepted this. What I did not see, was that Stalin had decided to make the defence of the Soviet territory the key to his relationships with the hostile forces surrounding that territory.

I felt that it was legitimate to try to divide these forces based on the differences between the capitalist states and these empires. Since there was an inter-imperialist rivalry which had caused capitalist countries to seek an advantage at the expense of their competitors in the world market, it was right to take advantage of such rivalries. If you could prevent all the opponents of the Soviet Union from combining to attack her it would be correct to try to do so. But surely the best defence of the Soviet Union would be the extension of the revolution to other countries, especially Germany, France, Spain and Great Britain.

Firstly, however, you would need to be convinced that such revolution were possible and then that you could do all in your power to make it succeed. If however such faith in the revolution was not held, then it would be correct to retreat from the policy of helping to make the revolution in other countries outside the Soviet Union. What then was the need for a Communist International? Hitler, Mussolini and the rulers in Japan were on the brink of concluding an anti-Comintern pact. If later on Britain and France and America could join in, this would be a possible way of smashing the Soviet Union, which all concerned would have liked. They along with many other states were after all, anti-Communist. It would be necessary to convince some of their governments that you would not try to foment revolution in their countries if they in turn would refrain from joining any attack on the Soviet Union. You could see a number of variations on this theme.

I did not yet begin to see these matters in this way. The Communist International still existed. The United Front tactic was succeeding in France and Spain. Even if the German CP had not been able to prevent Hitler’s victory over the German working class, it was still possible to oppose Hitler from all the other countries and help to make possible a successful overthrow of his regime in Germany. The 7th World Congress Communist International would have alot to say about how we could defeat Fascism and war.

I went back to Stepney and arranged a meeting of the Party members in the ILD which was addressed by George Allison who gave us ‘the line’ and the decisions of the Party leadership. I was under discipline not to oppose this line, so I had to vote for its acceptance without taking part in the discussion.

Strange to relate, no one seemed to think that anything was wrong. It was not the first time the Party members had to face abrupt turns in policy or tactics.

It certainly was not the last. I believe Alun Thomas went back to South Wales from whence he came. I don’t know what happened to other branches and I made no attempt to find out. The International Labour Defence was dead.

I was free to engage in whatever Party work was being carried on, and there was much to do. I was more able to take on activity initiated by the Jubilee Street cell and in the Stepney Branch generally. I was still amember of the Branch Committee and the Near East Sub District Committee. I should think that most of our active members in the ILD had become Party members because it was clear in Stepney at least, that Mosley should be fought and there were other dangerous threats hanging over the heads of the workers.

Around this time Sam Waldman, my very close friend, was the organiser of the Near East Sub District and I had lots of friends in Stepney. The Party members in the NUWM, Friends of the Soviet Union, Workers’ Theatre Movement and sports organisations, along with other broad-based anti-Fascist organisations like the Ex-Servicemen and Jewish bodies were largely engaged in agitational and propaganda work on the streets.

There were still the others who seemed to do little more than take part in the Trade Union movement, which included attempts to get the unions to join in anti-Fascist activity. I would have been content to see a sensible division of labour in deciding how our forces should be deployed. But the Trade Union people backed by some other leading members who were not themselves engaged in Trade Union work did not seem at all satisfied. They wanted more people to give up ‘street work’ for “Trade Union work’.

Almost all Mosley’s activity was on the street and I could not see how we could allow his efforts to go unchallenged. It was argued that if we had greater influence in the Trade Unions and Labour Party it would be possible to generate more united front action which in the long run would be more effective in the fight against Fascism. I could see this point of view but I was not convinced that the Trade Unions and Labour Party leaders would allow the CP to manipulate their organisations for furthering the aims of the CP.

There had been the ‘Black Circular’ against the CP, produced by the Labour Party. as well as a long history of how in the words of the CP—the Social Democratic role in society was to betray the workers. Look at what had happened in Germany. There had been a very strong CP, with massive electoral support, yet the Fascists had been successful. It was said then that this was all the fault of the wicked capitalist agents, the Social Democrats. Didn’t we call them ‘Social Fascists’ at one time? Hadn’t we said often enough that there was nothing to choose between the leaders of Social Democracy and Hitler?

Yes, but don’t you understand I was told. We are talking about building the United Front from below. We know that the leaders will betray the workers. Look at France and Spain. That’s what the United Front could achieve if we work correctly.

I argued that the position in France and Spain was quite different. A large part of the Trade Union organisation was not in the hands of right wing leaders. Much of the development in both those countries had been achieved by bringing the workers out on to the streets in big demonstrations against the Fascists and the near Fascist policies of their governments. In any case we could not afford to neglect the mass of unorganised workers like the unemployed and others. I was not arguing against the need for more and better

Trade Union activity. I was resisting attempts to curtail what was called ‘street work’. My personal responsibilities were not very great, and I was still feeling pretty bad about what had happened to the ILD.

Without telling anyone I decided to get away from it all for a while, so that I could try to see where I stood. I told my mother that I was going away for a few days. She should say that she didn’t know where I had gone if anyone should inquire. J never even told Pearl.

This was a bit mad really, but I was feeling so confused and I didn’t want anyone to find me. I wasn’t so sure that I even wanted to come back. I knew that my sister Debbie was now the owner of a restaurant in the West End. I thought I would go to her and tell her that the police were after me and that she should allow me to stay with her until the heat was off. I got to the restaurant which was situated in a narrow courtway called St Anne’s Court, which connects Wardour Street with Dean Street in the middle of the Soho district.

Debbie agreed to my request. In fact she was rather glad to see me and not a bit surprised. My sister Annie was living in Dean Street just opposite St Anne’s Court. So I saw her too. My younger brother Hymie was not around at the time and I don’t remember if he was in gaol or just out of town. I stayed there for three days and walked around the back streets of Soho during the day, thinking about all that was happening and where I stood.

What I saw of the life in that area made me feel sick. Debbie was being quite successful in running her restaurant and she fed me very well and provided me with a good bed. The people who frequented her place were all in or very near London’s underworld. Some of them were quite colourful characters but without any principles whatsoever, except for a kind of close attachment to each other which resulted in a willingness to help anyone in trouble, particularly with the law.

Most of their time seemed to be spent in clubs and cafes of all kinds. The back street pubs were also used extensively by these people. No one seemed to be working as far as I could see. People who worked for a living were referred to as ‘mugs’. The main activity which one could see going on was prostitution. Many of the men were pimps with only one girl working for them.

There were other ‘organised’ groups of prostitutes who were ‘protected’ by organised groups of white slave racketeers. Not all the men were pimps. Nearly all were engaged in various kinds of crime but their precise activities were not talked about in front of a stranger like me.

Annie was looking rather sick when I saw her despite her efforts to use make-up to cover her obvious deterioration. I met her ‘husband’, a young man from Manchester who later began to visit my mother with Annie and was accepted as a son-in-law. Annie was now the mother of a young daughter who was being looked after by a foster mother living near by.

After three days I could stand the atmosphere no more. I decided I had seen enough and my thoughts were clearer. I knew that I must continue to be an active Communist despite all the hard work and worry. What was more, what I had seen at first hand only confirmed what I already knew, and made me feel the need for increased effort to bring this horrible economic system to an end. I returned home and told my mother that I had enjoyed my stay with Debbie and I was alright now. I went round to Pearl’s place and everyone was asking what had happened to me.

I concocted a story about how I was feeling bad and that I had wandered off to the west end where I had met some people who took me in and looked after me for a few days.

Everyone had been looking for me and my mother had told them that I had said I would be away for a few days. She didn’t know where. She did know where I was but like I said, she had agreed not to say. No one really believed me and I was often chaffed about my sudden disappearance. I told Pearl the real reasons for what I had done and apologised for not confiding in her completely. I explained that since she was also a Party member I did not want to plant any suspicions in her mind about all the misgivings I had about the leadership.

So far as I could see the so-called wrong leadership was the sole responsibility of the British party leaders. I did not believe that the CI or our leaders in Moscow could be aware of what was happening here. I held that view fora’ long time. This opinion was shared by Nat Cohen when he returned.

As always we concluded that no good could come from excluding oneself from membership of the Party. Whether you like it or not, to be excluded meant that you were now opposing the revolution which only the CP could lead to a successful conclusion.

Pearl forgave me for my heartless behaviour towards her and I told her I would never again try to hide what I was thinking from her. We were very much in love and I tried to be frank and open with her although we were both to be tested very near to breaking point.

The war clouds were gathering. Hitler had introduced conscription. The Versailles Treaty was directly challenged by Hitler, as he had always said it would be if he came to power. An estimated half million were to be taken into the German army. Macdonald returned from Chequers for urgent cabinet meetings. Sir John Simon and Anthony Eden were to visit Hitler (5).

Many Party members were still puzzled by the outcome of the Kirov assassination. The Party produced a pamphlet written by Bill Shepherd, Moscow correspondent of the Daily Worker, called, The truth about the Kirov murder (6). Every effort was made to explain the work of counter revolutionary forces whose work extended right into the highest organs of the CI and Soviet Party. Somehow it seemed to make sense. To me it also meant that such forces would not neglect the leadership of the CPGB or any other Communist Party.

This could partly explain why I could not always agree with our leaders. I was suspicious but I could find no concrete evidence. It certainly must be possible for capitalist agents to enter our ranks. We certainly sent people into our enemy’s organisations. Why then should our enemies not infiltrate ours?

That made good sense. One needed to be on guard all the time. Once again it was imperative to remain in the Party at all costs to keep it from being subverted by counter revolutionary, imperialist agents. The problem was how to conduct a battle for the right Party line when you felt it was being led off the straight and narrow.

Opposing what was said by leading members would sooner or later lead to some disciplinary measures being taken to stop what could be called ‘disruptive activity’. It would not be easy. But to remain silent would be even more of a betrayal of one’s principles. I would have to learn how to deal with these matters as they arose. I knew that I had not been very good in dealing with the ‘wrong lead’ regarding the ILD but I was alive to tell the tale and to continue the good fight.

The Stepney Party was growing in numbers and extending its activities right throughout the borough. We now had a bookshop called ‘Carter’s’ which had become the full-time job of Phil Carter who had started as our literature secretary.

The bookshop operated for a long time in Stepney from premises in Church Lane. This was just round the corner from Manningtree Street where we now used a cafe owned by a sympathetic club owner called Wolfie Levene.

His son later became a leading Party member in Stepney, where he was also a schoolmaster. Phil Carter in partnership with his brother remained in the bookshop business and when I met him after the second world war, they were the owners of a very good business.

The local NUWM conducted a good campaign around the local employment register. This was a system whereby the local borough council could employ casual labour directly. It was proposed to transfer its administration to the Labour Exchange, over which there was no democratic control, unlike that of the Borough Council administration. Our campaign roused some interest and had the support of ex-Labour MP, J. H. Hall as well as Barnett Janner, our Liberal MP. This was allied to the fight against the means test and some good united activity resulted in highlighting the continuing plight of the unemployed (7). Individual cases were being represented by NUWM people who had become experts in fighting personal claims.

Once again the BUF had booked the Albert Hall for a meeting on 24th March (8). The Albert Hall was not available for anti-Fascist organisations. We decided to organise a march to Hyde Park on the 24th to oppose Mosley. This march was stopped by the police when it headed in the direction of the Albert Hall. Questions were asked in Parliament by Dingle Foot and Jane Maslow. There had been the usual scuffles with the police and a few arrests. Mosley had succeeded in holding his meeting (9).

The Coleman strike was now in its twelfth week. Pickets had been arrested and the firm was able to get some of its work done by outdoor tailors (10). This was always a problem for strikers in the tailoring industry.

There were reports of tenants fighting landlords, including local housing authorities, from Oxford and Swansea among other places. Evictions had resulted in families being split (11).

Anthony Eden had been to Moscow for talks with Stalin after his visit to Hitler. There was talk of anti-war pacts and it began to look as though not all the British politicians were behind Hitler’s intention to rearm Germany. Our contribution consisted of calling for an anti-war demonstration in Trafalgar Square on 31st March. Pollitt declared that the National Government was setting the pace for war (12). Eden went to Warsaw. There was a world wide interest in the Moscow Talks. The Daily Worker said, ‘Soviet Peace Battle hits warmongers’. A sub-heading said, ‘Organising Peace’ (13).

There was a further report on the Scotsboro Boys’ appeal against the death sentence which was being handled by the American ILD (14). This surprised me as I had been told that the International Labour Defence was to shut down as in Britain. It appeared not to be so. They had not been able to organise this as quickly as we did. It did eventually go out of existence confirming the fact that the original decision was made somewhere in the Communist International. This began to worry me even more now because I began to think that my acceptance of this as simply being of a tactical nature was not in keeping with the wide ranging character of the decision. I had to live with it. Harry Pollitt wrote a leading article in the Daily Worker headed, ‘Soviet Peace Fight Strengthens Workers’ Movement’ (15).

An eviction attempt on three families was successfully resisted at Edmonton. Unemployment was beginning to fall by a small amount. I must have been coming back into full strength in my Party activities because I found myself billed as Chairman of a meeting at the St Georges Town Hali to be addressed by Willie Gallacher, George Roper (NUWM), J. Hammond (ILP) and Nat Cohen, just returned from the Soviet Union. This was an anti-war meeting organised by the Near East Sub District Communist Party (16).

Nat was back. As he had been a member of the National Committee of the ILD I was able to ‘avoid’ breaking my undertaking not to discuss my disagreement with the leadership. This discussion was confined strictly between us. He shared my views, which was a big relief to me, because I had not had the ‘benefit’ of his guidance for almost a year and I thought it probable that I could be mistaken.

As in the past he continued to be my mentor and he was anxious to continue pursuing the Party line as he thought fit. He had no scruples in using me or anyone else in pursuit of that aim. I’m not saying that he did not stick his neck out, but he did push me into being the chief spokesman for his ideas. I was a willing tool. I was aware of some hostility to Nat from the leadership both at the local as well as at District and National levels. We had talked about this on occasions going right back to his arrival in this country from the Argentine. He was regarded as a ‘hot head’ and his methods were often criticised as being applicable to South America but not always so here in Britain.

We regarded such criticism as the thin end of the wedge against militant action on the streets. We felt this argument was beginning to manifest itself in the debate on ‘street work’ versus “Trade Union work’. One thing we always agreed on, was that there could be no alternative to the CP as the instrument for leading a successful revolution and therefore your membership was crucial if you were to be a revolutionary.

The usual internal Party meetings which were by ‘Party card only’ continued. The Party had just published a series of portraits and pamphlets by Karl Radek, leading Soviet journalist (17). The Finsbury tenants were still fighting for their 25% reduction in rents (18).

Two interesting adverts appeared in the Daily Worker personal column on the same day: ‘To Comrades Lily and Andy Davidson, Andy’s cafe, a daughter. To Elsie and ‘Shimmy’ Silver a boy, Frank, both doing well’. (19). Andy and Shimmy had been close friends for years. We made various cracks about this very good timing in their domestic affairs.

The Coleman strike ended after three and a half months. It was a complete victory. The strikers obtained full Trade Union recognition, reinstatement of the shop steward, the sacking of all blacklegs, work to start on the 20th, no victimisation, a six months’ agreement with the Trade Union.

The shop steward to be reengaged first and all workers to be reemployed. A bit different from previous efforts in the clothing trade (20). The necessity of a mass Communist Party was the keynote of Harry Pollitt’s speeches at this time. A report in the Daily Worker of the ILP conference supported a delegate, who had defended the Soviet Foreign policy by declaring that it had not changed, but only developed (21). King George V Jubilee celebrations were on the way. So was May Day.

Somewhere along the line, I can’t pinpoint it exactly, I had become Secretary of the Stepney branch of the CP. I’m not sure if it was before or after Nat’s return from the Soviet Union. | rather think it was soon after.

He had become instructor to the Jubilee Street cell which had grown to more than double its size. I can’t remember if I had been appointed by the District Party Committee (DPC) and endorsed by the Branch or whether I had been elected by the Branch and endorsed by the DPC. But there it was, I was the secretary and this began the most hectic period of my life, to say nothing of the internal battles which eventually resulted in a radical change which was to alter my whole future.

May Day emphasised our anti-war slogans in addition to its normal international solidarity objectives. The Red Flag challenged the Union Jack on the streets which were beflagged in preparation for the George V Jubilee celebrations.

About 5,000 took part in a May Day demonstration in Hyde Park (22). We organised a series of Eve of Jubilee Rallies in various districts on 6th May.

At Stepney Green, the speakers were George Allison, Willie Cohen and Joe Jacobs (23). The Labour Party May Day rally took place as usual on the first Sunday in May. We attended this as we had always done to inject our slogans into the proceedings.

Came the big day. The opening of the Jubilee ceiebrations. A massive programme of processions and street parties as well as gala performances of all kinds and big dinners in all the posh hotels and restaurants. Lots of speeches to be made, pledging loyalty to the crown and royal family. The unemployed were expected to join in this Thanksgiving for 25 years of George V’s presence on the throne. All this had to be challenged as best it could.

The main procession on the opening day was from Buckingham Palace to St Paul’s Cathedral for a service of thanksgiving. The route from the west end was by way of the Strand, Fleet Street, Ludgate Hill to St Paul’s. This would be the main processional way. How could we make a demonstration?

A very ingenious stunt was devised. The Daily Worker reported what happened as follows:

‘Jolt for Jubilee Parade! Drama of Red banner across the Royal Route! A huge banner stretching right across Fleet Street suddenly revealed itself with the slogan on one side—‘‘Workers of all lands unite!”’— and on the other—“‘25 years of hunger and War!”’ (24).

Remember that this was only one of the many big banners expressing joy and devotion to the crown as well as hundreds of flags and streamers of bunting and decorations of all kinds which had been put in place by the Ministry of Works in addition to the private efforts of loyal supporters who occupied the big offices and shops on the route. Quite a bit of money was made by letting window space etc. to people who wanted a good view of the procession. This is how that banner got its position and proceeded to present our message. On the eve of the Jubilee, after having made the banner and found an office in the middle of Fleet Street which was to let, we made our first direct move. I must explain why we needed empty premises. The banner was constructed in a special way. It consisted of the main wide canvas sheet bearing our slogans with strings coming from all four corners to be attached to the buildings on either side of the road. Each side was then covered by two sheets of equal size to the main one. These two sheets bore slogans of a loyal nature. I think there was ‘God save the King’ or something like that. By lacing the three sheets together top and bottom along the edges it was possible to conceal the main sheet until such time as someone would pull the laces at the right moment. In those days there were always places to let and it was a simple matter to approach the agents and get the keys to empty premises in order to view them as an interested party. My brother told me later on that this method was used to gain access to adjacent premises which had been selected for the purpose of robbery.

Fortunately the small office was directly opposite one of the high newspaper buildings in Fleet Street. On the eve of the day, when lots of people had already started to celebrate and Fleet Street had some of its share of revellers, a phone call to the newspaper office was made. Our people said we were the Ministry of Works and that after surveying the decorations had decided to place another banner across the road. Would it be all right to use one of their windows from which to suspend one side of this banner? Not only would it be all right, they would be delighted to assist in any way.

Our people arrived with the banner and after securing one side to the newspaper office the banner was dropped to the pavement. It was then necessary to carry it across the road to be hauled up to the windows of the empty office opposite. Some lively revellers who had been drinking had some great fun helping to carry the banner across the road where our man was at the window having dropped a line which when attached would enable him to draw the banner up and secure it in position. The police helped by holding up the traffic while this was done. Everyone had alot of fun including of course our blokes from the ‘Ministry of Works’.

The banner was now in position awaiting the following day when someone would be in that empty office ready to pull the laces. It worked perfectly. The banner was unfurled just as the Royal coach was due to arrive. Our man left the building before anyone could get to it in order to deal with the offending banner. Not before the news people had filmed the incident. This was cut out of the films which were shown but the press did report the appearance of our slogans.

The Jubilee week did provide an excuse for lots of celebrating which was enjoyed by the children as well as the grown ups. These street parties were great and all this was a relief from the hard fact of existing poverty and suffering which was normally endured. The enormous sums of money spent on the Jubilee were reckoned to be worthwhile by a government which was always seeking to excuse their inability to relieve the suffering of the unemployed. Royalty does have a hold on many workers and most people joined in the celebrations. Once again circuses did help to make people forget about bread for a short while.

With all that over, the East End still had to contend with Mosley’s attempt to divide the King’s loyal subjects. Not only in the East End. There were reports of fierce battles in Birmingham and elsewhere. The London District Communist Party held its annual conference where we had our usual reviews of the international situation (25). More speeches from leading Party members calling for greater efforts towards united action against the National Government, Fascism and War. I cannot remember ever hearing any differences of a substantial character discussed at our conferences.

Somehow these matters were always dealt with by commissions or committees which then presented a resolution based on the conclusions of these bodies. I can’t remember actually hearing a member address a conference to defend a point of view which differed from the leadership on any major topic. There were differences of emphasis and on relatively small tactical matters. People who had been expelled or had offended the Party were usually condemned in reports from these commissions with the concerned never being permitted to make a statement to the conference itself. Certainly it would be unthinkable for anyone to put anything in print to be distributed to the delegates, and hope to remain a Party member. I was to learn all about these matters in due course.

A feature of all our internal meetings was the frequency with which people would get on their feet to express their complete agreement with the leadership without adding one bit to the substance of what had already been said. Some of these people were loudly applauded for their loyal adherence to the line presented by leaders who were often referred to in very flowery language. One was used to hearing references to our “great leaders’ like Stalin or Pollitt.

I found it embarrassing to listen to such tributes to Springhall, Bramley, Mahon and others who I knew as quite ordinary people who could make good speeches, but were in my view, capable of mistakes of a kind which could easily be avoided. Sam Berks, my old friend, at one of our social get-togethers at his place later once did a skit of one such crawling comrade who never failed to address each meeting he attended in almost identical words except for the details for which that particular meeting had been called. Sam started by explaining that no matter which meeting it happened to be, whether in a hall or a room, Sam would take up a position near an easy exit in case this character should arrive. As he said, even if he was not present at the beginning there was always the chance that he would arrive late and explain that some ‘urgent revolutionary activity’ had held him up. ‘So’, said Sam, ‘I had to be ready.’ With suitable gestures Sam gave his version of this person’s inevitable intervention.

"Comrade chairman and comrades, I wish to be associated with the report given here tonight. This was a masterly outline of the world situation and I wish to. congratulate our comrade on his analysis which shows his mastery of Marxism, Leninism, Stalinism.

‘There is however one point upon which I wish to disagree profoundly. It shows an underestimation of the degree of proletarian revolutionary consciousness which is developing in our area.’

‘When he suggests that we should try to sell only four quires of Daily Workers at the weekend, he is guilty of this understimation. I declare that we can sell at least four and a half quires!’

Sam finished by saying, ‘I would not be present to hear the thunderous applause’. We had our quota of wild men and silly ones. Extroverts and introverts. People for whom no sacrifice was too great. Opportunists who knew how to climb ladders to whatever was thought desirable.

In the days when street corner meetings were going on all over the place it was possible to feel very important when mounting a platform to address the workers. There was really no shortage of people who would enjoy this kind of effort once they had been pushed into breaking the ice. I listened to some awful rubbish from some people who felt the urge to talk long and loud. Mosley also had his quota of good speakers as well as those who could do no more than spit out anti-semitic abuse. Come to think of it, I don’t know where public speakers of the kind we produced could possibly get any practice today. Maybe at the few places like Speakers’ Corner in Hyde Park.

I’m talking about the time when all that was needed was a box and a street corner and you would have a crowd ready to listen to almost anything.

Nationally known politicians now find it difficult to attract more than a handful of people to well advertised meetings, even at elections. It is still possible for strike leaders to address large numbers of workers in the old style, but that is another matter. Jack Dash the London docker was very good at that sort of thing. He had been through the old school in Stepney.

I recall his being around during part of my time but he was not yet the man of influence he was to become. He might remember me. I Know he has remained a loyal Party member through all these years. I don’t know quite how he managed to do that. Maybe like some other people I know, including Nat Cohen and Bert Teller, they simply cannot see any real alternative to the CP. They cannot bring themselves to believe that the reports from the Soviet Union including Kruschev’s admissions about Stalin are really true. They must know that all is not well, but they still think that somehow it must be better than capitalism. Like any religious fanatic, they will not oppose their gods no matter how cruel their behaviour may appear to be. They have this blinkered faith that even the most horrible results of the God’s actions is after all, somehow, leading them towards heaven.

Notes

1. Phil Piratin, op cit, p 17.
2. DW, 9.3.1935.
3. International Labour Defence meeting announced DW, 3.2.1935.
4. DW, 16.3.1935.
5. DW, 19.3.1935.
6. DW, 18.3.1935.
7. DW, 19.3.1935.
8. DW, 22.3.1935.
9. DW, 25.3.1935.
10. Ibid.
11. DW, 30.3.1935.
12. Ibid.
13. DW, 2.4.1935.
14. Ibid.
15. DW, 6.4.1935.
16. DW, 11.4.1935.
17. DW, 12.4.1935.
18. DW, 13.4.1935.
19. DW, 17.4.1935.
20. DW, 18.4.1935.
21. DW, 23.4.1935.
22. DW, 1 and 2.5.1935.
23. DW, 4.5.1935.
24. DW, 7.5.1935.
25. DW, 14 and 16.5.1935.

It was now mid 1935. Here I was in a leading position in an already divided Stepney Communist Party. Fascists were menacing.

My life in the workshops was at times very difficult because I could not and did not want to work overtime during the busy periods. I did sometimes do an hour or two but my work in the Party always came first. I had been in this one job for a long time. I was the shop steward and in any case my boss was not the kind of man who would be ruthless enough to try to get rid of me. That is probably why he never got beyond being a very hard working small master tailor all his life. He produced a very good garment for a well established manufacturer, so he had an edge over lots of other master tailors who had always to be relying on bigger output to remain in business. He also liked me and I was often a visitor to his workshop long after I left. The only way I could meet the demand for more output during the season was to employ an extra under presser which meant sharing some of the money I could have earned for myself. That was alright by me and if others had done the same thing there might have been a little less hardship for those workers who suffered such long periods of unemployment between seasons. Overtime was a curse in as much as it only shortened the season anyway. For most people it was a case of getting as much money as possible while it was available and many reasoned that if you didn’t do it, others would and you would be the loser. Even so, because my job was an exception I was able to earn a relatively good wage and on the whole I was among the better off party members. This didn’t really amount to all that much as I had my periods of unemployment along with the rest. Pearl was a good worker and although she had to work hard for low wages, she managed to be in work most of the time.

Between us we could afford to get out and enjoy ourselves whenever time permitted. We were never bored. On the contrary, there were never enough hours in the day or days in the week. Most days we would not even meet until around 10.30 p.m. in a cafe, whichever one was currently in use.

After the usual chat over a cup of tea, which also included some attention to details of organisation with the many people who we met there, we would get to her place around 11.30 p.m. Then it might be any time before I left her to go home. I had the greatest difficulty in getting up the following morning for work. I was often late but being a piece worker I could catch up with my work without losing any money. We began to think about our visit to Antwerp to see Peter and his friends. This would be our first trip abroad and we were looking forward to the break.

The Stepney branch of the CP was growing very fast now, because it was impossible not to be interested in what Mosley was doing in the East End.

The news from Germany was disturbing the Jews and still forcing them to take up a position, which often included ours. Lots of young people were becoming active, and there were always large crowds going to those areas where Mosley’s meetings were being held. The main spot was Victoria Park Square in Green Street, Bethnal Green. Harold Cohen was now spending most of his time with the ex-servicemen and they had formed their own organisation which included a youth section which could not have been of exservicemen.

This made it possible to develop a bigger body of anti-fascists who would not become members of the CP simply because they did not follow all the way with what we said.

AJthough Harold was a communist as were others in this organisation, he was not the kind of person to worry too much about what other party members thought. He was involved in some of the arguments with the “TU supporters”, in the local Party, Sarah Wesker, The Segals Phil Piratin, Alf Finkelstein, Silkoff, Greenblatt and others. He would not get involved in the deeper political controversy because for one thing he had not read very much and he didn’t want to study. He had a natural intelligence and was a good speaker and organiser. He was also very rough and ready and did not mince words. He used to say things to Sarah Wesker in private conversation which would have met with a different response were it from someone else.

He near enough told leading party members to mind their own business and get on with the fight against fascism and not meddle in the affairs of the ex-servicemen’s organisation. There wasn’t much they could do with him. He had a big organisation behind him which could not be coerced from outside.

Harold knew this and took advantage of his position to use very strong language towards his party critics. He regarded them as gas bags who were only hindering those who were getting on with the job. To avoid having to argue with them, he was usually too busy to attend some of the inner party meetings.

He was very much the leader of the ex-servicemen, mostly men much older than himself. They liked him for his openness, honesty and great sense of humour. He worked very hard and suffered the loss of his voice at times because of countless meetings he had to address. He was a real ‘rabble rouser’ and was enjoyed by most ordinary workers who did not take too well to the kind of pseudo intellectual efforts of some platform performers.

Sam Masters had become a very active member by now and I know of no one who was more involved and reliable in carrying Gut any task he had undertaken. On many occasions, when he was responsible for the local distribution of the Daily Worker to newsagents and regular readers, he would be left with piles of papers which someone had failed to collect and distribute.

After doing his own bit, he would be up half the night covering those deliveries which had been left by others. Nat Cohen was paying a lot of attention to him in much the same way as he had done to me in the past. As always he would have a couple of special people who he regarded as his proteges. I’ve no doubt that he could make you feel like a criminal if you failed to do something which you had undertaken. I know that he would try to select people who were not good at making excuses. Just as he would have special categories in which to characterise others according to their ability to get away with excusing their lapses. In short, he payed far more attention to behaviour and results than to anyone’s ability to make good speeches.

In general it was the good talkers who seemed to get into positions in our organisation. Take Hymie Goldstein for instance. He never missed a day during which he would not be out somewhere selling the Daily Worker (DW).

He was still hard at it, up to the time of his death just a few years ago. He never got married and needed very little to satisfy his personal needs. When he died he left a couple of hundred pounds which he willed to the D.W. His brother was annoyed about that, as he felt that Hymie should have considered that charity began at home. He didn’t understand that his brother regarded the CP and the DW as his close relations. Through all the years of tireless activity, Hymie never managed to get any position which carried any recognition or ‘prestige’. There were many like him.

On the other hand some crackpot who never did a real day’s work for the movement could be selected as candidate at elections and serve on committees just because he could make himself heard. My experience of people I have known in the Labour Party and T.U.s is pretty much the same. The steady plodders in these organisations are what keeps them going, in order that others can use the organisation to further their own ‘careers’. Hymie Goldstein had a friend called Foley, who was inclined to argue from amore informed level than most. In my opinion he did not match this with real concrete work. He argued with me quite a lot over the years, whenever we met. I was often amused to see how his point of view shifted from one extreme to the other. At least he changed his view when it could no longer be defended. Unlike others who manage to accept whatever was not going to offend the leaders.

Archie Fiddleman, ‘Ubby’ Cohen and Jack Cohen were all recruits from my street, who became active Party members. ‘Ubby’ had been an old school friend of my younger brother. Archie and Jack were around my age, but had been left behind by me. I was glad when they caught up and joined me and all the others in the CP. Another recruit from my street was Hymie Rosen-— wieg, from the older crowd. The effect of Mosiey activity and the news from Germany, was having much the same result all over the Jewish area in East London, just as in my street. This resulted in more recruits to the CP and more anti-fascist activity from a variety of other organisations. I don’t want to give the impression that everyone in the Jewish community was sympathetic to the CP, however much they were obliged to be anti-fascist. The majority of the older folk were very much concerned to see the Jewish way of life continue as in the old days. The struggle for existence made some of that effort hard to sustain. Lots of people were becoming small traders and venturing further afield in search of markets and shops. This would mean more people having to do their business on Saturdays. It also meant a greater contact with non-Jewish communities in areas beyond the East End.

The nature of the tailoring trade also gave some an opportunity, between seasons, to try their hand at some other ways of getting aliving. In later years, parents did all in their power to discourage their children from going into tailoring. Taxi driving was one way out, as soon as age and circumstances permitted. Others would start on their own with nothing more than a hired barrow and a sack of cucumbers or some bananas, fruit and veg of all kinds, which were hawked around the streets. Even fresh fish and other foods were sold from barrows, in not very clean conditions, as a means of earning a few shillings. While there were many who tried and failed, there were others who made good. Then there was a supreme effort on the part of parents to further their childrens’ education, where a child showed any potential. Winning a scholarship was just about the greatest thing a child could do, in the East End.

Parents would grow inches taller when a child of theirs had done that. I know, when Saul Rose was due to go to university, the whole street was involved and thrilled. Music was encouraged more where it might lead to the mastery of an instrument. The Jews were very ambitious despite the limited opportunities in the thirties. When the opportunities did come, with the war and after, they really came into their own and hundreds of businesses large and small still exist which began in those days.

The majority were not able to do anything but work long hours of intense effort, when work was available. The idea that Jews are ‘work shy’, which Mosley and other anti-semites have peddled around for so long, is just about the biggest falsehood imaginable. Others have certainly worked as hard, but none harder. Jews are also thrifty, but this does not mean they are mean.

Others may be as charitable, but none more. Where family ties are close, the weak stand a good chance of being helped by the strong. If one member of a family managed to make progress it usually meant all or most of his relations would benefit. Not always, but often. This goes right back to the emigration from Eastern Europe, when people would send for relations as soon as they themselves had somewhere to live. Some exploited the people they helped, but even that was accepted as legitimate, because as soon as the ‘greener’ learned the ropes, he had escaped from the even harsher conditions of the old country.

Despite the undoubted petit-bourgeois character of Jewish people, they managed to produce more than their share of revolutionaries. In almost every walk of life they have produced a great number of distinguished examples. Some like to think that all this is due to centuries of persecution which has in some way made them determined to survive and do better than their persecutors.

I’m not sure if this can be sustantiated. It is possible to say that if a minority community is not allowed to take part in all the economic and social activities where they live, that they will find an alternative. That has happened. It does not explain why other people who have suffered long periods of persecution, have not so far matched the Jews’ ability to survive and prosper, despite devastating calamities which have befallen them. The class structure of the Jewish community is much the same as among other people: Jews are not isolated from the rest of capitalist society.

I have no figures, but I would guess that the number of upper and middle class Jews, in proportion to workers, is greater than in society generally. They have managed to remain a community which in some ways can overlook class barriers in their family and social life. The very rich do get away from their poor brethren as much as possible. This might be explained by the fact that anti-semitism seems to transcend class barriers when it is used for the economic and political advantage of the overwhelming number of the ruling class. This throws even rich Jews into some peculiar alliances with workers they exploit who happen to be Jews.

I pose some of these questions which others might be interested to investigate, because some of these forces were at work in the Hast End and even spilled over into the CP in that area. I found Jewish communists more pushing and generally capable of exercising some of the drive of Jews who were not political. Somehow, Jewish party members were ambitious and wanted to be good communists. I have heard it said that Jews suffer from a sort of collective inferiority complex, which makes them behave as though they are superior. A common phrase used to describe a shrewd Gentile is, ‘He’s got a yiddisher kopf’. (A Jewish head). Jews have added to some of the anti-semitic myths, by their own irrational beliefs about themselves. I have come across communists who were not free of anti-semitic feelings and beliefs, just as there were Jewish CP members who were not free of anti-Gentile sentiments. The struggle of black people is similarly bedevilled by this kind of thing, when black revolutionary forces find it difficult to join with white revolutionaries.

It follows from all this that we in Stepney had some special problems in combatting Mosley, by means of ordinary appeals for unity on a siniple class basis. It does not follow that we should not have tried to do that, but where antisemitism played such a big part in political affairs, just as in Germany, it was not so straight forward as some Marxists imagine.

There was resistance to landlords whether they were individual Jews, Gentiles or the local authorities. The unemployed did unite to fight for better conditions. In Stepney, the NUWM had a good organiser, Gordon Roper, who was a communist full-time functionary. He was an intelligent man and I found him very critical of some of the leaders. Like so many others he just faded away. I don’t know what happened to Morrie Silver, but Morrie Goldstein did become a shirt manufacturer after the war. These two along with Alf Chernoff, a personal friend of mine, were the leaders of the Stepney NUWM.

A very spectacular addition to the membership of the Party was ‘old Man’ Mason. He was the father of Harry Mason a famous boxer. ‘Old man’ Mason was one of the East End’s characters. Like ‘Schlomki Cokeman’ and ‘Chiam Shalom’, he had a reputation for being a heavy drinker and as strong as an ox.

He certainly livened up the proceedings at meetings. Two of ‘Chiam Shalom’s’ daughters, Bessie and Shanie were in the YCL. The fight against Mosley was bringing in members from all quarters.

‘The Relief Committee for the Victims of Fascism’, sponsored a demonstration to Trafalgar Square, in which a protest was registered against the proposed Anglo-German Naval Agreement, to permit Germany to build a Navy including submarines (1). A National Congress was convened to fight the growing war preparations (2). Baldwin had become Prime Minister. We decided to make a counter offensive to Mosley by calling a rally at Mosley’s main meeting place, Victoria Park Square, with the slogan, ‘Drive Fascism out of East London’. We sent a deputation to the Borough Council, asking for a ban on Fascist meetings because of their anti-semitic propaganda and violence towards Jews and political opponents. Our rally was violently assaulted by the police. Many people were beaten and some were arrested(3). A couple of days later we called on all anti-fascists to oppose aBUF meeting at the same place. The usual gang of BUF members in black shirts were packed round the platform with a heavy cordon of police round them. Then came the large crowd of anti-fascists who were kept a few yards away from the Blackshirts, by the police. Anyone bold enough to press forward to ask a question or heckle, was immediately set upon by the police. One or two who succeeded in getting through the cordon were beaten by the Blackshirts. During the skirmishing, the police cordon would be broken for a time.

I was with Nat Cohen and I could see his face getting redder as he saw the brutality of the police. He said to me, ‘Come on, I’m going round the back’. He started to push his way round the side and suddenly there was a surge in the other direction which left a gap in the police cordon where they had gone to intervene in a battle between some of our people and the blackshirts.

Nat hurled himself at the platform in a kind of rugby tackle. He did this without regard for his personal safety. The platform went flying and all hell seemed to be let loose. There were police batons and Blackshirt’s leather belts, with heavy buckles, going in all directions. Nat was arrested and taken to Bethnal Green police station. I went along to try to get him out on bail, but it was decided to keep him in custody. Barney Becow was also in custody for a week arising from another fascist meeting. We called an emergency meeting at Carters book shop, to set up a Defence Committee for all those arrested and needing legal and financial aid (4).

On the 17th, Nat Cohen came before the court at Old Street. His efforts to defend his actions by declaring that the fascists were responsible for the violence, were brought to an end when the magistrate ordered his removal from the court. He was dragged out shouting, ‘This is like Fascism’. He was brought back and remanded for a week in custody. Others in North London who opposed Mosley were also sent to prison. Nat was fined when he eventually came up again, because his remands in custody were taken into account (5).

We organised another meeting at Victoria Park Square, but this time we got the support of two prominent Labour councillors, Turpin and Edwards These two, Scott of the Socialist League, Gordon Roper NUMW, Nat Cohen and J.F. King LCC spoke. This meeting was a great success with only a few arrests where some of our people got involved with some Mosleyites. Mosley was able to get the Stratford Town Hall for a meeting and his penetration of East London, though resisted, was getting a measure of success. The Communist sponsored alternative Clothing Workers Union (The UCWU), moved to 63 Whitechapel Road (6). I think some of the moves had a lot to do with the difficulty of maintaining a small Trade Union with a shifting membership, which resulted in a low income. Most of our organisations were in debt to members who were called upon to give generously or loan money to meet crises, which were always arising.

Fascist terror metholds were getting more ruthless in Germany. The Jews were being persecuted and discriminated against in every conceivable way.

Communists and Social. Democrats along with their organisations were being liquidated. Mussolini attacked Abysinnia. The 7th World Congress of the Communist International opened in Moscow. This was our reply to the fascist war threat (7).

No matter what happens, it seems that people think of a holiday, when the first week in August arrives. Not that many people in the East End could afford a holiday. The tailoring trade would be slack anyway and lots of places would close for that week. There was no such think as holiday pay. So, if you wanted a holiday, it would have to come out of savings or loans from clubs or friendly societies, which catered for such things. Pearl and I had decided to make our visit to see Peter and his friends during this first week in August. Nat had decided that he too would like to meet Peter. He didn’t have much money, so he proposed to Sam Masters that they should acquire a couple of bicycles, on the cheap and cycle through France via Belgium, where they could meet us and Peter. Sam had a married sister who lived in Antwerp. She was expecting a baby around that time, so Sam wanted to kill two birds with one stone. We were discussing the arrangements, when the fact suddenly emerged that Nat could not ride a bike. Sam who was a good all round athlete and physicial training instructor, laughed his head off. So did we. But Nat insisted he could learn to ride in one day, if only he had a machine. You could get a secondhand bicycle for very little, if you were not too fussy about its appearance. Nat got one and Sam did too. Sure enough Nat was able to get along, after a fashion, in no time at all. But Sam kept on about how it would be impossible for Nat to undertake anything like a tour ° of France. Nat was about 35 years old and had no experience on the road. On one of their practice runs, Nat fell into the trap of following a big lorry by getting into its slipstream. When it breaked suddenly, he finished up with a buckled front wheel along with some bruises and cuts. That wouldn’t stop him. He had the bike repaired and Sam with some misgivings agreed to the trip.

Pearl and I were going to travel in style, by train from London to Dover, then a boat to Ostend and train to Antwerp. We had arranged to meet Nat and Sam two days later in Antwerp. Sam wasn’t so sure they wouid get there.

They were going to carry all their kit including a small tent, on their backs and machines. Nat assured us he would be there as arranged. Pearl and I were dressed and equipped with new cases, looking like a couple of prosperous tourists. We set off with best wishes from our families who envied us, because holidays abroad were still a rare thing for workers to enjoy. We enjoyed the journey, even though Pearl was a bit sick during the sea trip.

On arrival in Antwerp we had no difficulty in finding the cafe where we were to meet Peter. In one respect, the movement there was like ours. They met in cafes. This one was much bigger than most of ours and they had wine and other alcoholic drinks, which we did not. As usual, with so many people in the CP, arrangements have to be broken to meet pressing demands of the day-to-day struggle. Peter wasn’t there when we arrived. He would not be back from an important engagement out of town. He had left a message to this effect, but no address where we should go. His friends rallied round to assure us that we would not be without a bed for the night. We were directed to a restaurant just opposite, where we had a grand meal and were fixed up for the night. The following morning, after a slap-up breakfast, which the continentals did not normally have, we offered to pay our bill. The man refused to take any money. As he explained, we were his comrades who had come to see Peter, who turned out to be quite a celebrity among the diamond workers of Antwerp as well as a respected anti-fascist.

This was rather important at this time, because of Belgium’s proximity to Germany, from which refugees were arriving all the time. Antwerp was a major port which was also a major factor for those fleeing from German fascism. We waited back at the cafe after Pearl had insisted on getting some chocolates and cigars for those grand people who had looked after us. Peter arrived and after explaining his inability to see us earlier, he reverted to his usual laughing, bustling self. He was Jewish and had some of the characteristics I knew so well. We went off to meet his family, sister and cousins, who lived in the Jewish Quarter which also contained some of the diamond workshops.

Hospitality could not have been better. We were wined and dined and given the best accommodation in the house.

Late afternoon there was a knock at the door and there was Nat and Sam already sunburned, in cycling shorts and shirt. Their cycles were in the kerb weighted down with their gear, which did not include any clothing except underwear, shirt and swimming costume. They had found us via the same cafe, the only address we were able to give them. They were welcomed and assured they could stay, if they didn’t mind sleeping on a couch. Then we didn’t stop laughing as Nat described their journey. They had left London for Dover with Sam peddling away and urging Nat to keep up, as they would never get there if he didn’t. In the end the position was reversed, with Nat having to urge Sam on for the same reason. Nat as usual, had shown his quite amazing physical stamina to be far superior to young men little more than half his age. Sam agreed he was a wiser man as a result of this experience.

Sam wanted to visit the hospital where his sister had just had her baby. The problem was, that she was in a place where it would not be right to go in cycling shorts. I was big and much fatter than Sam, who was built like a perfact physical specimen. Again we laughed, as he set off down the road in a suit belonging to me, which looked very baggy indeed. When he returned we all set off for a tour of the town, during the late evening. This was mainly a visit to one cafe after another, until very late into the night.

The following day the four of us decided to hitch-hike to Brussels, where the 1935 Intenational Exhibition was being held. Pearl and I, in more informal dress, joined Nat and Sam, towards a road from which we started thumbing a lift. We got a car which took us all the way to Brussels. After an enjoyable visit to the exhibition, we were back on the road. This time a lorry pulled up and the driver explained that he could take us all the way to Antwerp, providing we didn’t mind having to wait in a village on the way, where he had to make a delivery. We agreed. He dropped us off at a cafe in the village and before I knew what was happening, Nat said he and Sam would be staying at this village over night and that they would meet us the following morning in Antwerp. It appears he had made contact with a couple of young women and that meant he and Sam would be giving these two ladies the benefit of their company. Nat was like that. He and Sam were almost unattached so I suppose it was alright. The lorry driver returned but he was minus two passengers.

They did return the following day and after a short chat with Peter and one or two of his friends, they said good-bye. They said they would see us back in Stepney at the end of the week. They set off on the cycle-tour through France, or as much of it as could be managed. I was sorry for Sam despite his undoubted physcial fitness, because I knew Nat would take a great delight in driving Sam to the limit of his endurance.

They didn’t go far because they were back in Antwerp on the Thursday.

On Friday we had a day out, which included a trip to an artists’ retreat near the border with Holland. We did some swimming which again only served to demonstrate Nat’s superiority in that field too.

The following day Nat and Sam ieft for home on their bikes. We followed the next day to arrive back in London early Sunday evening. We met a good number of Peter’s friends during the course of the week. I learned very little about the movement there, which I did not already know from my experience in East London. Peter was not going to discuss anything in depth even though his English was good enough to make that possible. He gave me the impression that his jovial behaviour concealed a good brain and a serious mind if he would be called up to use them. Our holiday was to lead to quite a different result the following year which might never have been the case if we had not had this one. Some important historical events have such beginnings.

* * * * *

Back in East London, Councillor Turpin from Bethnal Green was fined five pounds after his arrest while opposing a fascist meeting (8). ABUF meeting in Shoreditch Town Hall was broken up (9). Mosley was able to get such halls with Council approval using the argument that he was entitled to enjoy free speech, even if he, like Hitler, would not be like-minded towards his opponents. East London Ex-servicemen were meeting at Circle House before they eventually acquired their own premises (10). Many people in Shoreditch among our supporters were being attacked and beaten up by Blackshirts. Many of our members were complaining that we were unable to defend ourselves, or oppose even a small force of fascists, in some places.

Mussolini’s invasion of Abysinia began in earnest. Our response was to call a demonstration in Hyde Park on October 13th (11). I had by now forgotten about the ILD and the leadership’s role in its demise. All seemed to be well as I read with approval, the mass of words coming out of the 7th World Congress of the Communist International. We discussed this at meetings specially convened for that purpose. There were classes organised to study the material methodically. Among friends, there were endless discussions, each drawing attention to those aspects of the Congress’ deliberations and conclusions, which suited their particular point of view.

The resolutions, seemed to me to cover everything needed to meet the situation, based on their analysis. If words alone could be relied on to get the desired results, then surely we could not fail. I have learned that words can be manipulated to mean whatever skilled use of them may require. Statements taken out of context and reservations, which often make some otherwise clear intentions meaningless, are only two of the ways in which written and spoken words are manipulated as I later discovered. I have learned to be sceptical about all so-called analysis, which finishes with a blue-print for the future.

More new members arrived including Alf Fitterman, Jack Ross and Jack’s sister Rachel, who married Alf. Alf’s brother along with a friend later founded one of the better-known dress firms, which is still in business to this day. Alf himself became a dress manufacturer on a small scale after the war. Alf, Jack and their wives are still good friends of mine. There were others who had come up through the ranks of the Pioneers or YCL into the Party. Sam Apter was one who had visited the Soviet Union when he was still a schoolboy. His father was one of the old Socialists from way back in the old country. Sam’s wife was a Party candidate in a local election after the war, by which time Sam had become a ladies clothing manufacturer and had re-visited the Soviet Union in connection with trading deals. There were more people coming forward to increase the volume of activity and there was no shortage of issues needing attention. We made special appeals to dockers and seamen to refuse to handle any war materials going to Italy. Meetings and demonstrations were organised all over London condemning Italy’s aggression to Abyssinia (12).

Mosley’s forces were being driven off the streets in Manchester, Carlisle, Ashton-Under-Lyme, Southall and Wembley (13). The fascists attempted to break up a Labour Party meeting which was addressed by Earnest Thurtle, Landsbury’s son-in-law, in Shoreditch (14). Jews were being attacked on the streets in Hackney (15). A move was made to get the BUF headquarters in the borough, closed down. The appeal was addressed to the Borough Council because of the increasing racial propaganda which led to more violent attacks on Jews (16). The anti-war demonstration on the 13th, October, marched to the Italian embassy (17).

A book, written by Simon Blumenfeld called, ‘Jew Boy’, attempting to portray life in my East End, was published. My old pal Sam Berks did a review for the Daily Worker (18). Sam was becoming more involved in party work, despite the fact that he had many misgivings concerning what the leadership had to offer. He has often said that he felt a need to do something and the CP was the best of a bad bunch, who were attempting to oppose fascism.

We had begun our preparations for the general elections due to take place on November 14th. Our line was for the return of a Labour government and the gaining of a few selected places which might be filled by communusts, where possible. In Stepney we did not have a CP candidate, so we offered ourselves for all kinds of activity in support of the local Labour Party candidates.

It was while Sam Berks was out canvassing in Mile End, in a little narrow street opposite the People’s Palace, now Queen Mary College, that he met a young man named Bronowski. The now famous professor, Bronowski came to the door in response to Sam’s knock. After the usual appeal on behalf of the Labour candidate, Sam made it clear that he was aCommunist and after a short talk sold him a ticket for a film show which was to take place at the ‘Circle House’. Bronowski attended and Sam told me about him afterwards because he was quite impressed with him and thought he had made a good ‘contact’. However, nothing came of it because this was the time when Bronowski was studying and had no time for any detailed political activity.

Sam likes to think he is a sceptic. But I found him very gullible and a mass of contradictions. A few stories about him might help to show that not all CP members were dull or dry political types. As Sam still says, ‘I want Communism without Communists’. Sam is tall, broad shouldered and has only become rather thick around the middle in recent years. He is now seventy years old. He never cared about his appearance when it came to selecting clothes, but was always clean and looked healthy. In all the years I have known him, I cannot remember ever seeing him really laid low, despite the fact that he suffered from malaria which he picked up in Burma, while in the army during the war. To this day, despite failing sight (he is almost blind), walking long distances is part of his life. He has seen a lot of the world and lived and worked as a trousers cutter in many places. His considerable physical appearance would not encourage anyone to seek a fight with him and I never saw him ever raise his hand or threaten to do so. He can become very angry, but not physically aggressive. His sense of humour is without bounds. He laughs most of the time and is a delightful companion.

Sam was one time ‘Lit Sec’ (Literature Secretary), in a cell group. He was approached by Phil Piratin who asked him things were going. Sam replied, ‘Not so good’. Piratin said ‘why is that?’ I can imagine just how Sam’s answer must have sounded. ‘Well what do you expect, I can’t read this shit, how do you expect anyone else to?’ When the Stalin Constitution was first published, it was printed on very thin paper and written in very small print. It almost looked like a long legal document, in sections and sub-sections. Paragraphs were arranged so that they could be identified for reference purposes. In CP jargon. This was being sold to East End workers who just about managed to read the racing results. Sam took one look at the pamphlet and said, ‘The only way this is going to be any good is, if it is printed on a roll of paper suitably perforated at intervals.’ Sam is a person of violent likes and dislikes.

He can smell lack of sincerity a mile off. He suspects all businessmen and particularly Jewish businessmen. The law will not permit me to say what he says about some well known ones. On the other hand, he will often praise their qualities and condemn the actions of Jewish workers and all workers in general. One could write a book about this man. Indeed, ‘Jew Boy’, by Simon Blumenfeld, is very largely based on him. He has a wide circle of friends who, no matter where they have gone in the world and up the social ladder, are still in close contact. Sam is the centre which keeps so many of us together up to this very day. He is not very good at reading any of the so-called philosophical and political theorists. He suspects them all. History, biography, travel stories, novels, form the bulk of his reading material which he has constantly indulged in since he was a boy. He still reads a couple of books each week. Sam feels very deeply when confronted with any form of what he regards as injustice.

He is not squeamish and can react quite violently, and does so frequently, in words, when he wants to condemn anything. A firm friend who thinks nothing of giving away his last penny. As Nat Cohen said, ‘Sam does not wait to be asked. He asks first.’

When he met his wife Bessie, in the movement, we had some good times. A group of us would go along to Bessie’s home for an evening in and Sam would arrive with a bunch of flowers. A conservative in many things is Sam.

Since he is the most untidy person imaginable, it would take a better descriptive writer than me to give you a real picture of him carrying a bunch of flowers. A story which makes me laugh as I contemplate telling it, is of an occasion when Sam with others, had been out whitewashing slogans in support of Spanish democracy’s fight against Franco. As happens on these jobs, someone is left with the whitewash bucket and brushes. Sam was the one that night. A good job done, those who had girl or boy friends, husbands or wives, would be able to behave in a normal manner and got to meet their loved ones. Sam was on his «way to Bessie’s house where he intended leaving the bucket and brushes and see Bess. As he got to Nelson Street, he realised that there was some whitewash left. As he explained at the time, ‘It’s a pity to waste good whitewash, so I wrote all down the street, ‘SAM LOVES BESSIE’, until I got to her door’. Sure enough it was there for everyone to see.

Throughout their long life together the stories of his many misdeeds could also fill a book. When he was off to America for a holiday recently, Bessie carefully supervised his dress. As she said at the time, ‘He looked like a prince’. I went to the B.O.A.C. terminal in Victoria and waited for them to arrive. A van drew up driven by Alf Sheldon. Sam and Bessie stepped out complete with luggage. We all entered the terminal building reception area.

Sam really did look neat and tidy. He even wore a trilby hat which I only ever saw him wear at Jewish funerals. We proceeded down one side of the reception area, starting with a weighing machine, followed by several desks, each dealing with different aspects of the proposed flight. Sam and Alf carrying the luggage, went to the weighing machine and at the same time Bessie made a fatal mistake. Being a fanatical bargain hunter, she immediately noticed a large kiosk, over which in bright lights, were the words, ‘Duty free wines and spirits’. She could not resist heading towards it, saying at the same time, ‘I’ll catch you up when you get to “Seat Reservations” ’, which was the last desk.

She had no sooner left Sam’s side, than he had pushed his hat onto the back of his head. He had begun to sweat and at the next desk he loosened his tie and opened the collar of his shirt. By this time his greatest ‘crime’ was being committed—His trousers were hanging two or three inches over the top of this shoes. The mac he was supposed to be carrying over his arm, was trailing along the floor. When Bessie finished getting her duty free liquor, she turned and let out a howl, which caused nearly everyone there to almost jump off the ground. She spent the next few minutes trying to restore Sam to his former glory. Calling him all the names she could think of including ‘shloch’, which means, ‘untidy, dirty, careless tramp’. We were by no means finished.

By this time Alf and I were reduced to tears with laughter. Sam, we decided, should go with his luggage, on the Terminal bus to the airport and we would follow the van. We said our good-byes and left for London Airport. When we arrived, we proceeded to where the bus was due to arrive.

The bus turned up in due course and the passengers began to alight. Almost the last to get off was Sam. What Bessie saw caused her to say afterwards that she wished the ground would have opened up and swallowed her. Alf and I nearly convulsed with laughter. You never saw such a sight. Sam looked as though someone had thrown his clothes at him. Bessie was defeated utterly.

You see, there was a glass partition separating us from the passengers and she could not do anything. We waved until the place was out of sight. That’s my Sam. He didn’t really, but he said, he worried all through his holdiay, about what Bessie would have to say on his return.

Sam is always having parties at his place. Bessie never knew how many people to expect, in addition to the figure agreed between them. Sam would always find more people he wished to invite. Rather than argue, he would tell them to come along and Bessie could not do anything. She eventually got used to the idea and I can never remember a time when she would run out of food even when there were more than forty people present. Sam has acquired a set of moral principles which he has made all his own. They are very high as regards personal conduct and in my view, cannot be applied. He is shot through with prejudices, some of which are so primitive as to be almost unbelievable in someone so well read. He will not recognise changed circumstances. These are my personal views and I think they make him incapable of serious political understanding. I know his heart is in the right place and I love him, warts and all.

* * * * *

Meanwhile back to November 1935. All our groups throughout the borough were fully occupied in the General Election campaign. We were received with thanks by J.H. Hall in Whitechapel and St. Georges, but with less enthusiasm by Dan Frankel in Mile End. Since these two seats were held by a Liberal and Tory respectively, the Labour candidates welcomed some help to regain them. In fact James Hall offered to speak at one of our outdoor meetings at Blooms Corner. We ali joined in an eve of poll rally (19). Although we told people to vote Labour we did not fail to put across our own policies which were very critical of the Labour Party. The result of the election confirmed the fact that despite mass unemployment, the growing danger of war and the rise of Fascism, the British electorate still favoured the Tories.

The new parliament consisted of, 379 Tories, 31 Liberal Nat., 8 Labour Nats., 2 Nats., 153 Labour, 16 Liberal, 4 Independant Liberal, 4 Independant Labour Party and 1 Communist Party (20). For us, that one CP was heralded almost as the beginning of the revolution.

Willie Gallacher, M.P. for West Fife was going to transform the House of Commons. Or so it seemed from the way we saw this victory. Harry Pollitt only just missed being elected in South Wales. This was a great disappointment.

I thought the whole election result very strange. The CP never seemed to be able to register much success when it came to elections, in more than a few places. No matter how many times we were rejected at the polls, we never stopped believing that we were destined to lead the workers to their emancipation from capitalism. What is more, Communist parties in many places have paid more attention to the possibility of winning elections, even to the point of saying that the change to Socialism can be achieved by this means.

A new movement had emerged in the Soviet Union under the name of a man who had set the pace for increased production; towards achieving the Five Year Plan in four years, Stakhanov! Stalin’s article on the importance of the Stakhanovites, appeared in the Daily Worker (21). Thousands of words were written glorifying the prodigious feats in increased production, including , many innovations which had their origins on the shop floor. Leading Soviet personalities, Molotov, Malinovski, Ojhonikidse and others visited the factories to hear all about this and to present awards for outstanding achievement.

Many of these reports sounded very improbable to me and Nat. We often discussed the nature of this movement with its emphasis on the intensification of labour. It didn’t seem to fit in with my idea of Socialism with its prospect of shorter hours and less physical effort.

Having considered the concrete circumstances of the backwardness of Russia and the effect of war and revolution, as well as the need for rapid industrialisation, I still could not see how the vast mass of workers and peasants could be persuaded to work harder, for the common good some time in the future. This kind of appeal had a familiar ring here, where we lived under capitalism.

We often refered to it as, ‘pie in the sky’. After all this was eighteen years after the revolution and we had been fed on stories of massive production achievements which had led to shorter hours and improved living standards which were fast catching up with the advanced capitalist rates.

There are always people prepared to work for the common good without much thought for their own personal gain. I doubted that this was something which could be acceptable to the vast mass of poor people. They would need more concrete incentive to work harder and had a right to expect immediate results of Socialist economic practice. I could have accepted the argument that a huge programme of intensive effort was neccesary, to get the kind of capital accumulation which would lead to rapid industrialisation.

This wasn’t what was said. It took a long time before I learned of the real nature of Stalin’s efforts to get Russian workers and peasants to ‘conform’ to his idea of ‘Socialist’ production processes.

John Strachey was a regular contributor to the Daily Worker. He had a column headed ‘Looking at the news’, (22), at this time. I remember his presence at a meeting in ‘Harry the Barbers’ shop, when Nat and I approached him and George Allison afterwards for a private discussion on the Stakhanovite movement. George was all for it. He said I did not understand the nature of the forces which were released when people no longer worked for private profiteers. I thought Strachey was not so sure. He didn’t say we were right, neither did he say we were wrong.

An interesting news item reported that Louis Carlos Prestes, had been elected to the Executive Committee of the Communist International (23).

Nat had fought in the ‘Prestes Column’ in South America. Also at this time the CPGB applied for affiliation to the Labour Party, in pursuit of its United Front objectives (24). It was ten years since disaffiliation. It didn’t seem likely to succeed, but then it would be possible to point to the Labour leaders as the ones continuing the split in the working class movement. We could hardly lose anything from such an obviously good tactical move.

In Stepney, we took exception to a visit of a football team from Nazi Germany. We held a protest meeting in the Mile End Baths, which was addressed by our newly elected Labour M.P., J.H. Hall, alongside CP and YCL speakers (25). Our united front tactics were having some partial success locally.

Our tactical position shifted in regard to the situation in the clothing industry. All our CP members and supporters were urged to join either the LTU or the NUTGW. The UCWU was no more. It went along with many other unions which had been formed out of the Minority Movement, which had been affiliated to the Red International of Labour Unions. There was one exception, in East London, which did not liquidate itself. The Stevedores and Dockers union, the ‘Blue Union’ as it was called, because of the colour of its membership card. It still exists.

We set about working in the ‘reformist’ Unions with a will. Our young members lost no time in forming a sports and social club in the local branch of the National Union of Tailors and Garment Workers, which had its premises at 48 New Road (26). We were in! 48 New Road became a new centre for our activities. Breaking into the LTU was not so easy. We could join as individual members and bring our organised shops to join. The leadership of the LTU were not going to let us capture their Union without a fight. The party fraction for clothing met to deal with policy and direct operations towards changing the Unions to a more militant approach, as a means of building the organisation. This was the beginning of a long process leading to the amalgamation of the LTU with the NUTGW and the formation of the London Mantle and Costume branch of the national union. This was not achieved before 1939. Some who were in at the beginning of this fight, became Union officials and oné who was never a Communist, but worked very cleverly with them, became a Labour MP.

As usual, the rest of our local activities continued. Tenants struggles were directed mainly by small organised groups on particular estates. These were very simple types of organisations dealing with local grievances. They often combined this with social activities and the provision of services not provided by the authorities. Communists were pretty good at getting control of these groups, with varying results. The big struggle in East London between tenants and landlords was yet to come. The man whose name was to become most prominent in those struggles had recently become a member of the CP.

‘Tubby’ Rosen joined the CP after he had given some of his time, with his camera, towards assisting our activities. He came from the Bromhead Street area, only a few streets away from where I lived. He also became prominent in the Union and was eventually hounded out of the CP by some of the people who opposed me, throughout the years (27). He was a good, sensitive person, despite his bluff appearance. He had considerable courage. He was a good platform performer and made many sacrifices, in spite of the ciriticism and sometimes open opposition from his wife. They had a growing family and she thought he should pay more attention to them. They all grew up and as far as I could see, had not suffered because of their father’s activities. On the contrary, “Tubby’s’ kids did as well as so many of the children of my old friends and comrades. As did my own two daughters.

Another person who came on the scene around 1936, was one, Michael Shapiro. I think Michael and Tubby had a joint interest in tenants’ questions.

As a matter of fact, Shapiro was brought into Stepney by the District Party Committee, as an expert on housing and other tenants interests. Indeed, he became a‘spokesman for the District Party Committee (DPC) when he opposed me and also acted as an unofficial liaison man, between Stepney and the DPC.

He did a lot to influence what happened later. Shapiro and Dave Springhall, London District Organiser at the time, went to China after the war. Springhall had served a prison sentence for Breaches of the Official Secrets Acts, after falling into a trap because of his own stupid actions. So he-wasn’t around very long. Springhall died in China after serving a very long sentence, along with Shapiro, for alleged anti-China activities. Shapiro was released from detention and opted to stay in China, where he is to this day.

At the time these new people joined us, Mosley was deciding to make a big effort in Manchester, where he had connections stretching back into the past. New offices were opened and a lot of money was spent on launching his campaign. The reaction was instant. He had little favourable response to his efforts (28). It did look as though his backers were going to make a big effort to build a mass fascist party, based on the one Hitler had built in Germany. I felt we were in for a big fight in the coming months. If we lost ground and the BUF made any significant progress, then our whole future would be in danger of meeting the fate of the German CP. Since we did not see ourselves as anything but an important integral part of the working class, the fate of all workers would be involved. As Jews, living in a Jewish area, the dangers confronting us were bound to be felt more immediately. For us it was a matter of survival, even in the short term. It is no wonder that I may have exaggerated the importance of my role in all this, as secretary of the Stepney CP. Along with some who shared my views, we were constantly on the lookout for any tendency to underestimate the danger from Mosley and his friends, at home and abroad.

Despite the large Conservative majority in the House of Commons, based on support at the polls, it looked as though there would be greater difficulty in managing the economy, other than at the expense of the workers. Therefore a time could come when the so-called democratic process would not be capable of ensuring the power of the established authority. Then, a resort to open fascist methods would take its place, as in Germany and Italy. Since the German CP with its great strength, and in some measure, because of it, had failed to meet the Hitler challenge, I wondered how we could meet a similar challenge with more success than they appeared to be having. Clearly, ‘prevention was better than cure’. Hence my emphasis on doing everything to prevent Mosley’s growth.

All sorts of arguments were advanced within the context of the 7th World Congress of the Communist International resolutions. The United Front, Popular Front tactics could not be opposed in any way. When it came to the interpretation of these tactics, in the concrete circumstances of any area of political or industrial organsation, then there seemed to be a great deal of difference of opinion. The central body of opinion in the CP which spoke so strongly in favour of penetrating the Labour and Trade Union organisations, seemed to me to be based on an idea, not fully expressed, that somehow these organisations could be captured from the reformist Social Democrats and turned into revolutionary organisations. I understood how Trade Unions could be used to further our revolutionary aims, as indeed could other organisations. It could even be possible to have a corps of people functioning in Fascist organisations for disruptive purposes. Even that could be said to be an aid to the revolutionary process. As I saw it, none of these things could be a substitute for workers participation in direct action to secure the demands of the unemployed and to fight for shorter hours and higher wages. Nor could they be a substitute for direct opposition to landlords, direct defence of civil liberties and democratic rights, and the direct independent pursuance of a whole range of social demands. The workers could support and fight for all these things with their own organisation, on a local and national level. I felt that any work inside the mass reformist organisations would have to be expressed in such a way as to lead to actions in the factories and on the streets. My views were often labelled ‘Leftist? and I reacted by regarding my opponents as ‘right wing deviationists’.

1935 was coming to its end. The Jewish organisation ICOS, based on our members in the Workers Circle, held a meeting at the Mile End Baths. Willie Gallacher, M.P. spoke. It drew attention to the existence in the Soviet Union of an Autonomous Jewish State called Birobidjan. Here was the answer to Zionism! (29). The Dachau concentration camp already existed. We read about the awful treatment of Jews in Germany every day. Birobidjan was given a lot of publicity in all our publications. ‘Russia Today’ showed pictures of Jews working in this so-called autonomous state for the building of the workers’ fatherland, in which the Jewish people would at last be free from their wanderings and persecutors. We fought Zionism as a nationalist reactionary creed, based on religious aspirations, which could only act as a means of dividing the workers and eventually doing harm to the best interests of Jews and non-Jews alike. The debate among Jews in East London, was between Zionists and those who were opposed to Zionism. It was always going on. There were several Zionist organisations ranging from the left to far right.

I can remember helping to organise the opposition to a Zionist meeting to be addressed by Jabotinsky, at the Pavilion theatre in Whitechapel Road. He represented the extreme right wing of the Zionist movement, which favoured the building of para-military forces on much the same organised basis as the Fascists. In other words, he saw the need for force and the use of violence in the process and achievement of his objectives. The stewards at this meeting were ready to deal with any opposition from us. We had made our intentions quite clear. It was like preparing to attend a Fascist meeting without having to deal with opposition from the police. It turned out to be more difficult to heckle Jabotinski than Mosley. His stewards were well organised for dealing with opposition without police aid. The Social Democratic Zionists were much more effective and enjoyed wide support among working class Jews. We Communists thought we had come up with the answer to the Jewish Question with Birobidjan. We had a lot to learn.

Just before Chirstmas, Anthony Eden became Foreign Secretary under P.M. Baldwin. Things were happening in the world of diplomacy and the general field of international relations. Much of this was behind the scenes as always, and | felt that Stalin would be more than a match for our fascist and other opponents. Above all those interested in furthering the interests of the capitalist system, would have to deal with the mighty Communist International and the workers ability to fight and organise against the war plans, and opposition to the social revolution.

* * * * *

The year ended for us in Stepney, as always, with a break at Christmas for the usual round of family get-to-gethers and parties. A Jewish festival ‘Chunukah’, comes just before Chirstmas and somehow as time went on, the Jews seemed to me, to be extending their celebrations into the Christmas period. Since it was a holiday from work it could be an opportunity for social gatherings. We in the CP were almost fully integrated. Jews and Gentiles whatever their conditioning may have produced, in the way of lingering prejudices, were united on the surface. Non-Jew George Searle and his wife invited me and Pearl, along with many others like Harold Cohen and Sam Waldman, to a party at their place in Limehouse. This went on for a couple of days during which we made ourselves sick with food and drink. There always seemed to be lots of food and drink at Christmas time in the East End, despite the poverty which existed most of the time. People saved in loan clubs etc., the whole year round, even a couple of shillings aweek, which was often hard to find. Come Christmas their children should not feel deprived or hurt because their mum and dad could not buy, at least, some kind of toys and new clothes. Parents made big sacrifices in order to do their best to brighten the lives of the children. My own childhood was about as bad as anything could have been in this respect. My mum could not afford toys or new clothes, for us. I often wondered how much this aspect of my family’s childhood, contributed to the early revolt of my brother and sisters and their taking of what they thought was the easy way out of poverty and hard work in the factory. I also think that the accident which led to my being away from home for four years, between the ages of seven and eleven, saved me from a similar fate. When I was at Swanley, we had wonderful parties and the receiving of presents at Christmas. I was particular fortunate in this respect because, as I told you, our C of E minister was always referring to me as one of ‘Gods chosen people.’ He made a special point of telling the children that Christ was a Jew. As an adult I always had a good time at Chirstmas. 1935 was no exception.

* * * * *

1936 looked like being a very important year for me. I was so fully occupied in the movement I can hardly remember any details of my personal life.

Pearl was getting a bit restless. Our future prospects of marriage looked as far off as ever. I know now that I was making excuses for delaying the event, for reasons which I found easy to elaborate, but which concealed my fear of leaving my mother alone. In addition I did not want to complicate my personal life, as it might interfere with my work for the Party. It was not a very good time for talking about settling down and having children. The immediate danger of fascism and war made it easy to arg.te, that a settled married life was a pipe dream. Could we be responsible for bringing children into such a world? Would it not inhibit us from doing uf in our power to bring about a revolution? People were getting married and having children. That was different. They weren’t dedicated revolutionaries. Pearl would agree.

But I knew she was not very happy. She found it difficult to argue with me and did not. She played things by ear, on a day to day basis and made life as pleasant as possible for me. I took her for granted as I also became used to accepting my mother’s sacrifices on my behalf. I was lucky in having two women to see that I was looked after and loved. I must have seemed very selfish in their eyes, as I was always finding high minded excuses for not giving some of the attention they deserved.

Certainly my ego had become enlarged. I was still not twenty-four years old and felt very important. Nat Cohen was like that too. But he had a long record of service to the working class, involving considerable personal sacrifice.

He had a right to feel important and there was an important role for him in the future. I was being a bit big-headed to think I had much to offer. Nat was constantly urging me on. Pearl often felt hurt when her mother said, “He’ll never marry you, he’s married to Nat Cohen.”’ When she told me about that kind of thing, she would laugh, but I knew she felt bad and this was her way of getting through to me, what she really felt. Most of the time we never mentioned our future from a purely personal angle. It was always related to the needs of the Party. If this sounds pretentious, you don’t know what it is like to be caught up in a process called, ‘conscious revolutionary activity’ and to believe in it with all your heart.

My sisters’ visits home were becoming more frequent and I could see that Annie was a very sick person. My brother Hymie did not arrive so often and that was because he was not free to visit anyone, some of the time. I did not pay much attention to them, but my mother did look forward to seeing them and seldom discussed them with me. She was obviously worried about Annie, as well she might be. Annie only had a few months of life left. As I told you, she died after a useless, hopeless, horrible, short twenty-six years of ‘life’. This only served to give more meaning to my way of life. My mother’s long years of miserable suffering, along with Annie’s life and what I knew of the lives of Debbie and Hymie, was only a small part of the whole story.

What Hitler was doing in Germany, what people suffered at the hands of colonialists, could only be ended by a socialist revolution. How that could be achieved, was a task worthy of my attention. I’m still trying to learn how this can be done. I did not know that my brother was to play a part in this process and that his life was not to be regretted. On the other hand, Debbie never did grow into a mature person, capable of living within the ‘normal’ circumstances of life. She was to suffer a terrible end as a result.

I continued te push my thoughts about my family out of my mind. I called this process, being objective. I know that I have been profoundly affected by all that my family suffered. How could it be otherwise? What is more, others, not least among them, Pearl, also suffered. Repeat this experience many thousands of times and you will know a little about what makes a revolutionary tick. I repeat, it would be wrong to think that all was grim and horrible in the East End. People would rise to great heights of personal as well as collective achievement. Mutual aid, charity, self-help, social and religious, combined with political action, occupied many people. In addition there was a never ending stream of good humour coupled with an attempt to bring a little ‘culture’ into our lives. The Jewish way of life based as it is on the family, had some merit. A feeling of belonging often helps to overcome suffering. Even at work, in the many small units in the clothing industry, there existed a whole store of jokes and experience which was not just part of being exploited by the boss. It helped to make the hard work more bearable.

There was a group of young men called the ‘Chasidim’ (remember the ‘ch’s), who used to do an act on the stage which was based on real life experience in tailoring workshops. You would need to understand some yiddish and something about tailoring to appreciate their act. Unfortunately this humour cannot be translated, so their fame never got beyond the East End. Those who could understand were in for a real feast of humour when attending one of their performances.

As time went on, however, lots of Jews began to leave to live in Hackney, Stamford Hill and points north and north-west. The hold which the original immigrants had exercised, was beginning to fracture. Young Jews were not practising their religion as much as before. In fact, they were more and more questioning religion altogether. They would still be Jews and would have to defend themselves from anti-semitism. But that was not the same as believing in God and going to synagogue. At high holidays, like New Year and the Day of Atonement (the Black Fast), even the atheists would all become practising Jews. This was largely because children did not wish to upset their parents too much, and these occasions were when family ties were cemented. Even the ‘shpielers’ (30) in the East End closed at these times. The most immoral and outrageous villains, criminals of all kinds became religious observers and adhered to the family structure of Jewish life. Even now when most of the original immigrants have gone, when regular attendance at synagogue is not observed, these holidays are observed almost as before. But not quite.

Notes

1. DW, 15.6.1935.
2. DW, 29.6.1935.
3. DW, 15.7.1935.
4. DW, 18.7.1935.
5. DW, 19.7.1935.
6. Ibid.
7. DW, 27.7.1935.
8. DW, 108.1935.
9. DW, 218.1935.
10. DW, 24.8.1935.
11. DW, 4.10.1935.
12. DW, 6.10.1935.
13. DW, 9.10.1935.
14. DW, 11.40.1935.
15. DW, 12.10.1935.
16. Ibid.
17. DW, 14.10.1935.
18. DW, 16.10.1935.
19. DW, 22.10.1935: 4.11.1935; 9.11.1935.
20. DW, 16.11.1935. Liberal Nats, Labour Nats and Nats. Refer to National Liberals, National Labour and National Candidates, i.e. those still supporting the National Coalition Government. The Labour Party were by now firmly in opposition.
21. DW, 26.11.1935.
22. Ibid.
23. DW, 29.11.1935.
24. DW, 3.11.1935.
25. DW, 3.12.1935.
26. DW, 6.12.1935.
27. DW, 9.12.1935. Tubby Rosen is mentioned by Phil Piratin in his book Our Flag Stays Red, pp 33-49.
28. DW, 13.12.1935.
29. DW, 17.12.1935. Birobijan (or Birobidzhan), formerly Tikhonkoye, 78 miles from Khabarovsk on the trans-Siberian Railway, was founded as a national territory for the Jewish population of the Soviet Union in £928. The present population is 43,000, but the population has never been Jewish in its majority, but mostly Russian and Ukranian.
30. Gambling Clubs.

So far as I was concerned in the beginning of 1936, despite the war going on in Abysinnia, the growing severity of Hitler’s persecution of the Jews and what was left of the political opposition from the CP and others and the still large unemployment here at home, things seemed a bit quiet. Maurice Dobb lectured at the Circle House, on the Economy of Communism (1). Reports from the Soviet Union spoke of cheaper food, tumbling prices—the road to prosperity. John Strachey wrote in the Daily Worker about the prospects for the revolutionary movement being better (2). Torgler, co-defendant of Dimitrov in the Reichstag Fire trial was expelled from the German CP for his conduct at that trial. Tanev and Popov were criticised for theirs and accepted the criticism. Dimitrov was praised to the high heavens and had become the secretary of the CI (3). There was still some lingering references to the ILD in connection with the Scottsboro case in the USA. This ceased altogether soon after.

After a big protest, Mosley was refused permission to hire the Birmingham Town Hall (4). Our people were making steady progress in penetrating the NUTGWU local branch. John Mahon of the London District Committee, CP, was giving a lecture at the Union’s premises at 48, New Road (5). Our recently formed branch of the Shop Assistants Union was engaged in strike action with two local wholesale stores: Goldman of Houndsditch and Rintzlers of Whitechapel High Street (6). The Young Communists were engaged in a lot of social activity alongside their vigorous anti-Fascist work on the streets.

John Strachey thought it important to raise the question of the Stakhanov movement in Russia, as a topic for further discussion. He reported some doubts on the matter and invited correspondence to his column in the Daily Worker (7). Several important people died within days of each other.

Our old comrade Saklatvala, Kipling and George V (8). The press reflected on the tense feelings and political uncertainty. Shop stewards from fifty clothing factories subscribed to a protest resolution regarding the continuing imprisonment of Thaelmann in Germany. They sent a deputation to the German Embassy (9). Lenin had been dead for twelve years and W. Gallacher, MP, wrote about him in the Daily Worker (10). In Spain, the right wing army leaders were openly inciting to mutiny against the growth of liberal and leftwing tendencies in the government. The ‘People’s Front’ was getting very strong (11). We had a new king, Edward VIII. The French government crisis led to the resignation of the Laval cabinet. Critical moves were being planned on the eve of a new General Election (12). Mosley’s thugs raided the Daily Worker offices, overturning cars and causing extensive damage (13). A picture of the Moscow leaders of the Party appeared in the Daily Worker which included Kruschev, its secretary (14). Ihad never heard of him.

Strachey was still going on about Stakhanov (15). George V’s funeral was attended by General Franco from Spain (16), among the representatives of foreign governments and others. I hadn’t heard of him either. Three years of Hitler’s rule in Germany had transformed the political situation in Germany and was having a growing impact on events in Europe and the world in general. All these events were keeping us very busy and were linked to local issues like the shop assistants’ strike, which we supported by demonstrations supported by the Stepney Trades Council (17). All good ‘United Front’ action.

At the district level it was thought necessary to organise a meeting to explain still more how Stakhanovism works. The Essex Hall was well attended to hear Andrew Rothstein explain ‘how it works’. I was still not happy about this movement and resented any tendency to intensify labour in this way. I could not reconcile this with my idea of Socialist production methods, as I understood them. But I was persuaded that this was necessary to overcome the backwardness of Russia and for rapid industrialisation to meet the growing menace from Germany and other hostile forces. Strachey told us about the degree of recovery of the economy since 1929. Certainly things had improved slightly and it was easier to find work. Although there were still over two million unemployed (18).

The workers at Smithfield meat market were on strike. They had just been joined by other meat market workers from Islington and Aldgate. All these were supported by dockers and transport workers. We organised demonstrations to the docks, calling for more support for the Smithfield strikers (19). Our shop assistant strikers, after five weeks, agreed to a compromise settlement at Goldmans, involving a piecemeal return to work. The strike at Rintzlers continued (20).

This was all being discussed locally in the CP and the arguments kept revealing old differences concerning Trade Union activity and how it should be conducted. Attacks on those who spent most of their time on ‘street work’ continued. A party aggregate meeting was held at Circle House on Thursday, February 6th (21). This meant cancelling all cell and other meetings. These inner Party meetings were occasions for dealing with immediate organisational tasks and reviewing the application of policies covering many areas of activity.

They were more and more becoining the battle-ground for opposing points of view. None of this came out into the open. I speak about Stepney at this time. I had no idea whether this sort of thing was going on elsewhere. Our conferences and district meetings did not reflect this. Occasionally, people were criticised in the party organs, or some tendency was referred to as being dangerous or good. On the whole, I only found out if anything had been going on when, as in the case of J.T.Murphy, someone had been found ‘guilty’, before we even knew there had been a serious ‘difference of opinion’.

I was frequently being attacked at internal meetings by Sarah Wesker, ‘Chick’ and Morrie Segal, Ruby Silkoff and more recently by Phil Piratin, Alf Finklestein and others. Always it was about my alleged neglect of Trade Union activity and against my emphasis on so-called street work. Language was getting stronger and I was often called a ‘Leftist’. Lenin’s ‘Left Wing Communism’, was referred to for authority. This was particularly important because I also criticised my Trade Union comrades, for what they regarded as Trade Union work. I regarded this as nothing more than trying to capture the Trade Union organisation by using the rule book etc. in an endeavour to outmanoeuvre the right wing Labourites in control. This was particularly true in their attitude to compromise settlement of disputes, strikes and other issues, in which they were unable to distinguish themselves as members of branch or district committees, from the right wing Social Democrats serving on these same committees.

Always, and as the years passed, more and more the positions these people captured in the Unions were held to be more important and sacred than the outcome of this or that particular struggle. In the clothing industry in London, these people became identified with many defeats. No amount of explaining that they were Communists who had to work in the reformist organisations and could not risk losing their positions, would satisfy the workers. I, and I know many others, had to spend a great deal of time trying to defend these fellow Party members against the criticism of workers who felt they had been betrayed and could not differentiate between Trade Union officials who called themselves Communists and those who were Labour. My position as secretary of the Stepney CP was secure at this time because Mosley was becoming increasingly active and anti-semitic. Whether we liked it or not, other people were taking to the streets in opposition. We could not do anything but try to head this opposition in the direction we thought it should go. That’s the job of a vanguard.

So, I had a majority for continuing our maximum effort in fighting Mosley on the streets, which is where the battle was taking place in East London. My own complaints against my critics were not confined to their kind of Trade Union work or their failure to oppose Mosley as I saw fit. They | seemed to be satisfied with getting left resolutions passed through this or that internal TU or Labour organisation. Often I felt that these were good, but simply pious statements if they did not lead to concrete action in the factories and on the ‘streets. The ‘TU faction’ found great satisfaction in getting such resolutions passed, only to find that the right wing usually prevented these resolution§ from leading to anything. This left the position open for the ‘Communists’ to expose these ‘traitors’ and excuse themselves in the process. This also made it possible to argue that they were not as effective as they might be if all the Party members did this kind of work too.

My conclusion was that they saw the tasks of the CP in building the ‘united front’, as simply being a case of capturing the Trade Unions. This, they thought, would lead to CP leadership of the Unions, which in turn, would lead to electoral and similar success and eventually, to the overthrow of the capitalist system. What was happening in Germany, to say nothing of the whole history of the working class movement, didn’t seem to register with these people. As Piratin had said, ‘Branch meetings were verbal battlefields’(22).

The Jubilee Street cell headed by Nat Cohen, Sam Masters and all my old comrades and friends continued to be a good unit and conducted a steady stream of agit-prop and social activity. They organised a very successful film and variety show at the ‘Circle House’, making use of sympathetic people from among the most unlikely sources. I have in mind people like Harry Rabin and Al Lipman, popular local wrestlers who attended this function (23). A mass meeting of the Smithfield strikers was held at the Pavilion Theatre, Whitechapel, where a vote for the return to work was taken (24). I can’t remember the details, but it was not a complete victory. Trade Union organisation did improve in London’s wholesale markets. They were a source of strength to the movement, because of their shop-floor organisation based on local shop stewards’ committees. In the same way the dockers with even greater success, were showing one aspect of Trade Union work, which I regarded as much more important than simply getting elected to committees in the internal structure of the Union organisation itself. Many years later, I was not the first to attempt this sort of thing in the tailoring industry, with quite different results.

In France the government were ratifying their non-aggression pact, with the Soviet Union. Czechoslovakia already had such a pact with the Soviet Union (25). R.F.Andrews, in the Daily Worker, was praising the opening of a ‘Stakhanov Year’, in the Soviet Union. ‘It’s the figures that tell!’ he wrote (26). The general elections in Spain were due to take place in a few days’ time. We in Stepney embarked on our most ambitious plan for a ‘Week of Peace and Democracy’. Starting Monday 17th February, at the St George’s library. We had arranged for the Cambridge Exhibition for Peace and Democracy to be displayed. This was opened by Her Worship, the Mayor of

Stepney, Councilor Helena Roberts, JP. There were to be public meetings and conferences as well as social activities of all kinds. This was supported by our local MP for Whitechapel and St George’s, J.H.Hall. Clement Attlee, MP for Limehouse, promised to attend, parliamentary duties permitting (27).

At the main meeting in the St George’s town hall on the 20th, we had the support of the Rev Percy Ineson, the Rev John Groser, in addition to our local political leaders of the Labour and left wing organisations, including many Trade Unions (28).

We held a grand variety show with much local talent, including the ‘Four Chassidem’. Throughout the week, we held nightly sessions of our local congress. We had established the ‘Stepney Peace Group’, with headquarters at 66, High Street, Shadwell, E1 (29). When Councilor Helena Roberts opened the exhibition, she said, ‘I did not consider who had sent the invitation, at least here are some people prepared to do something. I’m tired of speeches only’ (30). This was a clear reference to the fact that she, along with other Labour people, were in fact working with Communists and being prepared to do so in the face of the threat to peace and democracy. For us this was the ‘United Front’ in action. Good old Mary Hughes, wearing a bright red cloak, stood outside shouting, ‘Peace exhibition upstairs—don’t miss it’. This was Mary’s thirty-sixth year of hard work in Stepney. She was now in her seventies. Mary didn’t like any publicity which sought to praise her work. She had to be persuaded, after long argument, before she would agree to be photographed by the press. As she said, ‘Oh well, if it’s publicity for the cause of peace I will allow it’ (31). At one of the main meetings, we had speakers from the Cambridge Anti-war Committee, the Mayor of Stepney, Isobel

Brown and John Strachey. Strachey dealt with the Soviet peace policy. There were lectures too. One was given by Professor J.D.Bernal, on Science and War. School children visited the exhibition. Even many local ‘Blackshirts’ and some supporters came. They behaved themselves and many were genuinely interested, but would not comment. We received messages of support from The Bishop of Stepney, Mr Attlee and George Lansbury (32). At the final meeting supported by so many organisations, there were speeches and messages from all over the area. A resolution was agreed and our views were expressed in a document which we addressed to the Italian, Japanese and German embassies (33). This was a great week and I can’t tell you all that went into getting the work done. The CP and Young Communist League members didn’t get much rest during its preparation and while it lasted. I felt we had done a good job in making direct contact in a concrete way, with so many people who had always regarded us Communists with great suspicion if not hostility. This was the real ‘United Front’.

Over 2,500 people visited the exhibition. We agreed to have a re-call conference in a month’s time. A representative ‘Peace Council’ was formed to continue the work on a day-to-day basis (34). All our expenses had been met out of delegates’ fees. All the meetings and lectures as well as social functions were well attended. We had met all our financial commitments. This was one of those rare occasions when we did not finish a campaign, wondering where to get the money to pay for printing, hiring halls, etc. This time I did not have to appeal to Party members to dig deep into their pockets to get us out of a tight corner.

At this time Ernest Thurtle, MP for Shoreditch, raised the question of Fascist violence, particularly attacks on local Jewish shop-keepers. The Home Secretary promised to have the matter investigated (35). In the Spanish general elections, there were armed Fascist terror tactics at work. In France, Leon Blum had been physically assaulted by Fascists. This provoked a mass demonstration which brought 300,000 people onto the streets. Athousand signatures were collected in Shoreditch among tradesmen, calling for some protection against Fascist violence. Ernest Thurtle presented this to the Home Secretary (36). ‘Kill the Jews’ was a slogan directed at all Jews, including trades people, and was seen chalked on walls etc. in many places in East London. Thurtle was threatened he would be dealt with ‘by fair means or foul’. We had to fight the London County Council policy of allowing Mosley to hire their schools and premises for meetings.

I remember a meeting at the ‘Circle House’ to elect a clothing worker delegate to some event to be held in the Soviet Union. This had the support of Bernard Sullivan of the NUTGW. Dr E. Summerskill was a speaker and the meeting was also supported with messages from George Lansbury and Lady Marley (37). Dr E. Summerskill was one among many who entered the leftward trend in the Labour Party via support for activities which were generally referred to by the right-wing as ‘fellow travelling’ So many came to the East End at various times, I felt that some of them used our area to sharpen their teeth for future efforts to improve their political career prospects. Small wage gains and slightly better unempioyment benefits were being eroded by increases in food prices (38). In the clothing industry, this was partly met by slightly longer busy periods with their accompanying opportunity for more overtime.

Mosley was meeting more opposition in places like Oxford where organised opposition succeeded in getting permission to use the Town Hall withdrawn (39).We had begun to make progress in local organisations like the Blakesley Athletic Group, part of an evening institute, held on school premises. A ‘Daily Worker Supporters’ League had been formed, and this group became a unit of the league (40). From Paris to Madrid we recorded a “people’s” victory! The “People’s Front” had registered big victories. The fight against Fascism and war preparations was growing (41).

Nine thousand clothing workers at Burton’s of Leeds had gone on strike against new piece work systems, resulting in reduced earnings. This was unofficial and was opposed by the Executive Board of the National union. The strikers’ demands included fitters’ rates to be increased by sixpence per garment, recognition of the central factory committee and no victimisation.

They appealed for help (42). We immediately called a meeting of all Party members in clothing in London. We used every means to get support in the unions for the Burton strike. We collected money in the factories and workshops to help the strikers. We invited a large delegation of strikers to come to London to head a campaign for recognition by the Union and for general supporting activity. This meant we would have to see that these people would be looked after and accommodated (43). Poor old Sam Berks still recalls how Nat Cohen kept him out all night walking to keep warm, so that two of the Burton strikers could sleep in their beds. That’s how things were done.

Nat in particular, was a great one for getting people to make sacrifices in which he was always the one to set an example. You could not resist doing whatever he asked, when the issue was calling for an obvious need to sacrifice or even to stick your neck out. If he wanted you to go forward when most people were going in the opposite direction, say in a police charge, it was because he would be in front. His presence was a signal for me to stop worrying about whether I was doing the right thing. I could consult him and feel sure he would know exactly what to do. This applied to my intervention in discussions at internal Party meetings, as much as to actions on the streets.

He wasn’t always present and I had been through nearly a whole year when he was away in the Soviet Union. I was soon to lose his company once again.

We held poster parades in support of the Burton strikers, and while their representatives were with us, we engaged in factory gate meetings, distribution of printed matter and fundraising (44). All this is hard, detailed effort which had to be done before and after a normal day’s work in the workshop.

Harold Cohen made one of his big efforts on this occasion and spoke at factory gate meetings all over the place. Sam told me that after a particular meeting outside Glanfields in Brick Lane, the Burton strikers embraced Harold in a way that Sam had not seen from workers anywhere in this country. They put their arms round him and hugged him, without any attempt to conceal their emotions.

My mother did not see much of me during those days and for many months to come. I was so busy I didn’t know what was happening to my family. Pearl, of course, was as heavily engaged in all this as I myself. We nearly always managed to end the day in each other’s company. I did not get to bed before two a.m. most nights. Pearl had told me about a period when she was a child, spent at a place in the country. It appears she had been a victim of a mild form of rheumatic fever called corea. I did not realise at the time that this was likely to leave her with a heart condition. She did in fact have such a condition which I came to know by the name of mitral stenosis.

She did not say a great deal about this, except to assure me she had made a hundred per cent recovery. Judging from the energy and effort of the first five or six years before we were married, I had no reason to think otherwise.

This did not prove to be the case and I know now that this period of her life must have contributed to her later suffering from this weakness of her heart, which was to prove so disastrous. She never complained and was outwardly as able as the next one to endure this period of intense activity.

I knew many people who were sick or disabled in some way or other, who did not spare themselves when helping the struggle against Fascism and war. In any case, general conditions, including long periods of unemployment, did not do sick people any good. They were forced to do work beyond their capacity in order to feed their families. It was very much a case of the survival of the fittest. Some used to say that hard work was good for you. Some still do. Looking at people who had managed to reach middle age, I thought it obvious that most of them bore the marks of excessive work. Especially the women, who somehow managed to outlive their menfolk.

In addition to Ernest Thurtle, Herbert Morrison was also moved to raise the question of Jew-baiting in Shoreditch and Hackney with the Home Secretary (45). Stafford Cripps was very active in the movement and was speaking at meetings alongside CP and other people including J.T. Murphy who was still active after his expulsion from the CP (46).

We began to organise opposition to Mosley, who was due to speak yet again, this time at the Albert Hall on 22nd March. September 9th, 1934, was recalled as an example to follow (47). Opposition to Mosley’s Albert Hall meeting had the support of Virginia and Leonard Woolf, Rebecca West, Will Thorne MP and Ted Hill, among others (48). Hitler’s forces had crossed the Rhine. War clouds were gathering. There were still over two million unemployed.

Eight large clothing factories in Leeds came out on strike in sympathy with Burtons. Official TU support was still witheld. After three weeks the Burton workers agreed to an ‘organised return to work’ (49). This sort of return usually meant that the workers had not managed to get what they wanted. I can remember on many occasions when Trade Union leaders were advocating a retreat and advising workers to give up the fight, that they would resort to this kind of official statement. They still do. On such occasions, what follows depends on whether or not the rank and file leaders in the factories are able to maintain their influence. If not, they are for the ‘chopping block’. Many workers who have been active in disputes have been victimised by the employers who could not get away with it, without the help of official Trade Union leaders. Very often it is these leaders who are more active in demanding the heads of such militants than the employers themselves.

An important announcement heralded the formation of “The Left Book Club’. This turned out to be a big thing for us (50). The Daily Worker was still explaining Stakhanovism. One headline read, ‘Speed up? Wage robbery? No! (51)’. I could not make myself believe all that was said about this. I felt unable to oppose what was said effectively. I didn’t think it so important. I might be able to understand better as it worked out in practice. I trusted Stalin and the leaders in the Soviet Union. Richard Goodman wrote an article in the Daily Worker, under the headline, ‘The Yellow Spot’ (52). This was an indictment of Hitler’s policies regarding the Jews, which accurately foresaw the extermination policy which followed. I don’t think many people thought such a policy could or would be carried out. Certainly not at that time. Although anyone listening to Streicher or reading Die Sturmer, might have wondered if such ravings could result in governmental action on the scale of the extermination camps.

The East End was covered with white-washed slogans calling for a huge turn-out against Mosley on the twenty-second, at the Albert Hall. More people were becoming involved in this activity. The Daily Worker did all in its power to link the events in Germany with Mosley’s efforts. The treatment of the Jews in Germany.and the BUF’S growing violence in the East End left the Jews with no alternative but to resist. Still there were those who called for no action. Stay at home. Leave it to the authorities. Trust in the Lord. The 22nd March came and the Albert Hall was surrounded by a strong force of police.

No individual could get anywhere near the hall without a ticket. It was becoming more obvious that Mosley could not have held meetings at all without strong police protection. The nearest convenient place for us to rally was in Hyde Park. From the beginning, the police were anxious to break up any large concentration of anti-Fascists. This led to running clashes whenever crowds gathered. The crowds left the park and blocked the roads leading to the Albert Hall. Traffic was stopped. Streets were cut off. There was a baton charge outside South Kensington underground station, some distance from the hall. The hall was only three-quarters full when Mosley began his speech, some fifteen minutes late. Despite all the efforts of the police and Mosley’s own forces, many opponents managed to get into the meeting and from the beginning, interruptors were being ejected with the usual violence from the stewards.

A counter demonstration assembled in Alfred Place, despite all the police efforts to keep the crowds on the move. This meeting was addressed by John Strachey, Maurice Orbach and Bob McLenan. Eventually the police drew their batons and charged the demonstration with more than usual violence. Maurice Orbach was among those arrested (53). There were many arrests followed by the usual court proceedings the next day. Some were remanded, others fined on the spot. These proceedings enabled us to continue spotlighting police participation in Mosley activity, which was obviously planned and carried out with full co-operation and growing enthusiasm (54).

The BUF would have been unable to exist at all without police protection which the government and others supported, in the name of ‘free speech’. That Hitler, with Mosley’s open support was making ‘free speech’ impossible, made no difference to these supporters of ‘democratic rights’. We had every right to draw the conclusion that these people who took this line, were in favour of ending free speech and democratic rights, because the growth of working class opposition to unemployment and low wages was threatening profits and eventually, the whole capitalist system.

Questions to the Home Secretary revealed that no less than 2,500 police plus 400 in reserve, were used to protect Mosley on 22nd March (55). A letter to the Daily Worker signed by R. Goodhall, headed, “Are the Jews doing their bit’, protested that the Jewish people did not attend in sufficient numbers to oppose the BUF (56).

Reports from Spain told of workers taking control of factories and other enterprises, like tramways, etc (57). The peasants in Badajoz had taken over the large estates in the whole province. The Red Flag was flying everywhere. There was joint action of workers and peasants regardless of political affiliations.

It was said that the elections had brought the opportunity for proletarian revolution nearer. ‘Ve were very much encouraged by the reports from Spain (58). Our aggregate meeting of the Stepney branch reflected all this in our reports, as we sought to help and link these events with the events and issues facing us at home. One of the issues at this time concerned a government White Paper relating to the forthcoming budget.

To understand something about the state of the economy at this time, I need only tell you that the railwaymen were seeking an increase in pay to restore cuts, described as ‘temporary’, five years before. These cuts ranged from two shillings and fivepence, to five shillings and sevenpence per week.

The employers were now offering threepence in the pound on these miserable rates of pay—forty-seven thousands earning two pounds per week, seventythree thousands between two pounds and two pounds, ten shillings. The increases proposed would be of the princely sum of one shilling and three halfpence.

In short, 114% on these pay scales. The profits recorded by the companies were six million pounds higher in 1935 than in 1932 (59).

While Hitler was seeking allies on the basis of his avowed opposition to Bolshevism, the French Popular Front demonstrated in Paris. Eighty thousand people marched for Peace and against Fascism. May Day was not far off and we began to prepare for what looked like a very important May Day, in the light of all that was happening. Cases arising from the Albert Hall meeting were still before the courts. Maurice Orbach had been bound over to keep the peace against the sum of five pounds. Sir John Simon, the Home Secretary, rejected a demand for an enquiry into the police violence on that occasion (60). Mussolini was still fighting to subdue the Abyssinians. The League of Nations was not being very effective in its efforts at restraining him. Some little time earlier I remember attending the opening of the ‘Unity Theatre’ in a disused factory off Grays Inn Road. Dr E. Summerskill was there and I heard her praising Aneurin Bevan’s work in the Labour movement.

I waded in with my usual, rather aggressive attitude. I regarded all social democrats as harmful, and even more, the so-called left-wingers. I don’t think Dr Summerskill thought much of my intervention. She would be likely to consider me a very rude person. I was very arrogant and dogmatic when arguing with some of my opponents. I must have made a few enemies because of my manner. On reflection, I think I was not alone among Communists, with this kind of attitude. The ‘Unity Theatre’ became firmly established and arose directly from the Workers’ Theatre Movement (61), which included many of my old friends. The ‘Unity Theatre’ still exists after all this time, when so many other theatre groups have come and gone. Among those who played there, was Paul Robeson who did so much to further our work whenever he visited London.

Tom Mann was eighty years oid (62). This event was celebrated and used to further our cause as are the birthdays of kings and presidents to further theirs. Tom’s record was an example for all to follow and we never stopped drawing attention to his steadfastness. One of a few who had not been ‘bought’ by our enemies. One other such character was J.H. Thomas, who was shortly to be involved in a big scandal concerning the alleged leakage of budget secrets.

In Stepney, we were holding more open branch meetings in order to bring in people from the Trade Unions and Labour Party and others, for more discussion of our full programme, including our objective, Social Revolution (63). The French Communist Party was growing fast. The ‘left’ was moving more to the left. There was alarm at the growing Bolshevisation of Spain. We felt ourselves to be part of this process, but well behind our French and Spanish comrades. Despite some success in bringing in a few Labour people to join in meetings etc. on this or that issue, we were a long way from a Popular Front movement as in France and Spain. The Daily Worker praised Stepney for its results in selling the paper and topping the ‘Daily Worker League’ (64).

As May Day approached and the agreed route was made public, we continued to hold meetings with local Labour and CP speakers appearing on the same platforms.

The budget emphasised the government’s war preparations with no relief for the unemployed or other workers (65). Sportsmen of every kind were beginning to focus attention on the proposed Olympic Games, to be held in Berlin. There was a great deal of opposition to this event being held in Berlin.

The French general election was due in a few days’ time. Everyone was forecasting a big defeat for the right wing forces. Hitler was moving troops up to the Austrian frontiers. The situation was becoming more serious with every passing day.

May Day arrived. Our main slogan was, ‘Unity and Peace’. Mosley had decided to hold a rally on May 1st at Victoria Park Square, Bethnal Green. We decided to call on everyone to oppose him by counter demonstrating after our return from Hyde Park (66). Millions marched all over the world on May Day. The Spanish workers declared a general strike in Madrid (67). About three thousand turned out to oppose Mosley at Victoria Park Square when he appeared on top of a loud speaker van, surrounded by four to five hundred Fascists in uniform (68). There was a constant barrage of cat-calls and slogan shouting, interruptions of all kinds. Fights were breaking out all round the meeting wherever Fascists and anti-Fascists made physical contact, despite police efforts to keep us apart. They spent most of their time trying to pick off anyone who was making a noise or moving towards the ring of Blackshirts round the van. We were becoming used to this sort of thing and learning how to keep the opposition going while not allowing too many of our people to get arrested or beaten up. I still felt that this side of our work was not given sufficient attention. Although it was obvious that the real answer, so far as confrontation on the streets was concerned, lay in getting really large numbers of people to turn out whenever Blackshirts decided to hold meetings. There was still the problem of Fascist assaults on individuals and small groups engaged in political activities as well as violence directed towards Jews in general.

The Emperor of Abyssinia decided to leave Addis Ababa. Mussolini was gaining ground. The Fasc:st forces in Spain were preparing to turn the tide.

Arms stores were found hidden in churches among other places. We were not alone in East London, when it came to meeting the threat of Fascism. By way of contrast, two people I knew, A. Holland and I. Rennap, wrote an article in the Daily Worker, which declared ‘USSR solves the Jewish “problem” ’ (69). This was a reference to Birobidjan, the ‘autonomous’ Jewish ‘Socialist Region’. They and others really believed this.

The Left Book Club was well under way and Harry Pollitt called on the Party to give it every support. He also concluded a series of articles headed ‘A crusade for peace’ (70). Leon Blum was to become head of the new French government. The French CP with seventy-two members in the parliament, decided not to join in the government by accepting ministerial posts (71). In Spain there was a cabinet crisis in the new proposed Republican Popular Front government. The new government was not yet formed (72). We had been reading about alleged leakage of budget secrets, in which J.H. Thomas and his son, along with some well-known gentlemen in the city, were said to have made quite a lot of money. The government set up an enquiry tribunal which promised to be very interesting. We had no illusions about our so-called betters. So we looked forward to the reports coming from this tribunal, which would prove what we had always said about them (73).

I was now twenty-three. I was having to find some time to visit my sister Annie who was very ill in hospital. My mother was very distressed at this time and for a short time I had to pay a little attention to her. This period didn’t last very long as Annie did not live much longer. Mum had to accept the position and learn to live with what had happened. Debbie took charge of Annie’s young daughter and we did not see Annie’s husband, who disappeared soon after her death. My brother Hymie was still not around very often, but it was not long before I was to hear from him.

Annie’s husband, who disappeared soon after her death. My brother Hymie was still not around very often, but it was not long before I was to hear from him.

Pearl and I were beginning to think about the summer holiday and the possibility of getting a break from work and all our other troubles. Many of our friends were also hoping for a short relief from the hard grind of our daily lives. We could not plan too far ahead and there was still a couple of months to go. Much could happen to alter such plans. The Amateur Athletic Association met to discuss their attitude to the forthcoming Berlin Olympics. The British Workers’ Sports Association, whose president was Sir Stafford Cripps, passed a motion not to participate (74).

The national press had been reporting the proceedings of the budget leakage tribunal, which turned the spotlight on the way of life of J.H. Thomas and his friends. The enquiry ended and its findings were anticipated, but as yet not reported. Our local new branch of the Shop Assistants’ Union won a cup and shield in the same year, for the best recruitment to the Union.

They celebrated with a meeting at the Shoreditch Town Hall (75). The chairman of this branch was Ruby Silkoff, a member of the CP, one of those in disagreement with me over the application of policy. Ex-Communist MP Phil Piratin, tells us in his book that Ruby was still the chairman in 1948, but I notice his name was now Ruben Silk (76). Two other people were becoming better known in the clothing fraction of the Party, Mick Mindel and Hymie Kanter. These two, with Sarah Wesker and some important allies, inside and outside the CP, were to lead the ladies’ clothing workers union in London for many years to come. I was to meet them head on many times. My worst fears were to be substantiated.

A man called Sheffner, leader of the Polish Bund, came to the ‘Circle House’ to lecture on the situation in Poland. Since a large proportion of Jewish immigrants were Polish, many with a knowledge of the Polish workers’ movement, there was some interest in this visit. I can’t remember anything specific about the lecture on the Polish situation, but I would think that the immigrants who played such a big part in East London’s politics through the ‘Workers’ Circle’ in particular, were influenced through their earlier connections with the Bund.

J.H. Thomas resigned from the Cabinet. Mr Baldwin refered to ‘My dear Jim’ in the official correspondence (77). He was determined to protect him and his other friends by delaying the publication of the Enquiry Report.

Arthur Horner, a well known Communist, was elected President of the South Wales Miners Federation (78). The CP made much of this success. My opponents in Stepney also used this to show what could be done by persistent work in the trade unions. I got the impression that they rather felt that if only we had a few more Arthur Horners, then the revolution would be just round the corner. While welcoming any improved influence in the unions, I became even more convinced that this aspect of our work would be exaggerated to the point where it would take over from what I then considered was the real practice of the CP as the Vanguard of the Proletarian revolution.

Our Stepney party aggregate meetings were becoming more distinctly of two kinds: tho open ones, where our sympathisers could be invited, and closed ones, where we argued and made plans.

A Daily Worker report, 26.5.’36, had this headline: ‘Real facts of rumoured Soviet approach to Mussolini’. Among other attempts to explain matters, I quote the following paragraphs which indicate possible trends in future Soviet foreign policies.

‘...The fact that the British government has been able to sabotage any effective action against Mussolini is the result of the weakness of the working-class and peace forces. At the same time the Soviet Union, not losing its sense of proportion and never failing to realise that the greatest danger of all today is the menace of Nazi Germany, has warned the world’s peace forces against failing to see the greatest danger to peace by an unbalanced preoccupation with a smaller one. (Emphasis in original).

And now what about these latest canards which seek to bring the Soviet policy into question? With Italy, as with Germany and almost every other capitalist State, the Soviet Union has the ordinary diplomatic and trading relations.

But the present talk of a rapprochement with Italy is as mendacious and fantastic as all previous journalistic efforts to ‘foreshadow’ alliances with Hitler.

The anti-Soviet campaign in Italy (assisted by the Pope, of course) is almost as fierce, even if not quite as monotonously sustained, as the anti-Soviet reg ulm of the Nazis.’ (79).

Big ‘stay-in’ strikes were leading to the occupation of factories in France.

The workers’ demands were being met as a direct result of these actions (80). Both France and Spain decided to boycott the Olympic games in Berlin. Their sportsmen and women decided to support the Barcelona Olympiad due to be held in July. The Soviet Union also decided to send a team (81). After a long delay, the Budget Tribunal findings were made public. J.H. Thomas was guilty. . information had been used for private gain’. As if this was anything new. The Opposition called for the resignation of the Baldwin government.

Also, the prosecution of those declared guilty by the tribunal (82). The Emperor of Abyssinia was due to arrive in England. Mussolini had made still more progress. Fascist aggression was being encouraged wherever it existed (83).

East London Anti-Fascists decided to organise a demonstration in Victoria Park on June 7th at 5p.m. (84). The timing is rather important, in view of what was to happen at a later date. The reason for this timing was that this day happened to coincide with the National Youth Day rally to Trafalgar Square, due to be held earlier that day. Mosley was to hold his own rally, and we had to decide how to keep the plan for Trafalgar Square and deal with the situation in East London. So we were expected to support the Youth Day Rally, and then come back to Bethnal Green, where we planned to march through the area to Victoria Park.

I was not too happy about this plan, but the Mosley effort on this occasion was a relatively local affair and I could not argue successfully for a cancellation of the Youth Rally in favour of an all-out concentration in Bethnal Green. So the compromise plan was to keep me busy for many hours that day.

* * * * *

July 22-25, the date set for the Barcelona Olympiad, was to play a part in changing the history of the world, in which, unknown to us at the time, we shared in an important role in the sequence of events. Nat Cohen, Sam Masters and Alec Sheller were discussing the idea of spending their summer holiday on a cycling tour through France. Pearl and I were thinking of going to Antwerp for a few days to enjoy the company of old friends who had given us such a good time the previous year. I suggested to Nat that they could time things so that on their return journey through France, they could join us in Antwerp. The date of the Olympiad gave us a good time-table for planning our holiday. Pearl and I would not be free before the first week in August. Nat, Sam and Alec could cycle through France, attend the Olympiad and cycle back in time to meet us. We were thinking that they could leave Barcelona on the 25th or 26th July and meet us during the first week in August. This was not to work out this way. Pearl and I nevet went to Antwerp and Nat, Sam and Alec never cycled back from their visit to Spain.

We had been holding a series of meetings throughout the area, to whip up support for our Victoria Park demonstration. The BUF, not to be outdone, decided to break into territory which they knew would bring trouble. They arrived with a van, something like a big, closed troop carrier with loudspeaker equipment, at the corner of Dellow Street and Cable Street (85). The spot selected formed one of the points where the gentiles of dockland lived side by side with many Jewish people in Stepney. Despite the surprise tactic employed, the local people soon began to show their opposition and it was not long before we got to know the meeting was being held. When I arrived, among many others, from other parts of Stepney, I saw a big fellow climbing up the side of the van, being hit by the Fascists on top. He was giving as much as he was getting. His courage was great and his ability was even greater. A second look, and I could see it was Ernie Leek, a local docker and some time boxer who could more than take care of himself. Ernie was arrested, but not before he and the rest of the crowd had forced the Fascists to abandon the meeting and the van drove off with a police escort. The Rev Jack Boggis then addressed a big meeting to celebrate our victory over the BUF. This kind of quick reaction was possible all over Stepney whenever Mosley’s forces tried to hold meetings which had not been advertised, but were deliberately attempted in order to provoke trouble and gain publicity.

It could be argued, and it was, that by reacting as we did, it only served to help Mosley and we were playing into his hands. But what do you do when the local people, on whose doorsteps these Fascist meetings were being held, turned out in opposition? Were we to say, ignore them, you only play into their hands? What about the anti-semitic abuse? What about the violence?

What about the fact that, as each attempt met with some partial success, this only meant a further penetration into areas which had previously been closed to the Fascists? Inside the CP and elsewhere, these questions were debated. I think the majority view, certainly among the youth, was that Mosley should be met everywhere with the maximum force available. True, there were places like Green Street, Bethnal Green, Duckett Street, Mile End, parts of Shoreditch and Limehouse, where the BUF could hold meetings with some local support. It was clear to me that they could not be content to continue without breaking out of these few areas. Therefore I argued that we must resist all their attempts to hold meetings in East London, especially at places where they had never been before. I said more. We should build up the antiFascist forces so as to be able to drive Mosley out of East London.

I believed, no matter what the CP said, that there were anti-Fascists who would have a lot to say about these matters without the benefit of our advice. For one thing, the Ex-Servicemen’s Anti-Fascist Movement and other organisations in the area, had their own ideas about all this. In fact, as time went on, these forces were as important as the CP itself in deciding what should be done. Even Harold Cohen who was a Party member and a recognised leader of the ex-servicemen’s organisation, could not have held the members back, even if he had wanted to follow such a course. We were getting a big response from local Labour Party members for our demonstration on June 7th. As arranged, we went to Trafalgar Square for the Youth rally and left there for our demonstration to Victoria Park. The opposition to Mosley was great. There were twenty arrests resulting from our march and meeting with the Blackshirts, throughout the demonstration (86).

Then the Executive Board of the NUTGW called a meeting of all shopstewards in London to discuss a demand for an increase of twopence an hour for all workers. The employers offered one penny for men and a half penny for women (87). At least the fight was on for an increase in wages all round, showing that the position had improved a little since the dark days following 1929. As usual, we Communists met as a fraction to organise our activities in the industry and in particular, to discuss tactics in the Union. I don’t remember what Sarah Wesker was doing at this time. She had been a fulltime official of the old UCWU. When the CP members went into the reformist unions, it was only possible to join either one of two branches of the National Union or the LTU, which was independent of any other union. Sarah had been a gents’ tailoring worker and I’m not sure how she managed to finish up as an official of the Mantle and Costume, London branch of the National Union a few years later. In my view, she was always the leading spirit in clothing as far as the CP was concerned. Her long membership of the Party had given her some influence, even though I can’t recall her doing any actual factory work since her days with Schneider’s. Another thing which worried me was that I knew she had access to the Party leaders, particularly Harry Pollitt. When she could not get her way there seemed to be an early intervention of someone from the District Committee if not from the Centre, to back her point of view. She was a member of the Party branch committee but spent most of her time on clothing trade matters, while still taking part in the discussions on all other subjects, including the question of Mosley in East London.

* * * * *

At this time we heard that the government had decided not to prosecute J.H. Thomas & Co of the Budget scandal. He and Sir Alfred Butt resigned their seats in parliament (88). The revelations of the enquiry tribunal into their affairs were used by the Daily Worker to further expose the character of our class enemies. The government in its turn simply made excuses. There were ‘black sheep’, they explained, among all groups, but the rulers never did anything about their black sheep. The possibility of using positions for personal gain continues. After all, we live in a ‘free enterprise’ system of society where private gain is the big incentive which, according to its supporters, makes ‘progress’ possible. The crime which J.H. Thomas and his friends had committed was to have been found out doing their shady deals without due care and attention to keeping their activities secret. Not only that: in making money in this way, they trod on the toes of other fellow profit-seekers.

Lloyds were no small fish to be eaten by bigger fish. J.H. Thomas had often embarrassed the Labour leaders in the past, and, true to colour, he ended his public career an embarrassment to his Conservative friends. Then, One week after the previous attempt, the BUF again tried to hold a meeting at Dellow Street. This time we had some advance information and were ready for them. They arrived with a strong police escort, including some mounted police. The Blackshirts never managed to open the meeting and had to leave. We took over and this time Father Grosser spoke to the workers on his own home ground. It should not be forgotten that in East London, some of the local churchmen played a big part in the fight against Mosley. Father Grosser and the Rev Jack Boggis were outstanding examples (89).

There was a penny pamphlet being sold at this time, with the title, A new France has been born—the stay-in strikers. I was very impressed. This sounded like the kind of trade union activity which I thought was very important (90). Also, the campaign for affiliation to the Labour Party, which the CPGB had been carrying on for a long time, was showing widespread support. It was quite clear, however, that there was no chance that the Labour leadership would ever agree to affiliation under any circumstances.

We could not lose. Who was for the split in the working-class movement? Not us—we wanted unity. Of course, there was the point that we could have liquidated our organisation and all joined the Labour Party. That would have been one way of ending the split. Not our way. We were for the revolution and the Labour Party was for reforming the capitalist system. The campaign for affiliation was needed as part of the general campaign for the United Front and Popular Front for the immediate task of opposing the drive to Fascism and war. The Communist International 7th World Congress resolutions made this quite clear. Spain and France were showing the way.

The Soviet Union chose this time to publish the draft of a new Constitution. All the rights of every citizen clearly stated as never before by any constitution (91). What a contrast to what was happening in Germany, Italy and Japan. To say nothing of the conditions imposed on millions of colonial peoples under imperialist tyrranies. That’s how it looked to me and, I’m sure, to most members of the CP. Sam Berks tells me he never fell for all that. He claims he could see through all this. I don’t remember his having done anything about this at the time. His attitude was that only the CP was doing anything worthwhile in opposing Fascism, and he had to overlook any shortcomings.

‘The best of a bad bunch’, as he said. I didn’t know at the time, he had said to Phil Piratin that he was not surprised he found it difficult to sell copies of the Draft Constitution of the USSR. To me it still looked good in print.

If I had any doubts about our leaders here in Britain, it did not follow that I had any doubts about Stalin and the leaders of the CI. The resolutions of the 7th World Congress were a chapter in my bible, I believed, so why should I not take the written constitution as read? Where else was there any hope for mankind? Certainly not for Jewish workers of London’s East End.

Hitler in Germany and Mosley on our doorstep, supported by Rothermere and company, didn’t seem to be looking after my rights as a citizen. My MP, Mr J.H. Hall, received a reply from the Under Secretary, Home Office, that steps would be taken to deal with Fascist violence and attempts to insult and molest Jews (92). Sir Percy Harris pointed out that the same conditions existed in Bethnal Green. So did George Lansbury for Poplar. All I saw was massive police support for Mosley.

At this time, we called a meeting of the Near-East sub-district of the Party to discuss ‘trouble in Palestine’ (93). Jews were in conflict with Arabs. The British were playing one off against the other to serve the needs of imperialism. Everything was quite clear. All over the world, outside the Soviet Union, there was one great conspiracy against the workers. Why should I doubt that only in the Soviet Union were the workers’ interests being served?

Was it not true that Hitler was bringing together all the forces of anti-communism to smash the Soviet Union? Was Hitler my friend? How could I avoid taking sides?

More British athletes were going to Barcelona in July for the anti-Fascist Olympiad. Nat, Sam and Alec were preparing for their cycle ride through France to Barcelona. Then, despite anything we could do, and again with massive police protection, Mosley was able to hold a big meeting in Finsbury Park (94). The Bethnal Green Borough Council, led by Councillor King LCC and Councillor Turpin, moved to withold £24,150 due to the Police Commissioner (95). They protested on behalf of the ratepayers at having to support police protection for Mosley. They said there should be no aid for this kind of police activity. The matter was referred back to the Finance Committee.

Meanwhile, fighting between Arabs and Jews continued in Palestine. The Arabs refused to call off the general strike which was one way of showing their attitude to British policy (96). The Jews in East London were not yet in favour of Zionism. That is not to say that many Jews were not Zionists. The majority still did not see this as a solution to their problems. They saw themselves as British Jews, as the American Jews regarded themselves as Americans. Indeed, until the arrival of Hitler, the German Jews could not have been more German. We often accused them of being eager to forget that they were Jews. Unfortunately for them and us, Hitler would not allow them to forget. Even many of the Jews who were Zionists in London, combined their Zionism with Socialism. Many Jews rejected Zionism entirely, including Communists who saw the Jewish question as one part of the general problem of the persecution of minorities. For us, the matter was simply a class question in which the Jewish workers had to identify themselves with workers everywhere to organise for the overthrow of the capitalist system. This, we said, was the only way that anti-semitism and racialism could be ended. We pointed to Birobidjan!

As for Palestine, it followed that the unity of Arab and Jew as workers, was the way to defeat imperialism, which exploited all workers. In short, just as we said, here in Stepney, that the fight against the National Government and Mosley, was to unite Jew and gentile, so also in Palestine or anywhere else, only workers’ united action could solve the problems. Zionism was not yet as strong as it was to become among Jews. Our opposition to Zionism was made much easier by the fact that so much of the working-class movement, as far as the Jews in East London was concerned, had a long tradition based on the original immigrants, who were supporters of the Bund in Poland and East Europe.

The CP in Stepney called an open branch meeting to discuss our point of view on Palestine (97). We always tried to hold open branch meetings on important issues of the day. In this way we tried to win more people to our overall political positions.

More questions were asked in parliament about the increasing Jew-baiting in East London. Members of parliament for Stepney, Hackney and Bethnal Green, in addition to Will Gallagher, cur Communist MP, drew attention to the partiality of the police on the side of the Blackshirts (98). The London District Congress of the CP was held on the week-end of June 26th-28th. It followed the usual pattern. D.F. Springhall, district organiser, presented a report, in which he drew attention to our weaknesses, particularly in our efforts to win more influence in the Trade Unions (99).

The Labour Party called a demonstration in Hyde Park on June 28th to oppose the government’s policies on unemployment. 30,000 attended (100).

Huge Peoples’ Front rallies were being held in Spain and France. East London CP members working in the clothing industry met to mobilise for more activity. The Near-East Sub-district summoned all local committee members and group leaders to meet. ‘No other meeting to stand in the way’. So said the advert for July 3rd (101). The International Federation of Trade Unions was meeting. The Trade Unions called for a demonstration on July 5th in Hyde Park. Speakers from France and Germany as well as leading British Trade Unionists, Jack Tanner, Brigginshaw, Adams and others. This was to celebrate the great victories of the French Popular Front (102). Twenty thousand athletes, many British, were preparing for their journey to Barcelona (103). Persecution of Jews in Germany was increasing every day.

The League of Nations was suffering serious defeats as a result of its unwillingness to act effectively against Mussolini’s victories in Abyssinia (104).

In Stepney, we were engaged in activities related to all these matters. Starting July 8th, we arranged a series of outdoor meetings at Clive Street, Duckett Street and Dellow Street, accompanied by a van to tour the area, starting from Prince’s Square. July 10th there was to be a meeting at Jubilee Street; van to tour the area, starting from Manningtree Street. July 11th we were to hold a Poster Parade starting from Stepney Green at 3.30p.m., ending with a meeting at St Mary’s Street, Whitechapel. All groups were to whitewash the area, advertising these activities, leading to a mass rally on Sunday 12th July at 4p.m. to join the East London demonstration in Victoria Parx against Fascism (105). This rally, organised by the local Labour Parties and Trade Unions, was to be addressed by J.H. Hall, MP for Whitechapel and St George’s, Dan Frankel, MP for Mile End, Fred Watkins MP and Herbert Morrison MP from Hackney, and Ernest Thurtle from Bethnal Green. On the day it rained heavily, but there was a very good turnWe were so busy it seems unlikely that any of us could have been thinking of the forthcoming summer holidays. But we certainly were going ahead with our plans. If Nat, Sam and Alec were to get to Spain by the nineteenth of July for the Barcelona Olympiad, they would have to leave right away. This they decided to do. They mounted their cycles loaded with camping equipment etc for the journey to the coast and then through France to Spain. We saw them off, Pearl and I, fully expecting to see Nat and Sam again in Antwerp in a couple of weeks’ time. A day or two after they left, a report appeared of a right-wing Spanish army officers’ coup which had been crushed.

The workers were alerted to the danger of a Fascist attempt to overthrow the Popular Front Government in Spain. I can’t say we felt the urgency of this danger at that moment. This report appeared on the sixteenth of July while my friends must have been just a few hundred miles from the Franco-Spanish border. On July 17th, the British delegation for the Barcelona Olympiad left Victoria Station (107).

This was the time the Left Book Club was getting off the ground. They had recruited sixteen thousand members after only a few w2eks since opening, with a proposal to produce a book a month for only half-a-crown (108).

There was tremendous interest in left-wing politics in general and anti-Fascism in particular. The growth of the popular Front in Spain and France on one hand and the growth of Fascism in Germany and Italy on the other, was forcing. more people, including intellectuals and artists of all kinds along with workers, to take up firm positions on one side or the other. Our local Party branch had recently discussed the District Congress proceedings, including plans to oppose the government’s new draft regulations for the unemployed.

These were directed against young people under twenty-five years old, who were out of work. The Means Test was to stay, despite big opposition to it over the past few years (109).

On July 20th, the news from Spain took on a very serious character, but we didn’t realise at first, how serious. The Daily Worker for that date, had its headline on the front page devoted to the unemployed. Other headlines refered to Spain: ‘Fascists land troops on Spanish coast’. . .“Masses defend the Republic’. . .“Government resigns as officers attack’. . . “General strike begins’ (110).

The same issue carried reports of an outrageous Jew-baiting episode in Petticoat Lane the previous day. A van full of uniformed Blackshirts drove into the market area. Leaving the van, they proceeded to smash stalls and assault the stallholders. The van drove up and down belting out anti-semitic obscenities from the Blackshirts still on board. A meeting of the Anti-Fascist Ex-Servicemen’s Organisation, which was just starting a few streets away, was alerted. The meeting closed and everyone headed for “The Lane’. Fighting broke out and it was not long before the Fascists had to get away in a hurry (111). Reports I got from those who were caught up in this incident, indicated that there would have been very serious consequences for those thugs if they had been trapped in the market and unable to drive their van out quickly. This might well have been the case, if it happened just a little further on, when Petticoat Lane begins to get so crowded as to make motor transport impossible while the market is open.

The Daily Worker on the following day, July 21st, still did not make the events in Spain its major headline. Instead the front page read, ‘Labour into action on Means Test’ (112). They seemed to be treating the Spanish reports as a simple revolt of army officers. This despite the fact that there had been three changes of government in the previous twenty-four hours. The rest of the press was in no doubt about the full-scale, right-wing revolution which had begun. The main Daily Worker headline on the 22nd was, ‘Miners take stand for unity with Communists’, which refered to a decision of some miners in Britain. The column on Spain was headed, ‘Republicans march on’. The full report was on page five (113).

Notes

1. DW, 1.1.1936.
2. DW, 2.1.1936.
3. DW, 3.1.1936.
4. DW, 4.1.1936.
5. DW, 5.1.1936.
6. DW, 10.14.1936.
7. DW, 16.1.1936.
8. DW, 18-21.1.1936.
9. DW, 18.1.1936.
10. DW, 21.1.1936.
11. Ibid.
12. DW, 22.1.1936.
13. DW, 23.1.1936.
14. DW, 24.1.1936.
15. DW, 23.1.1936.
16. DW, 27.1.1936.
17. DW, 16.2.1936.
18. DW, 1 and 4.2.1936.
19. DW, 6 and 8.2.1936.
20. DW. 8.2.1936.
21. Announced DW, 5.2.1936.
22. Phil Piratin, op cit, p 18.
23. DW, $.2.1936.
24. DW, 10.2.1936.
25. DW, 11.2.1936.
26. Ibid.
27. DW, 14.2.1936.
28. Ibid.
29. DW, 15.2.1936.
30. DW, 19.2.1936.
31. DW, 21.2.1936.
32, DW, 19.2.1936.
33. DW 22.2.1936.
34. DW, 26.2.1936.
35. DW, 17.2.1936.
36. Ibid.
37. DW, 18.2.1936.
38. DW, 19.2.1936.
39. Dw, 21.2.1936.
40. DW, 20.2.1936.
41. Ibid.
42. DW, 24.2.1936.
43. DW, 26 and 27.2.1936.
44. DW, 3.3.1936.
45. DW, 6.3.1936.
46. Ibid.
47. DW, 7.3.1936. The reference is to anti-fascist opposition to Mosley’s Olympia rally in 1934
48. DW, 123.1936.
49. DW, 14.3.1936.
50. Ibid.
51. DW, 20.3.1936.
52. DW, 16.3.1936.
53. DW, 23.3.1936.
54, DW, 24.3.1936.
55. DW, 26.3.1936.
56. DW, 28.3.1936.
57. DW, 31.3.1936.
58. DW, 3.4.1936.
59. DW, 4.4.1936.
60. DW, 7.4.1936.
61. Programmes announced DW, 114.1936.
62. DW, 15.4.1936.
63. DW, 16.4.1936.
64. DW, 21.4.1936.
65. DW, 22.4.1936.
66. DW, 1.5.1936.
67. DW, 2.5.1936.
68. DW, 45.1936.
69. DW, 7.5.1936.
70. DW, 9 and 13.5.1936.
71. DW, 12.5.1936.
72. DW, 13.5.1936.
73. DW, 12.5.1936.
74. DW, 15.5.1936.
75. DW, 16.5.1936.
76. Phil Piratin, op cit, p60ff.
77. DW, 235.1936.
78. DW, 25.5.1936. ,
79. DW, 26.5.1936.
80. DW, 29,5.1936. .
81. DW,16.1936.
82. DW, 3.6.1936,
83. Ibid.
84. Ibid.
85. DW, 6.6.1936.
86. DW, 9.6.1936.
87. DW, 8.6.1936.
88. DW, 12.6.1936.
89. DW, 13.6.1936.
90. Advertised DW, 13.6.1936.
91. DW, 16.6.1936.
92. DW, 17.6.1936.
93. Ibid.
94. DW, 22.6.1936.
95. Ibid.
96. DW, 23.6.1936.
97. DW, 25.6.1936.
98. DW, 26.6.1936.
99. DW, 27.6.1936.
100. DW, 29.6.1936.
101. DW, 1.7.1936.
102. Ibid.
103. DW, 2.7.1936.
104. DW, 4.7.1936.
105. Announced DW, 8.7.1936.
106. DW, 13.7.1936.
107. DW, 16.7.1936.
108. DW, 18.7.1936.
109. Ibid.
110. DW, 20.7.1936.
111. Ibid
112. DW, 21.7.1936.
113. DW, 22.7.1936.

The 23rd July 1936 saw a radical change in emphasis in the presentation of the news from Spain. The front page headline read,— Eye witness story of Barcelona—Frank Pitcairn—Special correspondent (1). There was as yet no major call for solidarity action from the Party, certainly not from the Daily Worker. The same issue carried a report of the abandonment of the Barcelona Olympiad. ‘British team all safe’ Message from Spain, ‘Everything O.K. Notify parents. Situation well in hand. Don’t worry.’ ‘Members of team are in splendid spirits, and are reported to have left Barcelona by steamer for Marseilles last night,’ said the report. We wondered what had happened to our friends, Nat, Sam and Alec. Had they reached Spain? Were they on their way home? Pearl and I had to make a quick decision. The pressure was mounting.

Could we go ahead with our plans for the holiday? The next couple of days made it only too clear that there would be no holiday that year. The Stepney CP branch met to discuss the situation, which I thought was not being taken as seriously as it merited (2). The Daily Worker headline for July 24th read ‘Fascists face failure’. Kay Beauchamp, a leading party member, had just returned from Spain, and Frank Pitcairn was reporting directly as the D.W. special correspondent (3).

Judging by the large headline in the DW on the 25th, decisions from the Executive Committee of the Party had, at last, been made and the Party line was to be presented. Really big headlines now. No messing. ‘All into action now!’ ‘Defend Spanish Republic’ (4). This was no small revolt of army officers, but a full scale, well prepared armed fascist attack on the Spanish Popular Front including the government and workers’ organisation. There was a stirring call from Harry Pollitt to ‘Rally all support possible for the Spanish Republic’ and to meet at Trafalgar Square on Sunday 26th (5). Pollitt and others were to speak. A big meeting was called at the Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street, with speakers from the Liberal, Labour and Communist parties.

No more than one or two days’ notice was needed to fill this or any other hall, where the events in Spain were being discussed. There were meetings going on all over the place. (6)

The British sports delegation to Barcelona had returned home by the 26th (7). There was still no news from Nat, Sam and Alec. I went to see their parents and families, wondering if they had heard anything. There had, been no message from any of them. Knowing Nat Cohen, I was sure he had reached Spain by the 19th as arranged, so I could only conclude that he and the others were in Spain when the fighting started. We would have to wait for news.

Those interested in coming to the aid of the Spanish Republic had issued a call for a massive turn-out on August 1st, to meet in Hyde Park (8). An appeal for funds was responded to immediately. Large donations came from the official Trade Union and Labour movement. The Daily Express and other right-wing newspapers made no bones about where they stood. A report as early as July 23rd, said rather gleefully, ‘It looks as though the rebels are going to win in Spain’ (9). I’d never seen the Daily Express in support of ‘rebels’ before. It seems that it was alright for anti-working class forces to make an armed rebellion against a legally constituted government, but not for working class and progressive left-wing forces. They reacted right away to the efforts of the supporters of the Spanish Republic, by declaring in an editorial, that the British would be better advised to give their money for causes nearer home, e.g. the unemployed (10). It seems the Daily Express had also suddenly become concerned about the plight of the unemployed. Where was this concern before the people in Britain began to show their support for the Spanish Popular Front?

Once again, this was a time for taking sides, standing up, ready to be counted. It was becoming easier to see who were your friends and who were enemies. If I had not known before about the pressure of being active in the movement, I was to learn in the next few months, how really hectic things could become. What with the unemployed, Mosley and all the rest, we now had Spain, which was to play such an important part in the history of this century. It was a good job my annual holiday came at the beginning of August, because I don’t know how I would have been able to continue working during those two weeks. The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War demanded all our attention during the first few weeks and a lot of our time for some time to come. I did not have to worry about any domestic matters; my mum continued to look after me. Pearl was always there. So was her family. I hadn’t seen my sister Debbie for some time, and as for my brother Hymie, it must have been all of eighteen months since I had seen him. I did see my young nieces on Saturday mornings, when they visited their grandma. That is all I can remember of my personal life at this time.

As early as August 1st., there were reports of German and Italian bombers going to the assistance of the ‘rebels’ in Spain. The Communist Party through the DW, under the heading, ‘What to do’. said, ‘We cannot be content with opening a fund to assist the fight of Republican Spain.’ (11) It called for protest demonstrations and meetings in unity with democratic forces here in Britain and throughout the world. At the same time there were demonstrations against the new Means Test regulations. This issue was linked to what was going on in Spain, as part of the struggle of workers in all lands. There was as yet no call for volunteers to actually go to Spain, despite the direct intervention of open sympathisers on Franco’s side.

The French government made what I thought was a strange initiative for a ‘left-wing’ body. It appealed to the principal governments concerned, for the rapid adoption and rigid observance of a common programme of non-intervention in the Spanish Civil War (12).

The ‘Real’ Berlin Olympics were in full swing. We organised a demonstration to the Italian embassy to protest against Fascist intervention in Spain (13). The DW printed an article by Karl Radek from Moscow, headed ‘Germany and Italy plotting war’ (14). British volunteers were flying planes sold to Franco by British aircraft firms (15).

Unemployment figures published by the government stood at 1,652,072. A drop of over 50,000 from the figures given on June 22nd, six weeks earlier. The growing war threat was beginning to alter the domestic scene in East London, as in other places (16).

The day the unemployment figures were published in the DW and elsewhere, only the Daily Express reported the news I was waiting for. Alongside a report from its correspondent about current events in Spain, on page two there was a four inch column in heavy print, headed ‘Three Tailors from Stepney Turn “Soldiers” ’ It went on:

‘Nathaniel Cohen, thirty-one-year-old British Communist deported from Buenos Aires, has joined the Government forces in Barcelona with two other Londoners, S. Masters and A. Sheller.

All three live in Stepney. They left England together in July on a cycling tour—were discovered in Barcelona by Daily Express Staff Reporter Sidney Smith.

They told him that while in southern France they heard of the Spanish trouble and crossed the border.

The three men are tailors. Four years ago Cohen arrived in England abroad the Argentine ship Chaco with other political agitators; was landed near Gravesend. See Opinion—Page Hight.’ (17)

This report was used to provide the Daily Express Editorial writers with an opportunity to state its position on Spain. They immediately saw what was implied in the action of my friends. As things turned out it was a very significant initiative. Here is that editorial headed ‘Opinion’.

The Bull Ring

‘If Spain wants revolution and counter-revolution, street murder and firing squads, we cannot stop them.

If Spaniard must slay Spaniard before Spain can get the government she deserves, it is a terrible business, but it is Spain’s business. Civil War must have an end some day. But history teaches that the longest, bloodiest and least decisive of all civil wars—and therefore the start of others—are those that are backed by foreign interventionists. So keep out of the Spanish Bull Ring.

A British Policy

Three voices there are in Britain giving advice to the British people about Spain.

Part of the press favour the rebels. Their Spanish policy is to help the militarists, clericals, and semi-Fascists who compose the Spanish “‘Right”’.

Another section of our newspapers want this country to confer its benefactions on the Madrid Government. Their Spanish policy is to demand aid for the Radicals, Socialists, Syndicalists and Communists who represent the “Left”’.

The policy of the Daily Express is not Spanish, neither “Left” nor “Right”, but British, both ways and in the middle too. The Daily Express advises that in no circumstances whatever should this country allow itself to be drawn into the quarrel.

Tinker, Tailor

Did you ever hear the old song “‘A trader sailed from Stepney Town’”? It told a tale of buccaneering in the blood-and-thunder days on the Spanish Main.

Well, now here’s a new song for some one to write called “Three tailors cycled from Stepney Town.” They’ve gone buccaneering too—on the Spanish mainland.

The three tailors, Communist in sympathy, mounted their bicycles and sped to Spain to join the Red forces and have a go at the army chiefs there.

If the soldiers and their friends should capture them and put them against the wall, the ‘“‘Left’’ Press here will bawl for British battleships to bring them home. And bawl, let us hope, in vain.

Guerrilla War

On the other side it is said that airplanes brought in Britain are being flown to the rebel camp.

If these machines are shot down by Government guns, or if the pilots fall into the hands of the guerrilla bands fighting alongside the Government troops, then we shall get a cry from the “‘Right” to avenge these British dead.

And it will be a powerful cry, commanding considerable sympathy. For what the Spanish guerrillas did to the prisoners they took from Napoleon would make the Abyssinians blush (18).

The rest of this scurrilous ‘impartial’ editorial was devoted to referring to historical ‘incidents’ and appealing to its readers to avoid becoming involved in the events unfolding in Spain.

On the same day the DW had reports from George Elvin and Reg Underhill, assistant manager of the British sports team, as eye witnesses of events in Spain. Page three also had a full report from Maurice Thorez on the results of the Popular Front in France. This was a reference to the Daily Herald report of differences in the Communist Party and with other sections of the Popular Front, circulating in France. Thorez said,

‘The communists of France, faithful to their doctrines, their programme and their ideas consented to a compromise on a programme which was voluntarily limited to enable the Radical Party and all Republicans to accept and defend it. . . We have the firm conviction that the carrying out in its entirety of the Popular Front programme will. enable the Republican majority of the Chamber to go back to the people with honour at the end of the term.

If the policy of the Popular Front had no other result than to prevent the advent of Fascism in France, this in our eyes would have been sufficient reason for it.’

Dealing with the success of the stay-in strikes in France, Thorez then declared,

‘it is now our role to see that the working class does not isolate itself from its allies, and when we said we must know how to end strikes, they showed their confidence in us. Revolutionary workers understood when we pointed out that when they had obtained their main demands it was necessary to resume work, for otherwise we could have risked compromising the future of the Popular Front. We replied to Marceau Pivert (extreme Left Socialist), when he said everything is possible, “No, everything is not possible yet.”

According to the DW this speech was greeted with tremendous applause, and the Daily Herald’s report of ‘grumbling’ among French Communists looked more like the ‘wish being father to the thought’. The article added ‘in order to fulfil its wish the Daily Herald does not hesitate even to give false reports.’ The report went on to explain more of the French Communist Party line in relation to the Popular Front (19). I for one was not very pleased with the explanations.

I looked in vain, in this issue of the DW, for some reference to my friends who had decided to join the Spanish Republican forces. I did not understand all that was going on. There could be no doubt about the need to step up our efforts to support the Spanish Republic. Indeed it looked like this fight would in fact be for a workers’ revolution over all the forces of reaction in Spain. There were others beginning to think so, not only in the ranks of our supporters but on the side of Franco and his allies throughout the world.

It was difficult to keep up with all the reports in the press from Spain, in addition to the activities of those for or against, in almost every part of the world. Once again people were being olbiged to take sides in a way which became more manifest: The DW for August 6th, devoted a whole page to an article by Harry Pollitt. It put two phrases from the article into special spaces to emphasise them.—‘No neutrality! All those people in Britain who accept democracy should understand that the Spanish people are giving their blood and their all in its defence. . .’ and ‘Their aim is not Soviets but defence of democracy. (20) This made the Party Line as decided by the leaders, quite clear. I don’t recall any discussion or consultation with the membership about the political issues posed by the Spanish struggle. We had become accustomed to accepting the Party Line from the leaders as a matter of necessity for a disciplined Vanguard of the working class. This attitude still exists in most forms of political organisations. There is a charade of so-called political democracy operating which is rarely able to oppose the entrenched leadership effectively.

For several days I looked for some reference to my friends, Nat, Sam and Alec, in the columns of the DW. Surely something would be said after that report in the Daily Express. Despite world-wide protest and demonstrations the German and Italian Governments continued to help the revolt against the Spanish Republican Government. This was aided by all sorts of moral and practical assistance from the right-wing forces as was clear from the attitude of the British press in particular. Reports in the DW were inclined to give the impression that the Republican forces were gaining over the efforts of Franco and his allies. I had no reason to think otherwise. On our side protest and demonstration was beginning to be combined with more practical forms of aid. The Co-op launched a campaign to send a food ship to Spain. Ideas for medical aid units to be sent to the fighting forces were being suggested (21).

The idea for the International Brigade was still a long way off. Yet at that very moment my comrade Nat Cohen was already thinking and putting into practice just such a proposal. I had no knowledge of what he was doing at that time and I did not see the full significance of the spontaneous action of my friends’ decision to join the workers’ fight in Spain. The fact that the DW did not mention them, did not help me to understand their actions in a way which should be encouraged.

Back home, the Blackshirts were stepping up their activities in East London. There were open threats to kill Jews. Street corner meetings were becoming occasions for fights between Fascists and police against antifascists.

At the same time Ribbentrop was appointed German Ambassador to London (22). The Spanish Medical Aid Committee held a meeting at ‘Friends House’ on August 10th, to support the sending of the first British Medical Unit to Spain (23). Among the speakers were, Dr Christopher Addison, George Lansbudy, Ben Tillett, Hannan Swaffer, Ellen Wilkinson, Viscount Churchill and our CP representative, Isobel Brown. The Popular Front idea seemed to be catching on here in Britain. At our local branch meeting we had a representative of the District Committee to open a discussion on the situation in Spain (24). I don’t remember what was said, but I took this opportunity to enquire, privately, why there was no mention of Sam, Nat and

Alec in the DW, when there was so much talk about them in our locality.

The District reps didn’t seem to know and would not commit themselves by way of a personal opinion. A day or two later there was a report from Monica Felton ‘. . . who left in the last British warship to take off British subjects.’ The article was headed ‘Revolt in Majorca.’ It described the Fascist attempt to take over the island. (25) Alec Sheller was on the way home!

At the same time I received my first letter from Nat Cohen. He had joined a large number of the Spanish Militia to invade the Balearic Islands to deal with the revolt which Monica Felton had reported. Sam Masters had joined another unit of Workers Militia fighting in Northern Spain, South-West of Barcelona. Nat wasn’t quite sure exactly where at the time. Nat had already met a young Spanish woman, Ramona, who was fighting in the same unit. He included a picture of part of this group after they had landed on Mallorca (see photograph). Knowing Nat I could hardly believe he had failed to report what he was doing to the Party here in London. Yet there were no reports of his activities or of Sam and Alec. In the East End there was a great deal of interest in my friends who had so many other friends and acquaintances there as well as their families too. When I spoke to members of the District Committee about all this, I felt the response was not altogether one of approval of Nat’s actions. There were not ready to approve, while at the same time they did not come out openly against it.I thought this partially explained why the DW had remained silent about this interesting matter. This was not the first time I had experienced hostility to Nat’s ideas and activities on the part of our leaders. I still regarded the reports I was getting as interesting if nothing more. The idea that this was the beginning, in practice, of the International Brigade, did not dawn on me until a few weeks later when I began to get fuller reports from Nat.

Harry Pollitt made a stirring appeal in the columns of the DW declaring, ‘Neutrality is Treason.’ The whole front page, on Saturday, August 15th, was devoted to reports of British aid to the Spanish rebels by supply of airplanes and other war materials backed by lying press reports from Spain. There was a call for more action by British people in support of the Spanish Republic (26).

On the home front there was to be an all London demonstration to Trafalgar Square against the National Government’s Means Test for the unemployed (27). Some tailors working for a large clothing firm, McCombie Bros, were on strike after the sacking of a shop-steward. Conditions in this firm had become unbearable as a result of the firm’s anti-trade union attitude (28). As if all that was going on was not already difficult enough to understand and cope with, another startling headline apperaed in the DW.

‘Moscow Trial —Zinoviev and Kamenev.’ The editorial said,

‘The revelation of the terrorist plot to assassinate the Soviet leaders, a plot instigated by Trotsky and engineered in its details by Zinoviev and Kamenev and others will fill all decent citizens with loathing and hatred.

These people long ago deserted every Socialist principle, they worked increasingly to retard, hinder and destroy Soviet culture, they conspired to murder Serge Kirov a Bolshevik leader beloved of the whole country.

They accepted political responsibility for the murder, adjured their own view and deeds at their trial only in order to cover up the actual machinery of their murder organisation.’

The crowing infamy of all was the evidence showing how they were linked up with the Nazi Secret Police, which provided false passports for their agents.

‘So they stand revealed, tools of the world Fascist attack.’ (29) What to think of all this? I was confused and mystified.

The support for Spain in Britain had resulted in sufficient funds to equip a Field Hospital. Even the unemployed were contributing their coppers to help (30). There were clenched fists from George Lansbury and others on the platform in Trafalgar Square at a meeting organised by the National Council of Labour, the London Trades Council, and the Co-ops and supported by the Communist Party (31). Unity of all anti-Fascists seemed to be growing at last.

Quicker than many of us could have hoped for only a short while ago. The French Government’s proposals for neutrality in the Spanish civil war, had me guessing. I could not understand this position in view of the massive support and strength of the French Communist Party and the Popular Front.

Some explanation seemed to be hidden behind the idea that somehow or other governments could support neutrality and this would condemn German and Italian intervention on Franco’s side and make it. more difficult for them to operate. What a hope! Hitler and Mussolini were pouring their murder weapons as well as personnel into Spain while the so-called democracies were trying to agree on proposals for operating a policy of ‘neutrality’. Almost by instinct ordinary workers could see that being neutral only helped the Fascists.

In practice, Nat and Sam among many were beginning to show that there was another answer to the intervention of Mussolini and Hitler. Did the position of the French Government supported by the French Communist Party, have anything to do with the attitude of the British Communist Party towards Nat Cohen and Sam Masters, at this time? I didn’t know. I was a bit puzzled. Things did not stay like this long enough to cause me to continue my contemplation along these lines. Support for what Nat and Sam were doing was on the way.

Reports from Moscow said, ‘Zinoviev admits Stalin murder plot. Admits working with Gestapo and Trotsky.’ Incredible! But there you are, these were confessions made in open court and reported to the whole world. It must be true. That’s how I felt at the time. It would all become clearer in time. As we prepared for yet another demonstration in Hyde Park, to be addressed by Harry Pollitt, I reflected it was now over one month since I had said goodbye to Nat, Sam and Alex when they left for their holiday in Spain. “Trotsky was our leader’ So said Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin, Sokolnikov, Rykov and Tomsky, at the Moscow trial. They had formed a terrorist bloc in 1932.

Radek and Rakovsky after recanting their Trotskyist views were both reinstated in the Party and called for the death sentence on their former comrades.

Tomsky had committed suicide according to reports. (33) Such behaviour from so many. old Bolsheviks who played such leading parts in the Russian Revolution didn’t seem to add up. Press hostility to the Soviet Union made the most of these trials and persuaded me that above all, I could not be on their side.

Stalin must be correct. There was a world wide conspiracy led by the Fascist and other imperialist powers to smash the workers state in Russia.

This was consistent with a policy of ‘burrowing from within’ which led to the corruption of some weak elements led by Trotsky, a sworn enemy of Stalin, to co-operate for the overthrow of Stalin and the Communist Party. The Soviet Union was the only major country actively supplying arms and food to the Spanish Government against the Fascists. How could one separate these things from what was being enacted at the trials? Whatever the doubts, I could not see how I could do anything but continue my political activity as a loyal member of the Communist Party. The alternative as I saw it, was to be in the enemy’s camp, whether I liked it or not.

Notes

1. DW, 23.7.1936.
2. DW, 24.7.1936.
3. Ibid.
4. DW, 25.7.1936.
5. Ibid.
6. DW, 27.7.1936.
7. Ibid.
8. DW, 31.7.1936.
9. Daily Express, 23.7.1936.
10. Ibid.
11. DW, 1.8.1936.
12. DW, 3.8.1936.
13. Ibid.
14. DW, 4.8.1936.
15. DW, 5.8.1936,
16. Ibid.
17. Daily Express, §.8.1936.
18. Ibid.
19. DW, 5.8.1936.
20. DW, 6.8.1936.
‘21. DW, 10.8.1936.
22. DW, 12.8.1936.
23. DW, 13.8.1936.
24. Ibid.
25. DW, 14.8.1936.
26. DW, 15.8.1936.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid.
29. DW, 17.8.1936.
30. Ibid.
31. Ibid.
32. DW, 20.8.1936.
33. DW, 21.8.1936

The London Ex-Servicemen’s Movement Against Fascism launched a campaign leading to a demonstration in Victoria Park on August 30th (1). This had the support of the Jewish Labour Council, which consisted of Jewish workers from Trade Union, Labour and other social organisations in East London and elsewhere. The fight against Mosley was becoming more urgent as a result of fascist activities openly supported by some leading newspaper proprietors. A year had passed since the 7th World Congress of the Communist International. All that was happening had already been forecast as a result of their analysis of the world situation. Except for the Moscow trials. The British Medical Unit was on its way to Spain, seen off with the blessing of Arthur Greenwood (2). Zinoviev, Kamenev and fourteen others were sentenced to death. The prisoners accepted their fate calmly. Marachkoveky greeted his with ‘Long live the Leninist Party.’ (3). Trotsky called for a judicial enquiry. The Daily Worker said, ‘. . .it should be noted that he issued his statement after the sixteen were dead’ (4). This sounded a strange way to answer the call for an enquiry, since those who were against such a proposal had themselves carried out the death sentences before any question of doubt in people’s minds could be answered through such an enquiry.

J.R. Campbell wrote an article in the DW entitled, ‘What is the difference between Zinoviev and Franco?’ (5) I didn’t pay much attention to the obvious historical differences. Zinoviev according to the trial was on the same side as Franco and I was on the other side. Faithful Party members had to have faith. The fight against Fascism and war was being led by the Communist Party! It wasn’t difficult for me to decide.

The internal position in the Stepney branch of the Communist Party was getting very strained. The Branch Committee was in conflict over the tactics to be employed in combatting Mosley. More and more Sarah Wesker, ‘Chick’ Segal, Ruby Silkoff, ‘Ginger’ Greenblatt, Morrie Segal, Alf Finkelstein and Phil Piratin were attacking me and those who agreed with me, for allegedly wanting to fight the Fascists on the streets and conducting mass activity among the unemployed workers, whereas they were engaged in ‘Trade Union Work’, which was much more important. ‘Ginger’ Greenblatt and Phil Piratin were in fact businessmen and not engaged in ‘T.U. work’ at all, but they were in agreement with the others who were against me. They all said I had neglected this kind of work. This fight had been going on in one way or another for over five years.

Phil Piratin and Alf Finklestein were relatively new recruits to the group who opposed me. The matter came to a head as a result of an incident at a closed branch meeting in August 1936. I had been advocating more open branch meetings for some time, whereas Phil Piratin in particular, was for more closed branch meetings, at this time. On this occasion, Jack Lynch among others and some Young Communist League members were not allowed into the meeting. Mrs Finklestein and Mrs Piratin were present and I objected on the grounds that they were not members and should not be privileged because they were married to members of the Branch Committee. In fact one of them had been a Party member, but had since lapsed.

It will be easier to understand the importance of this sort of thing, if you have any experience of organisations where voting is a major means of making decisions. Mrs Finklestein and Mrs Piratin had to leave. At the next Branch Committee meeting, Alf Finklestein raised this matter and said that my action was the result of a personal vendetta which I had been conducting. It is true that I had made complaints including detailed charges against Phil Piratin, concerning his conduct in Stepney. My charges were supported by Bert Teller another member of the Branch Committee. The details were contained in a written statement which had been sent to the District Committee several weeks before. The District Committee had failed to deal with the matter in any way. They simply ignored us and the matter was left hanging in the air which resulted in increased tension in the Stepney Branch Committee. When the question of the two wives arose, it became clear to me from the reaction of some members of the Committee that decisions were being made outside of the Committee. Instead of opposing me on the ‘wives issue’, Alf Finkelstein gave in. Another committee member E. Hartley, who was not fully committed to one side or the other, presented the view that I no longer enjoyed the confidence of the Committee. I agreed with that. There were six or seven members who I felt had sharp political difference with me. However, I felt I enjoyed the confidence of the overwhelming majority of the membership.

Although my opponents agreed with Hartley, they saw the danger of attacking me and directly challenging my position as Secretary. They retreated and contented themselves for the time being, in engaging in backstair private consultations with members of the District Committee, who were against me and what I was doing in Stepney. We had frequent visits from fulltime Party officials including John Mahon, Ted Bramley, D.F. Springhall, Bob McLennan and Pat Devine. The last named was spending a lot of time in Stepney. Branch Committee meetings were very often attended by a ‘District Representative’ who put the ‘Party Line’ on almost every issue. They did not always get their way.

We were presented with a decision of the District Secretariat, that a fulltime Organiser had been appointed for East London. We were not consulted.

There was no vote. I didn’t know where he came from, I had never heard of him, but I had to agree to work under his direction and co-operate with him as he would be representing the District Committee’s views. He had no previous connection with Stepney and he was too young to have been there or in East London before my time, without my knowing him. His name, Frank Lefitte, was unknown to all my contacts in Stepney. He was slightly built and did not try to bulldoze his way into our lives. He could make all the appropriate noises at inner Party meetings. He knew how to use all the phrases in all the right places. Between meetings his favourite method of contact with me, whenever he could not find me, was to leave messages in writing, in any one of half a dozen places I would be likely to visit during the course of an evening’s activity. Thanks to these written messages I have proof supporting what I shall have to say about some important events which happened later in my story.

One of the things I urged him to take up with the District Secretariat, was the complaints made by myself and Bert Teller, several weeks earlier.

I received the following note written on a piece of paper,

‘The Secretariat of the DPC consider Comrade Jacobs’ accusation against Comrade Piratin to be unfounded and ridiculous. They do not think these accusations worth further discussion but if Comrade Jacobs insists on further discussion, they will agree to see him personally. The Secretariat further feel that the attitude of Comrade Jacobs is unhealthy —indicates an approach that must be detrimental to the life of the branch.’

No consultation, no discussion, no attempt to deal with the specific charges, and no mention of the political differences were made. They wished to treat the matter as personal without regard to the fact that I was the Branch Secretary and that the complaint was made by Bert Teller as well as myself. This was an issue which concerned the Branch Committee and the membership.

Why, if this was the District Committee’s view of me and my actions, did they allow me to continue in my position? Was it because they knew the membership was in agreement with me, at that time? That is what I thought.

However, I could not afford to be complacent or fail to see what was happening. That is, that the leadership of the British CP was behind those in Stepney who had a political point of view which I opposed.

Phil Piratin was one of many who were used by the leadership to further their ends. He was like so many others who in my view, could use any organisation to further their ambitions. The working class movement is full of thousands of cases which show how so-called ‘militants’ could become T.U. leaders, M.P.s and even Cabinet Ministers. Many of these people have come along through the ranks of the Communist Party or with active support of the CP. They are the sycophants who are good material to be manipulated by the ‘organisers’ seeking to further their own ends.

Lew Mitchel, for instance was a good outdoor orator and in many ways a likeable bloke. He was also a one-man fan club for Harry Pollitt. I don’t need to say much about the ‘Personality Cult’ and how it can be used. I was always wary of those who lived or behaved in ways different from ordinary workers.

At this time, when old Bolsheviks were being sentenced to death for alleged crimes against the Party and the working class, I felt the need for great vigilance in respect of the type of person who might do harm to the Party.

Zinoviev had been Secretary of the Communist International for a long time. He was dead, branded as a counter-revolutionary traitor, agent of Imperialism.

Why should I not be alive to the existence of people who would enter the Party for ulterior motives of one sort of another? This was no personal matter for me. I was very suspicious of those in the leadership who would not take notice of complaints which were political and linked to a person or person’s behaviour. I was not in favour of witch-hunts. I looked for lessons to be learned through discussion of people’s actions. The big purges which were to come, in the Soviet Union, were not part of my thinking.

At this time, Alec Sheller arrived home and we learned in more detail what had happened to him before he parted from Nat and Sam. His return was not reported in the Daily Worker and he was not asked to say anything.

We in Stepney invited Alec to report. The advert inserted in the DW read, ‘Stepney CP meeting at ‘Circle House’ at 8.30pm. A. Sheller—back from Spain speaks. Sympathisers welcome.’ (6) Others who had returned from Spain were welcomed and given publicity in the DW, but not Alec. The fact that he did not wish to stay and fight, was no different from the actions of some others. Of course it would have spotlighted the fact that Nat Cohen and Sam Masters were fighting and setting an example. Was there any connection between thse facts? I certainly began to think so.

There was a joint meeting of delegations from the Executive Committees of the Labour Party and the Trade Unions. Harry Pollitt wrote an open letter to them, outlining our position and what we thought they ought to be doing (7). Dimitrov on behalf of the Communist International, wrote an article published in the DW under the headline, “Dimitrov answers Citrine’ (8) He said Spain would be doomed if Citrine’s advice was taken. This was a reference to a telegram from the Labour and Socialist International and the International Federation of Trade Unions, signed by De Brouckere, Adler, Citrine and Schvenels, which Dimitrov said was, ‘.. . sent in such haste to the Soviet Government regarding the trial of the terrorist Trotsky-Zinoviev Centre.’ The article went on to interpret the meaning of this criticism of the trials as an attack on all anti-Fascists, ‘which could only bring aid and comfort to the enemies of the working class.’ It was a powerful argument, full of vituperation for the trial victims and the senders of the telegram.

The editorial in the same issue was an attack on the campaign to get a ‘Neutrality’ policy adopted in respect of the Spanish Civil War (9). The big guns in the Party were going around explaining the Moscow trials. In Stepney, we invited all Communist, Labour and Trade Union friends to discuss the trials. The speaker was our Bob McLennan (10). Headlines in the DW almost screamed. ‘Moscow answers lies’ ‘War menace behind lies’ ‘Pollitt says, ““Neutrality is treason” ’. (11) August had gone. Nat and Sam were now writing to their friends in Stepney, but still the DW did not report what they were doing.

On the lighter side, the Jubilee Street cell of the Stepney CP, organised a moonlight trip to Brands Hatch, to take place on September 5th. Dancing, supper and coach trip, from 10pm to 3am. All for four bob (12).

September opened with renewed battles in East London. The Fascists were in earnest now. They must have been encouraged by the success of their friends in Spain, Germany and Italy. The press at home must have been a great help to them in every possible way. The police and the government supported by the courts were openly hostile to anti-Fascists, while actively assisting Mosley. An Ex-Servicemen’s march against Mosley to Victoria Park, was supported by the local Labour Party. J.H. Hall, our M.P., was photographed on the march. Both Fascists and anti-Fascists were arrested. Harry Goodrich, a leading Labour Party member in Mile End was one of the latter. He became a good friend of mine (13).

At this time D.N. Pritt, K.C., M.P., who attend the Moscow trials said, ‘I was indeed impressed. The great Soviet land showed me that it can build and maintain in the profession I understand, a fine system and a fine tradition.’ In an interview with C.R. Attlee, Leader of the Opposition, in the DW, he said, ‘Russian people feel they are running their own show. D.N. Pritt said, ‘the Zinoviev trial showed fine legal tradition. (14). There you are! How could I believe the right-wing press!

The National Council of Labour was under attack for their policy of support for ‘neutrality’ in the Spanish Civil War. After seven weeks of fighting there was a desperate struggle going on for the town of Irun. The Independent Labour Party held a meeting in the Shoreditch Town Hall in support of the Spanish Government forces. Speakers included James Maxton, Fenner Brockway, Dr. E. Conze and John McNair, just back from Spain (15). The DW reported all this but still did not report anything about Nat Cohen and Sam Masters.

* * * * *

Life had to go on and we had to have some relief from so much work including our political activity. The Jubilee Street Cell’s proposed Moonlight trip to Brands Hatch took place as arranged. We assembled at the ‘Popular Cafe’ in Manningtree Street to await the arrival of the coach at 10pm. We left in good spirits and headed out of Stepney across Tower Bridge in the direction of Kent. At this time Brands Hatch was a group of fields with a large hut-like building to one side. It had been a favourite camping ground for many of my friends. We had to leave the Maidstone Road by way of a narrow side road.

The coach driver lost his way in the dark. We were looking towards a light in the distance which we thought must be the building we sought. It was past 11pm and it took some time before we finally found a road which would take us to our destination. We were enjoying ourselves so this was all part of the fun. On arrival we had some refreshment and proceeded to dance to the music provided by a small band. We left at about 1.30am; A good time was had on the journey home to Stepney where we arrived at about 3am.

Since we had to attend a demonstration in Trafalgar Square at 3.30pm we were not likely to get much sleep that night. After all we had to escort one another home and were not going to get to bed much before dawn. It was great fun and was by no means the only occasion for light relief in an otherwise busy time engaged in very serious endeavours. The Stepney branch of the National Unemployed Workers Movement had just had a meeting against the Government’s unemployment regulations, at St Georges Town Hall.

The speakers were Tom Mann and Pat Devine (16). It was all happening. Karl Radek told how the Trotsky Terror Centre was started. Rakovsky made a statement about the same thing. Piatakov told of a ‘. . . crime unique in history.’ All the articles were copied from Jsvestia and Pravda (17). Meanwhile, Irun had fallen to Franco (18).

In Trafalgar Square, Lord Listowel, Dorothy Woodman, Sir Norman Angel, Tom Mann, Harry Adams (Builders Trade Union leader), Ted Hill (Boilermen) all spoke in support of Spanish Republicans. Herbert Morrison was attacking ‘neutrality’ saying ‘Spain has the right to buy arms.’ (19) Fellicia Brown, English sculptress was killed fighting for the Spanish Government (20). Fascists were making big headway in Spain. There was still no mention of Nat Cohen and Sam Masters in the DW.

We made a big drive to raise sales of the DW in Stepney. The first weekend selling was from 6am to 8am on Saturday and Sunday, from 10am till 2pm. Then we had a demonstration to Trafalgar Sqaure and then more selling until midnight (21). 40,000 attended the Trafalgar Square demonstration (22). The collection amounted to over £600.

The Stepney branch Committee met regularly through all this and had the usual arguments as well as arranging some hard practical activity. The Jewish Labour Council! supported the Spanish Republican struggle by holding a meeting in the Ladies Tailors Union hall. The speakers were J.L. Fine, S. Joseph, J. Jacobs, I. Rennap and Aitken Ferguson (23). This was September 9th. In France, workers were going on strike. Protest against ‘Neutrality’ was growing in the Seine factories. The Blum government’s cabinet met to discuss the situation. The Trade Union Congress was meeting and were due to discuss and debate the international situation and Spain. Harry Pollitt in the DW article said, ‘The T.U.C. faces its gravest decision today.’ His long article set out to answer the question ‘Would aid to Spain wreck the Blum Government?’ The answers were an example of the difficulties of reconciling the French Government’s support for ‘Neutrality’ and the demand for active support for the Spanish peoples’ fight against Fascism. The article resulted in a presentation of what amounted to a balancing act, with the usual pitfalls (24).

The Stepney CP Branch Committee urged all its members to attend the ‘Circle House’ for an important meeting (25). I have mentioned some names of those who did nct agree with me about the way we should handle the fight against Mosley. I have said I thought I enjoyed the support of the majority of the members. If this was not the case, I’m sure I could not have remained Branch Secretary at that time because in addition to contending with local opposition the whole District Secretariat and the East London Organiser were critical of me and what I was doing. Nat and Sam were in Spain so I had to continue the internal fight without them. Since Nat had been my close comrade and teacher, it was difficult not having him round. His ideas were behind everything I thought and did. I had faced this situation before, and managed to survive. Now it was different. The issues were more complex and we were involved, as never before, in daily practical activity on events in Spain and the pressing issue of the unemployed. The growing menace of Mosley was turning the streets of East London into a battle ground. Fights with the Fascists, aided by the police, were a daily occurrence.

We acquired a new branch office in Fieldgate Street (26). A very convenient spot. It consisted of two front, ground-floor rooms of a house occupied by ‘Old-man Mason’, father of Harry Mason, the boxer. ‘Old-man Mason’ had used these two rooms for his one-man pressing and cleaning business. He was getting on and decided to give up work. He had become very active in the unemployed workers movement and also joined the Communist Party. He let us have the rooms for a very low rent.

The people closest to me were my old friends, mostly in the Jubilee Street Cell, my local basic unit of the Party. There were many others in other units. Bert Teller was probably the closest friend Nat Cohen had, and one of the longest serving Party members in the local organisation. Yetta was Nat’s close companion before he went to Spain. They were my friends too. Pearl and I were indivisible. We shared every aspect of a common involvement inseparable from our personal attachment, even if it did mean that I only caught up with her late at night on many occasions. How she managed to put up with all the burdens I heaped on her, in addition to her own, I'll never know. Sam Waldman, a former short-term, East-London Organiser, was a close personal friend and a tower of strength particularly as he was an active member of the Shop Assistants Union alongside Ruby Silkoff, whom he opposed. There was Pearl’s brother and still my very intimate friend Harold Cohen, now leading the Ex-Servicemen’s Movement Against Fascism, and a leading member of the local CP.

Other friends included Paddy Byrne, a seaman, docker Pat Coleman, unemployed Alf Cerhnoff (later Sheldon), Morrie Silver, Morrie Goldstein, and a Scot, Don Renton, full-time organiser of the Stepney branch of the Unemployed Workers Movement and ‘Tubby’ Rosen, who was to become an outstanding fighter in Stepney’s tenants struggles, a few years later. He was also active with me in the National Union of Tailors and Garment Workers, even later still. ‘Old-man Lazarus’, his son Alf and daughter Sadi were close too. As were ‘Old-man Levitus’ and his two sons, Max and Morrie who were leading lights in the local Young Communist League. Max became a Communist Councillor in Stepney some years later. Many old friends from Bedford Street, now Cavell Street, where I lived, were still very much around—Sam Berks, Leon Grill, Mick Brenman, ‘Ubby’ Cohen, Archie Fiddleman and Alec Sheller. Other members of the Jubilee Street Cell included ‘Old-man Michealson’ and his wife ‘Tubby’ Goldman, Hetty Stern, Jack Ross and Hymie Goldstein. Some names escape me and I beg forgiveness if I’ve left you out.

Some names which I do remember from other units are, ‘Harry the Barber’, Joe Sims, Bert Foote, McNulty, ‘Shorty’ Brooks, Esther Wynne and Jack Cohen. There was another Jack Cohen who was affectionately known as ‘Stinker’.

There were others, not always so close to me, like ‘Chirps’ Steinberg, Victor Marks and brother Jack in the YCL, Lew Mitchel, the young Bretmans, Bessie and Shavie, daughters of that character I told you about, ‘Chaim Sholam’. Then there were Lew Holt, Beatie Piratin and her sister Pear] and another sister whose name I can’t remember and my Pearl’s younger brother Arthur and his girl Betty, who became his wife. There were also coming into the Party Betty’s brother Joe Prince and other members of that family and their many friends, ‘Ginger’ Brodt in particular, plus ‘Shimmy’ Silver and Lew Kravits and a whole group of people centred around them, as well as Shimmy’s brother Danny and sisters Miriam and Pearl, older sister Anne and her husband Hymie Cohen, brother of Nat Cohen.

There were all the people in the Workers’ Circle, I. Rennap, Alf Holland and many more. Many friends in the Labour Party were active in support of our efforts on the streets in the fight against Mosley.I wish I had kept the membership lists, I could have told many stories of some wonderfu! people and their activities. One name I can’t leave out is Narvo, who was a typical CP member. Very sincere but quite unable to refrain from stating his set-piece at every meeting, whether or not it had anything to do with the subject under discussion. My old pal Willie Cohen was now the full-time secretary of the London District Committee of the YCL.

My mother was working mostly on Fridays until sundown, which ushers in the Jewish sabbath, resuming work on Sunday morning, continuing into the small hours of Monday. All this to provide a feast for the guests at Jewish weddings, Bar-mitzvahs and other functions. I saw her when I came home for lunch most days, early morning and most Saturday mornings when I did my best to have a long lie-in. As usual my young nieces would arrive to see their grandmother and used to get me out of bed in the process. Most Saturday afternoons other activities permitting, Pearl arrived to see my mum and enjoy a high tea. We all failed to meet my mother’s standards of quantity to be consumed. That’s about al! my mother saw of me. I was too busy with more pressing issues like Spain.

The Trade Unions officially decided in favour of ‘Neutrality’ in Spain. Ralph Fox, (killed in action later) wrote in the Daily Worker about the difficulties of the French Communist Party. He said, ‘French Communists won’t break with the People’s Front’. The concluding paragraphs revealed that this problem was not confined to the French Communist Party.

‘In the struggle, the question of Spain plays the key part. The Blum Government, by its initial proposal of ‘neutrality’, which the Government of the Soviet Union was reluctantly compelled to follow and which our own reactionary Government seized on as a relief in its intrigues with Hitler, made a great mistake. We are its best friends when we ask it to revise this policy’ (27).

The Stepney Council for Peace and Democracy held a meeting at the ‘Grand Pallais’, Commercial Road, on Spain and World Peace (28). A Nazi Congress at Nuremberg called for a crusade against Bolshevism. A Daily Worker report was headlined, “British Communist hit by Fascist machine guns’. From our own correspondent. Barcelona.

‘Richard Kish, a member of the Communist Party of Great Britain, is in hospital here with a machine-gun bullet wound received when fighting in Majorea.

He is in the General Hospital (San Pablo), but may be moved shortly to another hospital.

Kish joined the People’s Militia early in the fighting here and was a member of the Third Centuria (Battalion).

With him were two other English men and an English woman. Their centuria was the first to make an effective landing in Majorca and penetrated some distance inland. Owing to the superior armament of the Fascists further progress became difficult, and Kish was hit during a very gallant attack uphill against machine-gun fire in an attempt to seize the heights commanding the coastal country.

His English friends brought him down from the hill under the fire of two machine-guns without suffering further casualty.

Kish was stooping forward, climbing uphill when a machine-gun bullet entered behind the shoulder and passed out through the ribs at the back.

The wounds are healing well, and he may be fit enough to travel in some weeks.

The Deputy Administrator of the British Medical Unit has visited him in hospital with myself today. The Medical Unit will of course do everything necessary to help in his return to England when that is possible.

The number of English comrades who have joined or are joining the People’s Militia here in Barcelona now seems to be over a dozen. There will of course be others in Madrid’ (29).

I have quoted this report in full to show how detailed it was, yet it did not mention any names of the people who were with Kish. This could not be a matter of security because Nat and Sam were already known to be fighting in Spain. I cannot believe that the correspondent did not know the names of some of the English people referred to in the report. I assumed that the article had been sub-edited to exclude the names of my friends for the same reasons as had been applied ever since they had entered Spain to join the Republican forces. Surely it could not be long before the Daily Worker would report what we had heard from Nat. An editorial appeared in the Daily Worker explaining the position of the USSR and its difficulties regarding its position in Spain because of its commitments under the Franco-Soviet Pact (30). I could not follow all the arguments advanced.

At last, on the 19th September, exactly two months after Nat, Sam and Alec had arrived in Spain, the Daily Worker printed the following report including a photograph of the banner and members of the Tom Mann Centuria. Beneath the photograph was a caption (see photo) ‘English Centuria’. Here is the report in full.

‘A unit of the militia in Barcelona has been named the “Tom Mann‘

English Centuria.

Leader of the centuria is Nat Cohen, member of the Communist Party of Great Britain.

On July 19, the day the rebels started their civil war here, Nat and a push-bike were crossing the Channel for a holiday in France. It was not long before he and his companions were crossing the Pyrenees.

After landing in Majorca, 1,000 men who chose Nat as their delegate were short of food for four days. Battleships four miles out and planes ten thousand feet up reported extraordinary military activity in one of the valleys: this was Nat getting food for his men. He got it.

His unit had light casualties, and captured five machine-guns. This man from Stepney proved to be a natural soldier.

When they came back from Majorca his men went home on two days’ leave. They returned to Barcelona with over 200 new recruits, brought into the militia by their stories of Nat’s leadership’ (31).

I already knew a lot about what Nat had been doing. I had a few letters and photographs relating to his activities in Majorca and the subsequent formation of the ‘Tom Mann Centuria’.

In a book written by William Rust, some time editor of the Daily Worker, published in 1939, it states,

‘.. .the first move to organise a British group of volunteers was initiated by Sam Masters and Nat Cohen, two East London garment workers who were cycling in France at the time of the revolt and immediately hurried across the frontier to Barcelona, where they founded the “Tom Mann Centuria’ which was joined by half-a-dozen other Britishers who began to arrive during the first days of September’ (32). (Britons in Spain, by William Rust, P20.)

This account is not quite correct and leaves out some important facts. The Daily Worker report was a garbled version of what really happened. Nor could | I forget the long, in my view, deliberate delay in reporting the activities of my friends. Firstly, Nat, Sam and Alec (who is not mentioned at all), arrived at the Spanish border on the day the revolt started and must have been among the first foreign volunteers to enter Spain. There were lots of people from many countries who had gathered for the Barcelona Olympiad and were already in Spain. There were other people who had been there for some time.

I don’t know what all these did. I do know that the British team returned home and so did many others including Alec Sheller. Nat and Sam deliberately volunteered to take up arms alongside the Spanish anti-Fascists. Early reports and information which we had a little later show that they were involved in the actual fighting within a couple of weeks after their arrival in Barcelona on the 19th July. Nat told me how the train from the border was held up to get their bikes onto the train, which was due to leave as they crossed into Spain. The reason they were allowed to join the train without a lot of administrative delays was because the bloke in charge was an Anarchist friend who Nat knew from his stay in South America. Nat and Sam parted company in Barcelona, Sam joined the militia fighting north-west of Barcelona. Nat joined the unit which invaded Majorca. The “Tom Mann Centuria’ was formed early in September, some six or seven weeks after the fighting had started. Sam was not with Nat at the time, and had no connection with the ‘Tom Mann Centuria’.

William Rust says nothing about what Nat had been doing before he formed this unit, which was clearly designed to initiate the idea of foreign volunteers fighting under their banners. In fact, this was a clear lead for the formation of an International Brigade, which did not emerge with the approval of the CP leaders until several months later, after a period of hard fighting in which foreign volunteer units took part. Nat could have done what Sam did and join a Spanish unit, as so many others did. That would not be like him. Because he always looked for that kind of initiative which fitted the circumstances, as he saw them. He always looked ahead to how people could be persuaded to act as he thought would be desirable. In my view he was the conscious initiator, in practice, of the idea for the International Brigade, for which he has not been given due credit. Many writers give the impression that it was the work of some great leader of the Party which made this great movement possible. Rust had this to say:

‘ _.The idea of the International Brigade arose spontaneously in the minds of men who, up to July 1936 were engaged in peaceful pursuits and were probably taking little interest in the affairs of Spain. Few of them had ever contemplated fighting for principles and ideals’ (33).

This is only partly true. Spontaneous response, yes, but there are those like Nat and Sam who had known what it is to fight for principles and ideals.

There are always people who know how to respond spontaneously, but that is not divorced from previous experience. What I am saying is, that it does not require either so-called inspired leaders of political parties or so-called completely ignorant workers to respond in some mysterious way, spontaneously.

Rank-and-file workers who reflect what is felt by many others, emerge during the course of struggles, and, like Nat and Sam, are seldom given credit for the important role they play as real, natural, healthy leaders by example.

Anyhow, Nat’s great work was reported in the Daily Worker and the knowledge was no longer confined to a few of his friends in East London. I’m sure he was making his presence felt wherever he happened to be. I continued to hear from him and others had heard from Sam, and we were very proud of them. Lots of people outside Stepney who were involved in the fight for anti-Fascism, still did not know about Nat and Sam in any great detail. The Daily Worker did not report anything about them for some time. Many books have been written about the International Brigade which do not refer to Nat or the ‘Tom Mann Centuria’ in any way. One book by Tom Wintringham, who must have known about this and other matters, does not mention Nat. He does refer to Sam Masters who he says he met at Huesca in connection with the ‘Thaelman Centuria’ (34).

Meanwhile we at home were preparing for yet another march to Hyde Park and the ‘Left Book Club’ was gaining ground, attracting wider interest to ‘Left’ politics (35). More ‘urgent and private’ Stepney CP branch meetings were convened. The advert for one said, ‘Admission by Party Card or circular. Two District Party Committee members to lead important discussion’ (36). These meetings are what Phil Piratin in his book, Our flag stays red, page 18, was referring to when he spoke of ‘verbal battlefields’. In Spain all able-bodied persons were called to the front in defence of Madrid.

Daily Worker reports read, “ ‘Critical hour coming’, say leaders in an appeal to the Spanish people. The Secretariat of the CPGB call for greater effort (37). Herbert Morrison again attacked ‘neutrality’ ’’. “Must Fascism be allowed to conquer in Spain?” asked John Strachey (38). A National March of unemployed was on the way to London. From far away Aberdeen and other places, seven columns in all were converging (39). ‘The enemy is almost at the gates of Madrid!’ British Labour had hardly moved, said the Daily Worker. There was no mention of the “Tom Mann Centuria’ (40). Frank Pitcairn was back from Spain for a few days, writing about his work as Daily Worker correspondent (41).

The Stepney Peace Council held a meeting in the St George’s Town Hall with CP and Labour Party speakers (42). The headlines read, ‘Toledo falls’.

Big Fascist advances were being reported (43). Women were trampled on, many injured at a Blackshirt rally in Leeds. The Fascists were diverted from marching past the Jewish quarter. There was massive police protection for the Blackshirts (44). Food for the Spanish people was arriving from the Soviet Union (45) and September came to a close.

Notes

1. DW, 24.83.1936.
2. DW, 25.8.1936.
3. Ibid.
4. DW, 26.8.1936.
5. Ibid.
6. DW, 27.8.5936.
7. DW, 28.8.1936.
8. DW, 29.8.1936.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid.
11. DW, 31.8.1936.
12. DW, 1.9.1936.
13. Ibid.
14. DW, 2-3.9.1936.
15. DW, 3-4.9.1936.
16. DW, 3.9.1936.
17. DW, 4.9.1936.
18. DW, 5.9.1936.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid.
22. DW, 79.1936.
23. Announced DW, 5.9.1936.
24. DW, 10.9.1936.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid.
27. DW, 11.9.1936.
28. Ibid.
29. DW, $2.9.1936.
30. DW, 16.9.1936.
31. DW, 19.9.1936.
32. William Rust, Britons in Spain, p 20.
33. Ibid, p 4.
34. Tom Wintsingham, British Captain.
35. DW, 19.9.1936.
36, DW, 22.9.1936.
37. DW, 24.9.1936.
38. Ibid.
39. DW, 25.9.1936.
40. (bid.
41. DW, 26.9.1936.
42. Ibid.
43. DW, 29.9.1936.
44. Ibid.
45. DW, 30.9.1936.

Joe describes events leading up to the march, including the changes in the CP leadership's tactics as they finally realised their calls for a peaceful demonstration elsewhere would be ignored. His account corrects false impressions later created by official Communist versions of the events.

Source; originally published as Chapter 12 of Out of the Ghetto, Joe Jacobs; London 1978, & Phoenix Press, London 1991.

Out of the Ghetto is reviewed here; http://libcom.org/library/review-joe-jacobs-out-ghetto-al-richardson

=========

The Battle of Cable Street
Joe Jacobs

In Stepney we heard a rumour that Mosley intended organising a mass march of uniformed Fascists through the heart of the Jewish areas. In fact, the Blackshirt carried a notice saying full information about a proposed march and meetings would appear next week (1). The next week's issue announced a march ending in four meetings, at Aske Street, Shoreditch, Salmons Lane, Limehouse, at 5pm in Stafford Road, Bow and at 6pm at Victoria Park Square, Bethnal Green (2). Before these announcements, the air was full of foreboding. Speculation was mounting. Rumours multiplied. The immediate response was that this could not be allowed to happen and that if it did, the outcome would be disastrous.

Clashes with Blackshirts continued. This report in the East End News (about someone I have already told you became a friend of mine) is an example of what anti-Fascists were up against. The headlines read:

`Commotion in Victoria Park - Demonstration by anti-Fascists - Mile End man bound over.'

The article stated:

`An anti-Fascist demonstration to Victoria Park on August 30, had a sequel at Old Street Magistrates' Court on Tuesday (October 6, two days after the `Battle of Cable Street'. Author's note.), when Harry Goodrich (30) an electrical engineer of Carlton Road, Mile End, was charged on remand with using insulting words and behaviour whereby a breach of the peace might have been occasioned and further with obstructing Inspector Pennick in the execution of his duty.

Goodrich, who said he was ward secretary of the Mile End Labour Party, was bound over under the Probation of Offenders Act on payment of five guineas costs on the second charge, the first being dismissed on the ground that Victoria Park is not an open-space within the meaning of the Metropolitan Police Act.

Mr E.J.P. Cussens prosecuting for the Commissioner of Police said that the case had previously been before Mr Basil Watson at North London Police Court, when it had been found that the Magistrate's jurisdiction did not extend to Victoria Park. Accordingly the case had been remanded to Old Street.

On August 30, said Mr Cussens, there was an Anti-Fascist demonstration to Victoria Park where meetings were to take place. A number of police were present to preserve peace and good order, and as the demonstration came in, a rush was made and considerable disorder took place, children being knocked down.
The police had to take steps to stop it, continued Mr Cussens, and Goodrich, who was wearing a marshal's arm-band called out: "Don't let them break up our meeting -gather round our speakers."

There was another rush near a motor car fixed up as a first-aid station and Goodrich shouted "Down with the Fascists - demonstrate against Jew-baiting" and clenched his fists.

Giving evidence, Inspector Pennick stated that there were a number of rushes by the crowd in the park and some people were knocked down and hurt. There was one rush in which Goodrich was in front.

"He pushed me in the chest" said witness, "seized my left arm and swung me round".

When told he would be charged he said: "You are all Blackshirts - all you policemen" and on the way to the police station, "When the Home Secretary is done with you, you will all have the sack".

At the Hackney Police Station, Goodrich was charged and in reply he said, "I want to charge the Inspector with assault and illegal arrest while exercising my duties as a marshal".

Replying to E.L. Mallalieu (defending) witness said he thought the rushes were caused by a search for Fascists.

Mr Mallalieu, "Did they find any?" Inspector, "No - they were not there. They were banned from entering the park by the police."

In answer to a further question witness agreed that it was quite obvious that Goodrich was complaining about the way in which the police were handling the crowd.

After further evidence for the prosecution Goodrich in the witness box said he had been secretary of a ward of the Mile End Labour Party for the past ten years.

He had no connection with the Communists. He had not made use of the words attributed to him neither did he push or catch hold of the Inspector.

When the procession entered the park there was a tremendous commotion caused in the main by young boys and girls and he realised that the police were averse to arresting them.

Behind these young people were older persons who were egging on the youngsters and he asked a police officer to remove two girls who were shouting abuse at the marchers who were resenting it.

He had been a marshall for a number of years and had never had any trouble with the police before. "In fact we have always got on well together" added Goodrich.

When Goodrich suggested that Inspector Pennick had "punched out right and left" the Magistrate, Mr F.O. Langley turned to him and said, "I have a good mind, if you say anything further, to order a prosecution for perjury".

To Mr Mallalieu, the Magistrate added, "He is lying. I say it deliberately - he is lying".

Mr Mallalieu, "He is entitled to say what he has said and it is a most improper remark for you to make at this stage of the proceedings."

Goodrich finished his evidence and after a number of witnesses had been called in support of his story, the Magistrate gave his decision as stated'(3).

With the local Labour Party members and others we joined in the general agitation concerning the Blackshirts' proposed march through Whitechapel. The YCL had been organising a rally to Trafalgar Square to take place on October 4th in support of the Spanish Workers. As this was the date we had heard might be the one Mosley had in mind for his march (4). 1 saw Willie Cohen, Secretary of the London YCL and asked him what was being proposed. He told me that the District Party Committee were going ahead with the plan for the Trafalgar Square demonstration. He said Spain was more important than Mosley. I was horrified!

On September 30th, the following report appeared in the Daily Worker:

'Ex-soldiers "asked" to give way to Mosley.

On Sunday, October 4, members of the Ex-Servicemen's Anti-Fascist Association planned to hold a march and meeting in the East End of London. They had all their plans drawn up and police permission was asked. This was not refused. No, the police merely asked the Ex-Service men to put their meeting off.

Why? Because suddenly Mosley and his Blackshirts announced their intention of holding a march, and not one, but four meetings in the East End on that same day. No dilemma for the police. Streets clear for Mosley, that was a necessity. No matter that the Ex-Servicemen had already arranged their demonstration. They could have a day that Mosley did not want, but not next Sunday.

At Trafalgar Square, however, on Sunday the YCL is holding its great meeting to collect £100 for the people of Spain. A call has been sent out by the London District of the CP for workers to go in their thousands to Trafalgar Square, and after the demonstration to march through East London's streets to show their hatred of Mosley's support for the Fascist attack on democracy in Spain.

East London workers are called on to rally to Tower Hill on Friday at 8pm to demonstrate against the Fascism which the Mosley gangsters will demonstrate for on the following Sunday.' (5)

This attitude clearly reflected what I already knew was the London District Party leadership's position on Mosley. I was furious. I could hardly believe what I was reading. I had been fighting their ideas for years. Here was the confrontation and I could not withdraw. On the contrary, I knew that if the DPC line was carried, a heavy blow would fall on the workers of East London and workers everywhere. It would also be the end of me. I had nothing to lose and eveything to gain by fighting these pernicious tactics.

Even some who were often opposed to me could not agree to the District line. I was not alone. All my close friends were extremely agitated. Before the report in the Daily Worker on September 30th, we had begun to organise for a march through East London starting from Tower Hill on October 2nd at 8pm, two days before Mosley's threatened provocative march (6). A petition was being signed against Mosley's march, all over the East End. Other organisations were organising and calling for opposition to the march. Others were telling people to stay at home and leave it to the police to see that Mosley's hoards behaved (7). We in the CP were supposed to tell people to go to Trafalgar Square and come back in the evening to protest after Mosley had marched. The pressure from the people of Stepney who went ahead with their own efforts to oppose Mosley left no doubt in our minds that the CP would be finished in Stepney if this was allowed to go through as planned by our London leaders.

I had seen the East London organiser, Frank Lefitte and told him that the Stepney Branch Committee asked for immediate meetings with District representatives to discuss the situation. He had agreed to put our request to the Secretariat the following morning, which must have been Monday, September 28th. The day after this I received this note, which I collected from one of the places where Frank Lefitte usually left such notes when he could not contact me personally.

'Joe. In case you come back, the DPC has made the following arrangements re Mosley's march:

1. A Party meeting at Salmon and Ball and another at Piggott Street in Poplar, i.e. near to each end of the march. Meetings to be kept orderly control. Avoid clashes.

2. Loudspeaker van is touring area advertising the meetings.

3. Thousands of leaflets are waiting at Carters' for immediate distribution. I leave a copy here.

4. What Stepney must do is rally masses to each of these meetings (Mostly to Salmon and Ball round here).

b. Keep order: no excuse for Government to say we, like BUF are hooligans. If Mosley decides to march let him. Don't attempt disorder (Time too short to get a "They shall not pass" policy across. It would only be a harmful stunt). Best see there is a good, strong meeting at each end of march. Our biggest trouble tonight will be to keep order and discipline.

c. Push the Party's leaflet around the crowds. (Poplar and Bethnal Green are getting supplies too). F. Lefitte.'

I could hardly believe my eyes. How could they be so blind to what was happening in Stepney? The slogan 'They shall not pass' was already on everyone's lips and being whitewashed on walls and pavements. I went to Pearl's home where I met her brother Harold, when he returned from his work with the Ex-Servicemen's Anti-Fascist Association. He was in no doubt about what he was going to do, whatever the CP had in mind. His language was even stronger than his usual strong language. It was too late to contact anyone so I told Harold I was going to phone the DPC early the next day, the 30th, and ask them to come to the East End the same evening. I would suggest they come to Harold's home to meet a delegation of the Stepney Branch Committee. If I could not get hold of anyone, then Harold and myself would have to do. He agreed. So, when I saw that Daily Worker report on the 30th I was really worried because the policy had now been made public. When I phoned I made it quite clear that many Party members were rejecting the Party line in practice. In fact, the membership, in my view, would revolt if the DPC adhered to their line. It was agreed that a delegation would come to Harold's place that same evening, 30th September.

There was only four days to go to the 4th October. Dangerously close, and I wondered what to do if the DPC would not change its views. I could hardly get through the day's work. My head was spinning and I was a worried yound man. As soon as I left the workshop at 6pm I headed for Stepney and tried to find some members of the Branch Committee to be present when the DPC delegation arrived. Few ordinary people had telephones in those days, so this was not a simple matter. When I got to Pearl's place, Harold was there and we had a hurried meal and waited for the delegation to arrive. In the meantime, Sam Berks and others were waiting at the `Popular Cafe' in Maningtree Street to hear the result of the meeting which lots of Party members got to know about during the course of the evening, as a result of my earlier run round the area, leaving messages in various places. Harold had also told several people that there was to be a meeting, because we were unable to answer all the questions which Party members were asking. Most of them seemed to have taken the view that we would be opposing Mosley's march and were acting accordingly, in the absence of any clear lead prior to the 30th.

Harold and I were determined to have a showdown with the delegation if we could not get a change of line. We thought it would not come to that once they were presented with the facts concerning what was really happening. In due course, John Mahon, D.F. Springhall and I think the third one was Bob McLennan and Frank Lefitte arrived. We were treated to a long talk on the world situation in which it was stated that the demonstration to Trafalgar Square in support of Spanish Democracy, was more important than Mosley's march in East London. Our leaders always talked about the world situation in a particular jargon which often impressed the rank-and-file. On this occasion Harold told them not to try to blind us with science, that he did not understand their language and even less their attitude. We argued that the best way to help the Spanish people was to stop Mosley marching through East London. It was, in fact, the same fight. If we said the Fascists should not pass, it was what the Spanish people were trying to ensure and giving their lives in the process. A victory for Mosley would be a victory for Franco. In any case, the people of East London had their own ideas about all this and would oppose Mosley with their bodies, no matter what the CP said. We argued long and hard.

I can't remember exactly who arrived during the discussion. Other Branch Committee Members were there when there was a knock at the front door, very late in the proceedings. We were almost thinking of closing the meeting as those living outside the area would find it difficult to get to their homes. I was quite prepared to argue all night. Pat Devine arrived. He had come as fast as he could from a meeting at the Party Centre. It appears, unknown to us, that the Centre had decided to take a hand in our situation in Stepney. I don't know if this had happened as a result of the District leaders' approach to the Centre, or whether others in East London had approached them, or whether they had decided to intervene themselves. I think it was a combination of all three. I knew from past experience that some people in Stepney could approach the Centre quite freely. As Branch Secretary I could not by-pass the District leadership in this way. In any case I would not have done so in this situation because some of those I was dealing with were themselves members of the Executive. However, Pat Devine was very excited and before any more could be said, he announced that the Centre had decided to change the line. The call would go out to all branches to rally to Aldgate instead of Trafalgar Square on October 4th. The slogan would be 'They shall not pass', which was already being repeated all over Stepney and could not be ignored, in this case, by the CP or anyone else.

By way of explanation, and in order to get the District leaders off the hook, Pat said that the Centre had made this decision because they had become aware of the real situation in East London only that day. They did not previously appreciate the feeling and did not think that enough people could be rallied in time to stop Mosley marching. They now knew that this was possible.

I was too excited to see, at that moment, that the previous line had been the result of reports which these same District leaders must have transmitted to the Centre. This, despite the fact that we had been pressing for a change for days past, precisely because we knew that Mosley would be opposed whatever the CP decided. As I say, we were excited and stopped all argument and proceeded to talk about practical implementation of the new line. Piratin in his book, Our Flag Stays Red, simply says: 'The LDC gave consideration to October 4th.' Nothing about what they had to consider or the fight we had with the leadership (8).

The District Secretariat would discuss the details for the all-London preparations the following morning, October 1st. We were going ahead with our march on Friday evening, October 2nd from Tower Hill. We meant to make the slogan 'They shall not pass' a reality. It was close to llpm when Pearl, Harold and I left to tour the area wherever we knew Party members would be waiting to hear from us. When we got to the 'Popular Cafe' in Manningtree Street, there were lots of people there and they wasted no time. Arrangements were made by groups all round us to start whitewashing until the small hours of the morning. The slogan was clear, `They shall not pass - Rally Tower Hill, Oct. 2nd, 8pm; Rally Aldgate, Oct. 4th.' I never saw such enthusiasm before. The air was electrified. We proceeded to other points, cafes, 'Circle House', anywhere we might find Party members to take up the slogan in a clear, loud voice. The whole area seemed to be alive. Squads of whitewashers seemed to be everywhere. We didn't get to bed until after 4am. I was so tired I must have fallen asleep the minute my head hit the pillow. My mother had a hard job getting me up for work on Thursday morning.

The Daily Worker for the next day reported on the basis of the old line because it had been printed before the decision had been taken late in the evening of the 30th September. The report refered to the Ex-Servicemen's march, the Jewish People's Council's petition to the Home Secretary calling on him to ban Mosley's proposed march. It spoke of 'Indignation in East End' and gave details about how to help to get signatures to the petition. This is what it advised its readers to do on Sunday 4th:

'All anti-Fascists are asked to rally to the Embankment (opposite Temple Station) at 2.30pm on Sunday. There will be a march from the Embankment to Trafalgar Square, where London's youth will vow solidarity with the Spanish people. Those taking part in the demonstration are asked to join the march after the meeting to the East End.'

The report also drew attention to a special leaflet issued by the London District Committee of the CP giving the details of the action to be followed on Sunday. This was the leaflet which Frank Lefitte told me about in his note, which I had no intention of using if I could help it (9).

There were only two more issues of the paper prior to the 4th and I hoped all would now be concentrated on getting the line clear. It was plain from all the reports in the press that a great deal had been going on in East London. I could not accept the argument that the Centre did not appreciate what the position really was, and that this had made them adhere to their line right up to this late hour. There was no time to argue about all this now. The battle was on. The big clash was only four days away. There was much to be done. On Thursday evening I was told there was not enough time to print new leaflets, but the old ones would be printed over calling on all anti-Fascists to rally to Aldgate at 2pm. I still have a copy of this leaflet with its new message printed across the old print.

The same evening I collected a note which read as follows:

'Sunday, Trafalgar Square demo called off. All marching contingents to march to Stepney. All workers rally at 2pm to points indicated in Sat DW where Fascists may possibly enter E. London, to prevent entry. Activity leading up to meeting at Shoreditch Town Hall to be announced. 100,000 leaflets to be collected for distribution. ?YCL march Sunday am. ?YCL march Sunday aft. Friday Rally-Tower Hill 8pm (I Stepney speaker). Immediate contact with LP and TU officials to rally support.' (10).

This is probably a note from the District Secretariat. I cannot say who wrote it as it is unsigned.

Thursday evening was one long grind. Outdoor meetings, whitewashing, leaflet distribution, planning for Friday's demonstration. Posters and banners had to be made and all details for the march to be discussed and decisions to be implemented.

Stepney was a hive of activity. Every kind of Anti-Fascist organisation was full out. Thousands of people were in the streets. Ordinary people who had not taken part in this kind of political activity before.

Petition forms were going around to be signed by willing hands. Some people were making arrangements for Sunday. First-aid posts had to be organised. Legal aid for those arrested. We had no doubt about the nature of the fight we were facing.

Friday October 2nd. The Daily Worker at last gave front page headlines to Mosley's march: 'East End rallies against Fascism ... prepares to answer Mosley march: Four mayors protest. Youth Meet transfered'. Here are a few excerpts from the report which I think are important for my version of what really happened prior to the events on October 4th:

'The London Communist Party and the Young Communist League, reacting to the urgency of the situation created by the intention of the British Union of Fascists to organise a march through the East End of London, have decided to concentrate all their forces in support of the East London workers on Sunday. Calling all workers to mobilise in protest against this provocative Fascist move, the Communist Party and YCL have transferred to the East End the youth rally that was to have been held in Trafalgar Square.

Fascist General Plan

The "General Plan" of the operation provides for assembly in uniform and in military formation at Royal Mint Street at 2.30pm. A column will parade for inspection by the "Leader" before the march.

Workers' contingents from various parts of London will march to the rally in Aldgate, Commercial Road, Cable Street, Minories and Leman Street.

There is no doubt that from 2 o'clock onwards the roads will be crowded with people intent on opposing Fascism. ..'

Across the bottom of the page and in large print was a call to demonstrate against Mosley and details of the meeting at the Shoreditch Town Hall at 8pm on the same day. In a special box, about two column inches long, was the following notice:

'For Londoners only... Tomorrow's London edition of the Daily Worker will contain a special four-page anti-Fascist supplement. The right stuff to rally masses against Fascist provocation. Order copies and organise sales now' (11).

Now I know we were often expected to perform miracles, and sometimes I think we did, but this was a bit much. We normally received our supplies of the paper for local distribution during the late evening. Most of us would not see a copy until the following morning when it could be obtained from a newsagent. I had no advance information about the special supplement. So far as I remember, there were no special orders for more copies other than an increase on our normal quantity because we expected to sell more anyway. Remember this was Friday and we had the Tower Hill rally and march on our hands and only one day to make all the other preparations for Sunday. After work I hurried towards Stepney seeing all sorts of people when I got there. Hurried consultations, quick checks, then all to Tower Hill for our Friday, pre-Sunday warm-up march through East London. We decided to take the fight into 'enemy territory'. The route was to be from Tower Hill via Royal Mint Street, Leman Street, Gardiners Corner, Whitechapel Road, Cambridge Heath Road, Salmon and Ball, Green Street, Grove Road, Mile End Road and White Horse Lane to Stepney Green for a mass meeting.

Over two thousand people assembled at Tower Hill. There was a very small number of police in attendance. I did not know what had happened. J.R. Campbell and Willie Cohen were there. Some members of our Branch Committee were not there because there was so much that required attention. Our banner headed the march and I was in front as chief marshall. We set off shouting 'They shall not pass', carrying posters of every description. I think Phil Piratin was one of the Banner carriers heading the demonstration. J.R. Campbell was in front of the banner.

We proceeded along the route unmolested by the police. The march grew in numbers with every step we took. As we marched along Whitechapel Road the shouting grew louder. We got to Green Street, everyone braced themselves because we were about to enter the enemy's so-called stronghold. The police Inspector approached me and said we could not go along Green Street. He had a small force which was growing as we marched. We could have decided to ignore his orders and carry on as planned, but we did not want a confrontation here. We went down Old Ford Road, which runs parallel with Green Street (now Roman Road). As we approached the area near the BUF headquarters, the pavements were lined by Blackshirts and their supporters. They pelted us with rotten fruit and flour. There were several scuffles, and since the police were unable to assist the Fascists effectively, we got much the better of the exchanges. We passed with more ease than I had anticipated. Turning into Grove Road on the way back towards Stepney Green, we proceeded towards the junction with Mile End Road, Bow Road and Burdett Road. Half way there I was told that a girl and young man in blackshirts were selling their paper, the Blackshirt, outside the 'La Boheme' cinema, on the corner of Burdett Road and Bow Road. I knew it was a spot we had to pass. I knew it would be impossible to stop all the people who might feel provoked into attacking the Blackshirts. The message was passed back asking the marchers not to break ranks when we got to the junction. I approached the police Inspector whose forces had grown quite a bit by now, with a request to remove the Fascists from the line of march, in order to avoid trouble. He refused to do this, saying they were not breaking the law and he saw no reason to do as I asked. In fact, when we got to where the Blackshirts were, they were being protected by a squad of policemen. We turned right into Mile End Road and as anticipated, some people could not be prevented from leaving the march to shout at the Fascists.

The front of the demonstration had reached the Regent Canal bridge, about two-hundred yards from the point of conflict. We decided to halt the march which now stretched some way down Grove Road, across the junction and into Mile End Road. All traffic was held up and it looked as though there might be trouble with the police. I again approached the Inspector and said we had no intention of moving until he had the Fascists escorted away from the corner. He would not agree, but after only a few minutes they were in fact escorted away and I didn't care where, neither did it matter. We started to march on, the slogan shouting getting louder as a result of a feeling of elation arising from the success of our efforts. Three hundred yards further on, we were about to turn into White Horse Lane, when there was a sudden rush and I found myself in the middle of about half-a-dozen policemen who were trying to arrest me. Arms were flying in all directions as the crowd moved all around where I was resisting with all my might. I managed to break away for a moment, but the density of the crowd did not allow an opening to be made in time for me to get away. I was grabbed again and I can remember Pearl's young brother Arthur jumping onto a policeman and a general melee ensued. Someone threw a milk bottle which managed to miss all the pliccemen and hit me. The police finally had me firmly in their grip and dragged me away from the crowd and others formed a cordon across the narrow road. I was told that the March proceeded towards Stepney Green after my arrest. A great meeting was held, as originally intended.

Meanwhile, I was being frogmarched towards Arbour Square Police Station, about three-quarters of a mile away. Both my arms were pinned behind my back and the two policemen who had me in this position were forcing my arms up so that I could not walk in an upright position. I had cooled down sufficiently to assess my position. I knew of countless cases of people being beaten up in police stations, especially when those arrested had given a good account of themselves during the arrest. I hope I am not boasting when I say that on this occasion I had given as much as I had taken. I have never been a weakling and I had been in some fights before. This is not to say I had not, on occasions, felt very frightened and avoided a fight if I could. However, I was now facing a possible beating where it would be difficult to defend myself. I decided to take precautions. I appealed to the two policemen to relax their hold as I had cooled off and did not wish to resist. They responded by pushing my arms further up my back. A few yards further on, I said I wished to see to my eye. One of them said, `What's wrong with your eye?' I told him I had a glass eye and I must have been hit, as it was hurting. I was allowed to free one arm and removed my glass eye and put it in my pocket. At least there would be no danger of splintered glass in my eye socket, in the event of my being beaten. They no longer held me so tightly and a little further along, I asked to be allowed to see to my teeth. I had a small plate on wires holding three top front teeth to replace those I had lost in a previous fight. I got that out of my mouth and felt a lot happier, having minimised the possible danger.

These two incidents considerably relaxed the tension and the two policemen must have been wondering what next I would wish to remove. It looked as though I was coming to pieces. We arrived at the police station and I was ushered into a room and had to remove all I possessed from my pockets. I was left with one policeman I had not seen before, while all those connected with my arrest, including the Inspector who had returned from the march, went into another room. After about twenty minutes they emerged. I was cautioned and asked to listen to the charges against me. Among my possessions lying on the table was a packet of peppermints. I usually had these on me as I suffered from heartburn occasionally and was relieved if I sucked a peppermint. Just at this moment I asked if I could have a peppermint and was allowed to have one after I had explained. They were very long-winded about reading the charges and writing something or other, so I had to ask for another peppermint. Eventually I was told to 'Take the bloody peppermints'. I think they were a bit fed up with me.

I was put in a cell and lay on my back waiting for the possible entry of the heavy mob. I heard a woman screaming in another cell. There was a clanking sound as her cell door was opened. Followed by complete silence, after which I heard the cell door being closed. I don't remember any more about my stay in the cell as I fell fast asleep. I had not been interfered with in any way. It was about 11.30pm when I felt someone shaking me. He said. 'Come on, your friends have come to take you home'. He added, 'You haven't half got a lot of friends'. I entered the reception area and there was Phil Piratin complete with rent book. He had come to bail me out. Outside the station hundreds of people were assembled, all shouting 'They shall not pass'. A little cheer went up as I appeared.

We headed for New Road, where Piratin lived. Pearl was there along with other Party members including branch committee members, waiting for my return. We had a hurried consultation and it was decided that I should defend myself the following morning when I would appear before the magistrate. This was agreed after I had opposed a suggestion to ask for a remand to obtain legal aid. I wished to use the court to further our publicity for Sunday's rally against Mosley. In any case I did not fancy being out on bail during Sunday's events. It might handicap me somewhat. Our march on October 2nd had been better than I could have hoped for. Two days to go and everything that could be done was being done. I must stress the point that this activity was by no means all being conducted by the CP. We were in a leading position now because of our large army of active members and previous experience. We also had the equipment and other resources for producing leaflets, banners etc. We also had some of our leading members in most of the other antiFascist organisations, who could now proceed without regard to our previous line on Mosley's proposed march.

Saturday October 3rd. I was up early. I was to appear at Thames Magistrates Court to face charges of obstructing P.C. Webb in the execution of his duties and with using insulting words and behaviour whereby a breach of the peace may have been occasioned. I left home about 9am. I had not seen that day's issue of the Daily Worker the previous evening, which I would normally have done, because of the excitement of my arrest and release on bail. I went to the corner shop where I got a copy, also that week's issue of the East London Advertiser. Looking at the front page of the Daily Worker, I felt sick. I turned the pages furiously but could find nothing about our preparations for the following day, October 4th. No call to action, no details of rallying points, no information about first-aid and all the other information which would make our opposition to Mosley more effective. Just a report in the bottom right hand corner of the front page about the Petition against the march which had reached 100,000 signatures collected in the last 48 hours. Included in the report was a reference to a leaflet issued yesterday by the ILP, calling on East London workers to take part in the counter demonstration which assembles at Aldgate at 2pm (12). The local paper had a similar report on page five. This report told of the local mayor's approach to the Home Secretary to get him to ban the march. It also advised people to avoid attending the march. 'Stay away' said the mayor of Stepney (13). I wondered what was going on as I walked along Varden Street towards Pearl's home where I would meet her and others, as arranged, before going to the court. My mind was in a turmoil. The first reaction was that our fight was being sabotaged, that there were evil forces inside the CP who were out to defeat us despite the change in line and would do all in their power to undermine our efforts. I had not seen the special London supplement which had been advertised in the previous day's paper. I don't remember seeing one that day. I have been unable to find a copy after a thorough search in the files of the British Museum Newspaper Library. When researching for this book I was given no help when I enquired at the offices of the Morning Star, successor to the Daily Worker. I was not allowed to see their file of back issues. At the time I reflected that I would not be able to prove any particular charge. It could be said that it was a matter for the Daily Worker editorial decision makers, or that someone had slipped up. I thought about the effect on my comrades locally, if I raised the question now, just one day before the big confrontation. As so often at that time, I did not want to affect morale by doing anything which might deflect our attention from the fight against Mosley. I decided to keep quiet and see if there would be any reaction from other Party members I was about to meet.

When I met Pearl, Harold and the rest of the family, the conversation immediately turned to the question of the trial and how I proposed dealing with that. I said I intended using the court to spotlight the cause of our immediate problems in East London and to say they were due to Mosley and his antisemitic activities. I said I would call on everyone to oppose him the following day. On arrival at the court there was already a sizeable crowd waiting to enter. There was some excitement as everyone seemed to be talking about their preparations for the following day.

You have read my account of the events concerning my arrest and release on bail. Before I tell you what happened before the actual trial, and comment on some aspects of it, here is one report from the East London Advertiser:

' "Lynch her" shouts at Mile End.
Communist procession and girl Fascist.
Police arrest leader.
That the police protected a girl in Fascist uniform selling copies of the Blackshirt, when a crowd rushed towards her, but were not in sufficient strength to make an arrest which was effected later, was stated at Thames Police Court on Saturday. It was stated there were shouts of "Lynch her, lynch her."

Joseph Jacobs, aged 23, of 30 Bedford Street, Mile End, was charged 1. with obstructing P.C. Webb in the execution of his duty; and 2. with insulting words and behaviour.

Rushed towards girl
P.C. Webb said that at 10.15pm on the previous night he was on duty with other officers escorting a party of Communists in a westerly direction along the Mile End Road towards Stepney Green. Opposite the 'La Boheme' Cinema a girl was standing in Blackshirt uniform selling the Blackshirt. A crowd of about 200 to 300 were in the procession and they rushed towards the girl and attempted to get hold of her. Several police officers got round the girl and protected her. Witness went across and saw Jacobs who was the leader of the party. He was shouting "Lynch her, lynch her - she called us Jew. .." In company with P.C. Griffiths he got Jacobs and other men back into the procession again.

At the junction of White Horse Lane and Mile End Road, Jacobs, who was leading the party, said to other men in the lead, "We will go down here and get her". The head of the procession then turned into White Horse Lane. Witness went in front with his arms extended and told them that they could not go down there.

"You won't stop us"
Jacobs then said "We are going round here and you won't stop us". At the same time he threw his arms round the neck of witness and tried to pull him out of the road.

P.C. H. Clayton and P.C. Barnwell came to his assistance. Witness told prisoner that he would take him into custody. He struggled violently and did so on the way to Arbour Square police station. When the charge was read over, he made no reply.

Jacobs: "The arrest was made at twenty past ten, but the incident conceriiing the girl had taken place half an hour before that." Witness: "There was an interval of between five and eight minutes. The distance between the `La Boheme' and White Horse Lane was about 300 yards."

A police inspector informed the magistrate that the distance was about half a mile.

Jacobs: "Why was I not arrested at the time I am alleged to have insulted the girl? Had she not been there and the Fascists threatened to come on Sunday there would have been no trouble. The police actually provoked the trouble."

Defendant Prominant
Junior Station Inspector Rutherford said that he was accompanying the procession of Communists. He was close to the accused. There were about 1,000 people in the procession. They reached the junction of Grove Road and Mile End Road.

"I saw a crowd of people, some from the procession, and others following, rush towards a woman wearing the uniform of a Fascist organisation" continued the Inspector. "She was selling the Blackshirt newspaper. The crowd was menacing and shouting threats. I went to her assistance and endeavoured to protect her from the violence of the mob.'

He added that they walked down the Mile End Road followed by a large number of people. He saw defendant particularly prominent in the incident of the young woman. The prisoner was walking alongside the girl and himself inciting the crowd to disorder and shouting "Lynch her, lynch her. She called us Jewish. .."

Witness asked the prisoner to go away, but he continued and demanded that witness should arrest the girl. As there was the possibility of serious disorder, he took the girl down a side street (Canal Road) and other officers compelled the defendant and the rest of the crowd to continue along Mile End Road. Witness directed two officers to see the girl home and returned to the procession.

Struggled Violently
At White Horse Lane he saw the prisoner endeavouring to force his way past P.C. Webb who was endeavouring to stop him walking down the street. Prisoner was very violent, and attempted to struggle with the officer and was taken into custody. He struggled violently for some time and there was some difficulty in getting him to Arbour Square station.

Jacobs: "If what you say is true, and I used insulting words and behaviour, why did you not arrest me at the time? Why did you wait till the second incident at White Horse Lane?" Witness: "It was owing to state of the crowd and the fact that the police were short-handed or you would have been arrested at that time."

Accused: "Why did the first officer make the charge of obstruction and then later on make another charge?"

Magistrate: "Yes, why was there any interval of time between one charge and another?"

Witness: "I went back to the crowd at Stepney Green and when I returned later, he was then charged."

Three times headed off
Jacobs then entered the witness box. He denied obstructing the officer in the course of his duty and said that he did not use insulting words and behaviour. The procession was marching along in an orderly manner. The police had said they were short-handed and there were not more than a dozen with the march. During the course of the march they were shouting slogans such as "Stop the Blackshirts from coming to East London on Sunday". The procession started from Tower Hill. They went up Cambridge Road. They then desired to go down Green Street. The police refused them leave to go down that street. They complied with that and went down Old Ford Road. Later they wished to go down Russia Lane, but the police refused them permission to go down that street. His friends did not want trouble and so they went southwards by way of Grove Road.

A scuffle ahead
As they turned into Mile End Road he saw a scuffle ahead, which proved to be the Blackshirt girl. He went to the Inspector and told him to take the girl away as it might cause disorder and they didn't want that. The officer's reply was to tell him to go away or he might be arrested. Witness put a cordon on one side of the procession to prevent people rushing to the pavement. They saw the Blackshirt girl turning into a side street and they proceeded on their way.

Their intentions were to proceed down White Horse Lane and conclude the demonstration with a meeting at Stepney Green. As they were on the turn, however, the police began to push them about and said, "You can't go down there". He contended that the police had no lawful right to stop them going down the lane. Witness was pushed and punched about and eventually arrested.

Morris Genis, 14 Gt Alie Street, hat presser, denied that prisoner made the remark "Lynch her, lynch her - She called us Jewish". Sidney Barkan and Willie Cohen, the latter describing himself as the secretary of the London Young Communist League, also gave evidence on behalf of accused. The latter said that after Jacobs had been arrested he (witness) went to the Inspector and said "We want to go down White Horse Lane to Stepney Green where we are holding a meeting". His reply was, "What's stopping you? You can go through if you like". The procession then actually did pass through White Horse Lane.

Now satisfied
The magistrate said that if he had heard defendant alone he would have been rather doubtful about the case, but having seen and heard defendant's witness he had no doubt about the matter at all, and he fully accepted the story of the police so far as both the charges were concerned. With regard to the incident at White Horse Lane he was fully satisfied that following upon the earlier incident when defendant was making use of what were insulting words likely to cause a breach of the peace, that it was necessary to prevent the procession passing down White Horse Lane.

The police officer had taken proper steps and had been obstructed in the course of his duty.

The magistrate asked if anything was known about defendant, and was told that nothing was known about him.

Jacobs was fined £5 on the charge of obstructing the police, and the other charge was marked not seperately dealt with' (14).

There were other reports which only differ in emphasis or minor details. What was not reported is that I said I would not pay the fine and shouted out loud that the Fascists were responsible for the current disorder in the area.

You can judge for yourself whether the police had been telling anything like the truth. I can tell you that all the so-called evidence was concocted and all the police witnesses perjured themselves, as they do on so many occasions. Just look at the evidence of P.C. Webb and the Inspector. One said the crowd numbered 300, the other 1,000. The real total would be nearer 4,000. P.C. Webb said the distance (which was crucial to the credibility of their story) was only 200 to 300 yards between the two incidents he was describing. The magistrate was told it was actually half a mile. This meant his evidence that it was only five to eight minutes before my arrest and the first incident, was false. They almost agreed about the actual words I am alleged to have used. Almost, but with a difference which would be almost impossible if they had really heard me say them. One said "JEW" etc., the other said "JEWISH" etc. They had fallen into the usual trap when concocting evidence. This always concerns the details about actual words, times, distances and descriptions which can be elicited under cross examination. The magistrate, had he wanted, could easily have seen that the alleged proposal to follow the Blackshirt girl was ridiculous. Entry into White Horse Lane would have taken us further away from where the police had escorted her away. We would have had to cross a canal bridge further on to get there, in a direction away from Stepney Green.

I will give some more details about all this because it describes, from my own experience, what I know happened to others when they were unfortnate enough to fall into the hands of the police and the courts. The Inspector in particular, played a sinister role. Prior to going into court he saw me and took me to one side. Without giving me any idea of the 'evidence' which he intended giving, he said words to this effect: 'I saw among your possessions there was a razor blade in a holder'. This was true. I used it as a pen-knife particularly for sharpening pencils. These things were in common use. He said if I did not agree to plead guilty he would raise the matter and say I was in possession of an offensive weapon and things would be very nasty for me. I could be sent to prison. I told him I intended fighting the charges and he could do his worst. The matter of the razor blade knife was not in fact mentioned at the trial.

After the verdict I was taken to a room because I had said I would not pay the fine. After about a quarter of an hour I was told I had to go as the fine had been paid. When I reached the street, Phil Piratin was there and told me it had been decided that no useful purpose would be served by leaving me inside and the fine was paid to secure my release. I did not argue about the decision. There didn't seem to be much point. I was really glad to be out, but would have been prepared to stay there if that would have helped our cause.

Pearl and I went to my home where my mother was pleased to welcome us and had a big Saturday lunch all ready and waiting to be eaten. We had a good laugh about the trial and I felt quite good. I had almost forgotten my feelings about the Daily Worker and as no one seemed to be very agitated about it in the way that I was, I decided to keep quiet and concentrate on the rest of the day's activities which would carry on well into the small hours of October 4th.

Came the Big Day. I was up fairly early and after a good breakfast, I went as arranged, to my sector of the front, which was Gardiners Corner. Our headquarters were in Manningtree Street, behind the fire station in Commercial Road, about sixty yards from Gardiners itself. We had a first-aid post as well as facilities for dishing out leaflets, banners, posters etc. We were equipped to receive messages and runners to carry messages to all the other sectors, particularly in Cable Street, where we anticipated there might be a lot of problems. We thought the crowd would be concentrated at Gardiners, and that if the Fascists attempted to march, they would find it almost impossible to leave Royal Mint Street by way of Mansel Street or Leman Street to Gardiners. The most likely route if these ways were barred, would be along Cable Street. I can't remember exactly, but I think Pat Devine was in charge in the Cable Street area.

There were first-aid posts and points where contact could be maintained for reporting and issuing instructions, at Whitechapel library, Toynbee Hall, off Cable Street and other places in addition to where I was at Manningtree Street. The geography favoured us as the approach to Whitechapel Road could be barred by moving crowds in a short space of time, no matter which way the police and Mosley decided to try to march. By mid-morning the crowds coming to Aldgate were already so big that Gardiners Corner, a big road junction made up of Whitechapel Road, Whitechapel High Street, Commercial Road, Commercial Street and Leman Street, was blocked and traffic was coming to a standstill. Around midday, the police were beginning to show their hand. There were skirmishes going on all over the place. I was told that down in Cable Street, which is quite a narrow street, it was already impossible to pass. By about one o'clock there was a tram stuck on the rails, right in the middle of the road junction at Gardiners Corner. Young people were perched on all the lamposts and any other vantage point, displaying posters and directing the crowd towards the weak spots in the front with the police. The crowds were roaring 'They shall not pass'.

The police were making periodic baton charges, both mounted and on foot, in an effort to keep the crowds back. Many people were being arrested. It took several policemen to escort anyone arrested to the station. This was because they were not equipped with the number of vehicles and other crowd control technology that exists now. As anyone was grabbed by the police there were determined attempts by others to secure their release. So each arrest meant that a large number of policemen would have to leave the main cordons, thus weakening them. For every ten arrests about a hundred policemen were engaged in getting them to the police stations. After a while the senior officers realised what was happening and the arrests almost stopped. They were content to baton charge and inflict heavy wounds on the front ranks of the demonstrators. This they did with great effect.

If their efforts had failed and the main body of demonstrators had managed to get into Leman Street, or round the back via Manse] Street and the side streets towards Royal Mint Street, where Mosley's forces were surrounded on all sides by thousands of police, I'm sure there would have been a pitched battle in Royal Mint Street and Tower Hill. Fortunately for the police and Mosley, who had chosen the Fascists' assembly point with great care, the whole of their southern and part of their western flanks were protected by the docks, which were closed, and the river at Tower Bridge and Tower Hill. Otherwise it would have been impossible to surround them and I don't know how they would have retreated without being severely mauled by the enormous crowds who were ready to make any sacrifice to prevent the march. They did eventually retreat westwards over Tower Hill, but not before the great battle of Cable Street.

Around one o'clock, I decided to have a look at Royal Mint Street if I could get there. By way of Great Alie Street, across Leman Street into Little Alie Street, where the 'Circle House' was situated, I got into Mansel Street, and eventually to the junction of Royal Mint Street and Tower Hill. I saw lots of Blackshirts in full uniform, many vans specially designed for carrying personnel, with iron-barred windows. Police vehicles of all kinds were everywhere. No one not in uniform could get into Royal Mint Street itself. Judging from the way everybody and the Blackshirt vehicles were facing, it looked as though they could either go by way of Leman Street or Cable Street. Any thought that they could try going by some devious route which would take them through the back streets, was irrational. They would have been sitting targets for all the people in all the houses en route.
I returned to Gardiners Corner where things were getting really hot as we got nearer to two o'clock, which was the time the counter demonstration had been asked to assemble. There were already many people walking around with their heads bandaged. Our first-aid units were being kept very busy. Lots of people were coming up with stories about terrible fighting at the junction of Royal Mint Street, Leman Street and Cable Street. Thousands were turning away from Gardiners Corner down Commercial Road into all the side streets towards Cable Street, where we knew that barricades were being built to bar the way. I got back to Manningtree Street to hear all the reports coming from Cable Street and elsewhere. It appeared that the police were trying to force a way through Cable Street to clear a path for Mosley and his supporters. I was never in Cable Street that day, so I had to hear and read all about what happened there later.

Mosley's forces preceeded by a massive force of mounted and foot police actually tried to leave Royal Mint Street, but never managed to get into Cable Street. The Metropolitan Police Commissioner who was on the spot decided to call the whole thing off, and Mosley was obliged to take his forces westwards away from the East End. As the news spread, cheers could be heard all over the area and into the surrounding streets some distance from the battleground itself. The air was full of sound. People shouting slogans: 'They did not pass'; 'They shall not pass'.

As the police withdrew their main forces and the crowds moved away from the major points of conflict, all the cafes and other public places were full of laughing people swapping stories of their own particular experiences of the past few hours. As things turned out, there had been over eighty arrests and many of them had already begun to leave the police stations on bail. I would not like to estimate the number of injured. There were many people bandaged and bloody. The debris left after the fight was everywhere. The streets did not return to normal for some time. There were such a lot of detailed matters needing attention, such as getting people to go to all the police stations to bail out those arrested. Seeing to those who had been hurt. For some of us there was the meeting to consider the possibility of immediate reaction from the Fascists in those areas close to where they had some support. Nothing very serious happened that day, but we did not have to wait very long before we knew that the events on October 4th represented a victorious battle, but not the end of the war. Much remains to be written about what happened before and after as well as the day itself (15).

Those who took part have never stopped talking about it from time to time, over the years, since that great day. Much discussion has centred around the issues involved. Speculation on what may have happened if Mosley and the National Government had not suffered this massive defeat. For what it is worth, I have oftern thought that if Mosley had secured a firm foothold in East London, from which he might have built a mass base, the whole history of the world could have been different. Certainly there were powerful forces backing him. If these forces had not been checked, might they not have had an alliance with Hitler and Mussolini resulting in an all-out attack on the Soviet Union, rather than what happened in 1939? I don't know. I do know that Mosley was being supported to build an alternative to the National Government, if it should fail to hold down the workers' struggle against unemployment and the low standard of living. There was also the growing United Front and Popular Front movements as in France and Spain, which could have developed here. After all, Hitler had arrived on the scene because of the strength of the CP in Germany, as a means of defending the capitalist system. Had not Franco been supported in his efforts to overthrow the Spanish Popular Front Government?

Mosley and his friends had suffered a defeat at the hands of gentile and Jewish people alike. This did not mean he and his friends would give up. October 4th was not just the result of some few days' effort on the part of all who participated. The defeat of Mosley started way back when he failed to gain a foothold in Shadwell and Wapping, where lived the dockers of Irish descent with a strong Catholic background and a long history of working-class struggle behind them. The Jews of East London could not, in my view, have held Mosley back without support from this area to the south of the Jewish areas, which would have found them completely surrounded on October 4th if Mosley had made the headway there which he had made in Bethnal Green, Shoreditch and Limehouse. As for the part played by the CP and other organisations, there is much to tell. For my part the fight had only just begun. We needed to follow October 4th with yet more massive activity, if the victory was to be consolidated. To this task we immediately turned our attention.

Notes

1. The Blackshirt , 26.9.1936.
2. The Blackshirt, 3.10.1936.
3. The East End News, 9.10.1936.
4. DW, 30.9.1936.
5. Ibid.
6. DW, 1.10.1936.
7. The East London Advertiser, 3.10.1936.
8. Piratin, op cit, p 19.
9. DW, 1.10.1936.
10. In editor’s possession.
11. DW, 2.10.1936.
12. DW, 3.10.1936.
13. East London Advertiser, 3.10.1936.
14. East London Advertiser, 10.10.1936,
15. For eyewitness teports see DW, 5-6.10.1936.

Several writers have referred to October 4th in their works. Some have made mistakes, others have ignored some important facts. Arnold Wesker in his play Chicken Soup with Barley, gives a good account or impression of the feefeeling and atmosphere seen from the homes of some of those who took part.

However, he manages to mix up the events, which I suspect he took out of context from various reports which were incorrect in themselves. I do not criticise his work which after all, is not expected to be historically perfect. He has some licence to create.

He says in the author’s note, ‘My people are not caricatures. They are real (though fiction)... ’ The whole of the first act mirrors what was happening on October 4th. Here he implies that the slogan ‘They shall not pass’ came from the defence of Madrid assisted by the International Brigade. These events came later than October 4th. The International Brigade did not yet exist. The ‘Tom Mann Centuria’ did, and Arnold Wesker refers to it and Nat Cohen and Sam Masters. He refers to a trip over the Pyrenees to join the Spanish people’s fight. This had not yet begun in any significant way.

One character, Monty, says:

‘Hey! You know who organised the first British group? Nat Cohen! I used to go to school with him. Him and Sam Masters were on a cycling holiday in France. As soon as they heard of the revolt they cycled over to Barcelona and started the ‘Tom Mann Centuria.’'

This is almost word for word what William Rust wrote in his book on the British Battalion of the International Brigade.

Another character, Harry (coming to the door) says: ‘He’s a real madman, Nat Cohen. He chalks slogans right outside the police station. I used to work with him’ (1). I wonder where Arnoid Wesker got that from? I knew his aunt Sarah. We were very often in disagreement over the Party policy. Nat was ° with me in this. Many of those who disagreed with us used to say that Nat was a ‘Hot-head’. Nothing could be further from the truth. Yet this mud slinging appeared to have stuck to Nat’s reputation. Arnold’s father Joe, was in my view, a lovable person. I heard people close to him criticize him for characteristics they did not like in order to demean him. Many people had their characters maligned by those who had political axes to grind.

Stays Red. Jack Dash, the dockers’ rank-and-file leader, in his book Good Morning Brothers does speak about anti-Fascist struggles in Stepney, but he also makes some mistakes. He describes an outdoor meeting at Eric Street, where he says he listened to Pat Devine and Nat Cohen ‘who had returned from Spain after being badly wounded’. Pages 35-36. He says ‘Pat Devine and Nat Cohen between them had convinced me. I signed and handed the form back to Beatie Marks—a good comrade who, still thirty years after that night continues to do consistent Party work and (though well over retiring age) to give her services in the office at King Street (2). On page 37 he says, ‘It was the same summer of 1937 that Sir Oswald Mosley, leader of the British Union of Fascists announced his decision to march through East London with his Blackshirt followers’. Jack Dash has not done his homework at all well if he could write that. It wasn’t 1937. It wasn’t summer when we first heard of Mosley’s proposed march. Nat Cohen certainly wasn’t wounded and back from Spain before October 4th 1936. The confused reporting by some who were present on October 4th is understandable if we examine the attitude of the CP both before and after that great day. Jack Dash goes on to give his own report of what happened. He makes no reference at all to the differences of opinion inside the Party, if indeed he knew about them. Like so many CP spokesmen, he has claimed for the Party more credit for what happened than they are entitled to claim. That’s putting it very mildly. I hope someone will write the whole history of October 4th.one day.

* * * * *

After October 4th we had a hurried first victory march through East London starting from Tower Hill on Monday evening (3). We were inundated with cases arising from arrests on October 4th. 84 men and women went before the magistrates. We advertised that legal aid would be available to all who required it at room 5, ‘Circle House’ (4). Appeals were opened for funds to meet expenses and to further the work against Fascism (5) (See photo). The abolition of Fascist private armies was demanded as a first step for the prevention of extended violence in East London. Our London District Committee took over the main campaign for fund-raising and other aid without consulting us in Stepney. On October 6th the Daily Worker carried reports from the DPC and appeals for money to be sent to them (6). They also set about making plans to follow October 4th. Once again we did not take part in their discussions or decisions. It was clear that the DPC was going to play a bigger part in the internal life of the Stepney CP branch.

Meanwhile the Fascists in Stepney did not intend to take their defeat lying down. On October 6th they went on the rampage through Stepney Green, beating up old people. Crowds of people had to leave their beds and come onto the streets to meet these attacks. They chased the Blackshirts for half a mile to their headquarters in Duckett Street. Police reinforcements had to be called in to prevent the crowds from wrecking the premises. It was discovered that in order to prevent police interference with the marauding bands of Fascists, the telephone wires had been cut in the district (7).

The fighting in Spain could not be ignored in all our preoccupation with events in Stepney. Our press reports said that ‘neutrality’ was crippling the government forces. A committee of enquiry into breaches of international law, relating to non-intervention in Spain was established. The Labour Party Conference in Edinburgh sent Attlee and Greenwood to London to see Neville Chamberlain, acting head of government. They were to report back to the Conference on the Friday (8). We had urgent business in Stepney. The London CP went into action for an anti-Fascist victory march for Sunday October 11th to start from Tower Hill and finish in Victoria Park. We were going to march where the Blackshirts had been prevented from marching, to celebrate our great victory of October 4th. In the meantime a Labour delegation which had attended the Jewish World Congress in Geneva during

August, reported to a meeting in the ‘Circle House’ (9). Also the continuing terror from the Fascists in East London was the subject of appeals to all labour organisations for joint action. These appeals were reported in the Daily Worker, but in the Friday issue which carried the appeal there was no call for the Tower Hill Victory March which was to take place that Sunday (10).

Our demonstration was a huge success and was fully reported. The Daily Worker report said:

‘Last week barricaded streets, paving stones uprooted, thousands of men and women massed in determined resistance and opposition.

Yesterday an orderly procession, banners flying, bands playing, ten thousand workers marching proudly through the streets lined ten deep with fellow workers cheering and saluting as they passed’ (11).

This meant that the Fascists were more determined than ever to keep the terror campaign going. Some local newspaper reports during this period give some idea of what was happening. The City and East London Observer described one such incident under the heading ‘Terror Continues— Hooligans loot and pillage Jewish shops’. The reporter wrote:

‘Last Sunday ...following a Communist demonstration march to Victoria Park, a band of hooligans swept down Mile End Road smashing, looting and _ pillaging the windows of Jewish shopkeepers. . .Stones and missiles were obtained from Clinton Road, Mile End which was under repair. ..None of the shops bearing an English name was molested. The hooligans raced on to the corner of Canal Road where they overturned a car belonging to Mr Philip Levy, a taylor. Armed with sticks, iron bars and other weapons they smashed open the petrol tank. The petrol spurted forth. Aman threw a match and in no time the roadway was a mass of flame. The flaming liquid raced down the gutter. A child playing by the curb was snatched away in the nick of time.

On the main road a man was hurled bodily through a window and a seven-year-old girl was thrown after him. Never before in the History of the East End has there been such frenzied victimisation’ (12).

The East London Advertiser carried the same story in its weekly edition with the headline: ‘Man and child thrown through a shop window’. Subheadings read: ‘Youths dash along thoroughfare—Trail of damaged and looted shops’. Their article spoke of shouts from the rampaging youths of ‘Down with the yids’ and ‘Hail Mosley’ (13).

A letter signed by me was published in the East End News at this time.

My views are clearly stated and, I think, still in keeping with the Party policy of that time. I wrote:

‘We are a section of the great British Labour movement and our activity is of a peaceful and democratic nature. ..We are proud of the fact that the struggle against Fascism is not the monopoly of our Party, but is being taken up by all who love peace and civil liberty. The quarter ofa million Londoners who massed on the streets on October 4th to prevent Mosley’s Blackshirts from passing are evidence that the struggle against Fascism is no petty faction fight, but is the cause of the common people of Britain. . .If the Home Secretary is so indifferent to the fate of British Civil liberties that he will not do his plain duty, at least the people of East London have shown their determination to defend their liberties against Fascist onslaughts...We earnestly trust that no citizens of Stepney will allow themselves to be provoked by Fascists into resorting to retaliatory measures. The Communist Party has always sternly opposed individual terrorism which brings nothing but harm to the socialist cause. The fight against Fascism must be organised and disciplined. Resolutions, petitions and letters should pour into the Home Office and into our members of parliament. A United Front of all anti-Fascist organisations is plainly the first necessity’ (14).

The aftermath of October 4th caused all sorts of people to become interested in Mosley and his activities in East London. Deputations, appeals to parliament, all sorts of meetings, protests and demonstrations, all calling for effective action did not prevent the Fascists from increasing their activities.

The government were more worried about the growth of anti-Fascist forces and decided to use the recent events to attack the labour movement while at the same time pretending to deal with Mosley. There can be no doubt that all I had been arguing about inside the Party for so long was being forced into the open for people to decide what should be done to curb the Fascists. Life in the East End for Jews and for those active in the working class movement was being seriously affected by Mosley’s supporters aided by the police and the courts. The government were seeing these activities as part of their own efforts to keep the unemployed from getting together on a class basis and to hold back the general working class movement which was challenging their policies on all national and international issues. Mosley’s anti-semitism was just the job for diverting attention from the real problems, by finding scapegoats, i.e. the Jews, to account for people’s suffering.

Inside the Stepney CP the debate which had been going on became even more serious. Despite October 4th, or because of it, the members of the Party’s District Committee and those who were opposing what I had been advocating locally were moving towards a position which would make it impossible for me to continue as secretary of the Party in Stepney. Attacks were coming from all directions, including some nasty personal attacks, backbiting and false rumours, a real campaign of character assassination. It was said that I was a hot-head, an Anarchist, Blanquist, putchist etc. simply because I said we would have to defend ourselves from Fascist violence. The time had come for me to deal with these matters which could not be handled by trying to answer all the distortions, lies and personal attacks at meetings or by personal contact with individual members. I would have to try putting my case in writing, hoping my opponents would reply in writing, so that the issues could be put before the members for their decision in the light of the facts, clearly stated.

This decision became more urgent in view of the circulation of a document in mid-October by the DPC. It was entitled ‘The tasks of the Party in East London in the coming period’. This document stated:

‘The Party cannot make any solid achievements if it. neglects its work among key sections of East London workers in the Labour Party, Trade Unions and Co-op guilds.’

The Document proposed:

‘1. The General reviving of the East London Labour Party organisations from their present complacency and stagnation. . .

2. Persistent and careful organised work in Trade Unions to activise them and build them up and to win universal respect for our comrades as leaders

3. The building and consolidating of our Party forces by the development of trustworthy collective leadership of the branches, the careful

training of and utilisation of new recruits and the rooting out of

irresponsibility and indiscipline.’

To fight Mosley, the DPC proposed:

‘i. Wholesale support for the conference of East London Workers organised by the Socialist League, and an East London Conference of all anti-Fascist groups under the auspices of either the local Mayors (mostly Labour Party), or Trades Councils. This Conference would establish an anti-Fascist vigilance committee working closely with the Council for Civil Liberties.

ii. A popular anti-Fascist newspaper

iii. A petition demanding the banning of uniforms and Mosley’s Army.”’.

The DPC further proposed propaganda meetings and touring loudspeaker vans, especially in Bethnal Green where the.Fascists had their base. They proposed indoor winter meetings by invitation only. They suggested tickets be passed round Trade Union branches to ‘ensure an audience of good quality’.

The mass distribution of anti-Fascist literature and leaflets was also proposed plus the setting up of a workers’ bookshop ‘in the Mile End region, say’.

Finally the DPC urged East London Branches of the CP to organise physical culture classes for young workers on a large scale ‘as a counter attack to the BUF classes and government schemes for ‘a fit nation’ (!!). I had to answer this (15).

On top of all the work during the two weeks after October 4th, I decided to make enough time available to produce a document. I had no experience of writing a long statement. The most I had attempted were letters to the press, leaflets and general propaganda statements and things of that kind.

During the time that I was preparing the statement we held a special Branch meeting at the King’s Hall, Commercial Road. Admission was by Party Card.

Speakers included John Mahon and Pat Devine. The subject was Next Steps in East London. The DPC document was to be discussed (16). During the course of that meeting I was attacked and criticised by all the ‘Big Guns’ for ‘Leftist tendencies’. My position was being deliberately undermined and my opinions were given meanings which they did not merit no matter what was said inside the Party. In my view there could be no doubt that the fight against Mosley and police terror in East London was growing. Many organisations were dealing with this situation and the CP could not appear publicly to be in disagreement.

Jewish organisations, the Ex-Servicemen’s anti-Fascist movement, Youth organisations, the Socialist League (Trotskyist tendency in the Labour Party), Labour Party and the ILP all took a hand in denouncing violence and calling on the government to take action against Mosley. The Daily Worker reported that the Jewish People’s Council were sponsoring a bill in parliament prescribing penalties against community libel and making party uniforms illegal (17).

While all this fervour was being built up, I managed to get some friends to help me with typing my statement and sent it off to the Secretariat, DPC on 27th October, 1936, just over three weeks after our great victory of October 4th. In my statement I used the normal Party jargon. I quoted Dimitrov’s report to the 7th World Communist Congress to support my arguments.

I was convinced that I was a good cadre carrying out the ‘correct’ Party Line. I wrote:

‘No one but a fool would deny that work in the Trade Unions is important and that our attention should be given to this work. . .I.. . maintain that what these comrades call Trade Union work amounts to Trade Union Parliamentarianism. They speak of winning the leadership of the Trade Unions instead of winning the leadership of the workers, particularly in factories and ‘on the job’...

Work in Trade Unions means work on the job—in this way positions will be won in the TUs and what is more, Party groups must be built up in the factories or on the job. If we examine the work of these comrades this is not the case for in Stepney there is but one factory group which was put in existence (sic) with the help of work from a street group operating in the area.

In connection with this, Dimitrov’s words at the 7th World Congress are of great value and which I hold is the correct line of the Party in relation to the present situation (sic). It was also at this congress that Dimitrov warned us against the opportunism which would arise from adoption of United Front tactics in this period —which is reflected in the stand made for TU work for the United Front at the expense of our work in the streets and of leading the unorganised and organised masses into action against Fascism and War. . .Dimitrov said ‘.. .A contact Commission between leaders of the Communist and Socialist Parties is necessary to facilitate the carrying out of joint action, but by itself it is far from adequate for a real development of the United Front for drawing the broadest masses into the struggle against Fascism. The Communists and all Revolutionary workers must strive for the formation of elective non-Party class bodies of the United Front at the factories, in the working class districts, among small townsmen and in the villages. . .Joint action of the organised workers is the beginning, the foundation. But we must not lose sight of the fact that the unorganised masses constitute the vast majority of workers. ..In Britain there are approximately five million members of Trade Unions and Parties of various kinds. At the same time the total number of workers is fourteen million. . .’

I continued my statement by adding:

‘I do not say that I have been perfect. . .I (partly due to the fact that I work in a small workshop) have not been very prominent in this (TU) work. Also the tremendous need for work among the unorganised workers has made me tend to give my whole attention to this work. . .’

The statement continued:

‘October 4th is an example of what can be done to get thousands of workers, unorganised and Organised to take part in action against Fascism ...The Committee has failed to follow up October 4th and the victory despite increased membership and influence.

Finally, comrades, I believe if we look to France, we can learn big lessons. The Stavisky scandal was used by the Fascists to provoke disorder to carry out a coup. The prompt action of the workers on the streets prevented the success of this. Further this moved the organised workers into action, i.e. political strikes.

It was after Unity in action against Fascism had been established in the organisations following the action on the streets that the Popular Front government was elected, that Industrial action, i.e. stay-in strikes were carried on against the employers and there followed the unheard of rapid recruitment to the Trade Unions—two million workers joined and the workers gained victories of improved wages and conditions all round.

Trade Union work means leading the workers to action in defence of their wages and working conditions, hours, etc. Along side this there must be action on the streets in defence of our democratic liberties and hard-won rights against Fascism and War.’

I concluded the statement by saying:

'...I claim that these comrades (S. Wesker, C. Segal, R. Silkoff, Greenblati, M. Segal, A. Finklestein) cannot remain in the leadership of Stepney if I am—and if what I say about building the United Front is correct, then these comrades must be removed and given definite responsibility with a new committee, with new comrades (there are many) and certain of the existing ones elected to lead not only the Stepney CP but the Stepney workers. . .’

In a P.S. I added:

‘I would also suggest a closed branch meeting for members to discuss this issue.’

My statement was ignored at first and, needless to say there was no immediate branch meeting to discuss its contents. Neither was it discussed publicly by me or anyone.

* * * * *

Meanwhile, while all this was going on at home things began to get more critical in Spain. Madrid was preparing for a siege. Stalin declared that he would give the Republic Soviet aid. The British Communist Party called to the National Council of Labour for action. It said. “The crisis hour is here— You have it in your power to save Spanish Democracy’ (18). The unemployed were on the march yet again. Eleven contingents were on the way to London to arrive on November 7th (19). We held big meetings in Mile End Baths to prepare for their arrival. These were well supported. Speakers included Councillor Solomons of the Labour Party in addition to our own Wal Hannington and Ted Bramley. The Whitechapel YCL held another meeting at Robert Montefiore school, speakers W. Spence, M. Boardman and J. Jacobs (I was still very active at this point) (20). An interesting tactic was revealed when a Mosley supporter found himself in court for alleged violent activity. In his possession was a letter notifying him of his expulsion form the BUF. It was soon made apparent that many active Fascists carried similar letters so that Mosley could say he was not connected with some of the more outrageous actions of his members if they were arrested (21).

The London tailors were being attacked by their employers who were trying to use the Union in their own interests. We held our usual fraction meeting to decide our line of action to deal with the situation (22). In Spain Italian tanks were within twenty miles of Madrid. An ‘arms for Spain’ Rally was held at Memorial Hall—Labour’s National Joint Council said ‘End arms blockade’ (23). The Jewish Council drafted its bill for dealing with Fascist terror (24). The King’s speech at the opening of Parliament spoke of a Bill to deal with police disorder (25). The proposed conference of all anti-Fascist forces in East London was being organised (26). Hitler terror increased. The news of Andre’s execution was announced. Franco was forced back three miles from Madrid. Headlines in the Daily Worker stated that Madrid had hurled back sixteen attacks—‘Citizens are ready to defend their homes’ (27).

One hundred thousand people turned up at Hyde Park to demonstrate with the Hunger Marchers coming from Scotland and the North of England (28). A formal reading was given to the Public Order Bill which would outlaw all heckling of Fascists. People could be sent to prison for a mere slogan. All workers’ marches could be banned (29). There was a report by Tom Wintringham, Daily Worker Correspondent from the Aragon front in Spain, but it didn’t say very much (30). The hunger marchers were still in London.

Thirty-six Labour MPs attended a meeting with the Minister of Labour. Aneurin Bevan said that the government would be obliged to revise drastically their policy on the unemployed (31). A new mass demonstration took place in Hyde Park announced on 14th November and then the Hunger Marchers went home (32).

An important local CP Branch meeting was held at Old King’s Hall with a speaker from the DPC with admission by Party Card or circular only (33). On 20th and 21st November important articles appeared in the Daily Worker from correspondent Frank Pitcairn. They refered to an International force for the defence of Madrid and for the first time to the ‘fifth column’ There were details of ‘fighting men flocking from all over Europe to help save Spain’ (34).

There was no mention of Nat Cohen and Sam Masters. The news about international forces was much later than it should have been. The Daily Worker for November 24th carried an appeal signed by Harry Pollitt in response to a request by the ‘Leader of the International Legion’ (the first time that such a leader had been refered to) for money for a fully equipped field ambulance.

The appeal refered to the bravery of British volunteers and to the recent deaths in battle of two of them (35). Then a report appeared about Nat and Sam, the first for a long time and only the second since they had begun fighting on July 19th. They had been wounded—Sam in the lungs, Nat in the leg.

They were in the English hospital at Crenen, Barcelona. Nat Cohen was described as ‘Commanding the Tom Mann column’ (36). The big headlines the next day were for the presentation of the New Constitution of the USSR at the eighth congress of Soviets. ‘One sixth of the earth rejoices in new charter of freedom’ said Daily Worker sub-heading. On the same front page were two smaller insets. Two British Communists had been killed fighting in Spain.

Harry Pollitt’s appeal for a field ambulance for Spain had raised the tremendous sum for those days of £700 in three days (37).

At this time I was still fighting with the London District Party leaders. After repeatedly bringing up the question of my statement which was being ignored by the DPC they agreed to have a closed meeting to discuss my statement at the end of November, but on 28th November I received the following letter from the DPC:

‘Dear Comrade,

regarding our arrangement for a discussion on Saturday, the secretariat wants you and Comrade H. Cohen to make an appointment with us at the District Office first of all. After this we can carry out our proposal for an informal conversation. Will you, therefore, please regard Saturday as postponed and phone through some time to Bill Rowe and make an appointment,

Yours fraternally,

J. Mahon’ (38)

At this time, the Stepney CP had a mass sales campaign. We had to report to Fieldgate Street every evening and all day Sunday. We were busy collecting money for the ambulance. In six days the Party workers raised enough money to send an ambulance to Spain (39). The local Stepney branch held a meeting at Dempsey Street school to hear about how Nat Cohen and Sam Masters were getting on. Reports were optimistic (40). There was a clothing workers meeting at ‘Circle House’ (41). The first rumours about Edward VIII’s abdication were being bandied about. Antony Eden at the Foreign Office was taking steps to prevent volunteers from going to Spain (42). Articles appeared in the Daily Worker about the British section of the ‘International Legion’.

There was a supplement about their activities and reports of Britons killed and wounded and of fund-raising efforts (43). The CP leadership was well in control now of this ‘International Legion’. At the same time a conference was called against the new Public Order Bill supported by the Council for Civil Liberties (44). King Edward VIII abdicated and the Duke of York took on his job. Headlines in the Daily Worker read ‘Spain Now Sings Tipperary’ and spoke of the ‘real’ British volunteers at work, some of whom the paper said had been there since October (45). I thought of those two others who had been there since July. British fighters were now pouring into Spain. Soon said the Daily Worker in mid-September, ‘It is hoped to form a British Battalion (46). All this was very confusing. What, I thought, was the British section of the ‘International Legion’ then?

Fascist retaliation in the East End of London continued. Blackshirts attacked the ‘Blue and White Shirt Association’ at their premises in White Horse Lane, Stepney (47). We held a rally at the German Embassy at Carlton House Terrace (48). The Socialist League held a meeting to support the now named International Brigade at Essex Hall in the Strand (49). There was an appeal for Christmas boxes for the volunteers by Harry Pollitt and the headlines read “International Legion takes Unity Step’ (50). Eden announced in Parliament that there would be no ban on the departure of volunteers. The government had been unable to realise hopes about using the non-intervention pact. Two countries did however ban the collective departure of volunteers for Spain, Poland and France with its Popular Front ‘Left’ government headed by Blum (51). So much for Popular Front tactics. We were collecting to send Christmas presents to the International Brigade.

Two British companies were formed and leading London Communists, Springhall and Kerrigan went to Spain (52). We celebrated Christmas in the fervour of it all. Sam Masters recovering well from his injuries came home on leave from Spain and we welcomed him eagerly. We heard reports from Spain.

There were now five hundred in the front line; six Britons had been killed (53).

It was at this time that the neo-trotskyist group within the Labour Party, the Socialist League, launched a paper. It was called The Tribune. It was edited by William Millar. Early contributors included Stafford Cripps and Helen Wilkinson. It was very involved in events in Spain as were we in the CP (54). We advertised in Stepney for lorries to tour the area to collect clothing and for sympathisers of the Spanish Republican cause to come to Fieldgate Street. Our loud-speaker vans blared ‘Madrid Calling’ (55). During the whole of this period of frantic activities my conflicts with members of the Stepney Branch and the DPC continued to smoulder. The Daily Worker celebrated its 7th Birthday and the eventful year of 1936 was over.

Notes

1. The Wesker Trilogy, Penguin Edition, 1966, p 22.
2. Jack Dash, Good Morning Brothers, Mayflower paperback, 1969.
3. DW, 6.10.1936.
4. Ibid.
5. Copy of one such appeal card is in editor's possession.
6. DW, 6.10.1936.
7. DW, 7.10.1936.
8. Ibid.
9. DW, 8.10.1936.
10. DW, 9.10.1936.
11. DW, 12.10.1936.
12. East London Observer, 17.10.1936.
13. East London Advertiser, 17.10.1936.
14. East End News, 6.10.1936.
15. Copy of original document is in editor’s possession.
16. Meeting announced in DW, 19.10.1936.
17. DW, 10.10.1936.
18. DW, 17-21.10.1936.
19. DW, 19.10.1936.
20. DW, 31.10.1936.
21. DW, 19.10.1936.
22. DW, 5.11.1936,
23. DW, 28-29,10.1936.
24. DW, 3.11.1936.
25. DW, 4.11.1936.
26. Ibid.
27. DW, 10.11.1936.
28. DW, 9.11.1936.
29. DW, 10-12.11.1936.
30. DW, 11.11.1936.
31. DW, 13-14.11.1936,
32. DW, 16.11.1936.
33. DW, 18.11.1936.
34. DW, 2.11.1936.
35. DW, 24.11.1936,
36. DW, 25.11.1936.
37. DW, 26.11.1936,
38. Duplicate copies of of correspondence at the time between the author and CP officials are in the editor’s possession. All quotes are from these documents.
39. DW, 26.11.1936.
40. DW, 27.11.1936.
41. DW, 28.11.1936.
42. DW, 3.12.1936.
43. DW, 5.12.1936.
44. DW, 7.12.1936.
45. DW, 14.12.1936.
46. DW, 15.12.1936.
47. DW, 14.12.1936.
48. DW, 15.12.1936.
49. DW, 16.12.1936.
50. DW, 18.12.1936.
52. DW, 19-21.12.1936.
52, DW, 23.12.1936,
53. DW, 26.12.1936.
54. DW, 30.12.1936,
55. DW, 1.1.1937.

The story ends here abruptly. On March 29th, 1977, Joe Jacobs died in University College Hospital, London after a sudden heart attack. He was nearly 64 years old. He left behind this manuscript plus copious notes and references, but the story was unfinished. Some hastily scribbled notes in various small notebooks, on odd scraps of paper, some newspaper cuttings and some personal documents gave the only indications as to how the book was to have continued. One important set of documents had been carefully preserved by Joe, nevertheless. This was the complete correspondence in duplicate between Joe Jacobs and the Local and National Communist Party leaders during the major period of his conflict with the Party, i.e. from the end of 1936 to the outbreak of the Second World War.

It has been the task of the present editor to revise and check the manuscript that Joe left taking care to change as little of the original as possible. Only notes and references have been added plus a few minor stylistic alterations.

The editor is responsible for dividing the work into chapters, but the words remain entirely Joe Jacobs’ words as he wrote them. Faced with the dilemma of whether to leave the book unfinished or to conclude it, however inadequately, the editor has opted for the second solution, because of the significance of the material which had been collected and which was obviously meant to be included. Above all, the quarrel between Joe and the Party leadership over how to deal with Fascism is revealed in the correspondence between the two and they show how the fate of the dissenter reached its inevitable conclusion. The issues were and are important and the attitude and behaviour of the CP towards doubters within its ranks has rarely been so graphically detailed.

As far as possible the descriptions given and opinions expressed in what follows are based on Joe’s own words either taken from letters he wrote to the Party or from his rough notes. The editor’s own comments have been kept to the minimum, but sometimes an explanation or precision is required and some of what follows is the fruit of the editor’s own research. Always, however, the editor has striven to keep the original intentions of the author constantly in mind. Since the editor is not only a lifelong friend and admirer of Joe Jacobs but also his own daughter and had spoken many times with him about his project and already knew much of the background to this story, she hopes that, because of this, she has been able to remain faithful to the character and aims of this book. Sadly, however, she must obviously declare that what Joe would have written, had he lived longer, would have been much richer in detail and have contained many more arguments, examples, facts and interesting conjectures upon these facts than do the following pages. The reader must excuse obvious gaps. Some of the story has unfortunately remained buried with its writer. However the conclusion for this book does exist. It was written very shortly before Joe Jacobs’ untimely death. He meant it to be the closing words of his book and so it is with this conclusion that the book ends.

Fierce discussions continued inside the Stepney Branch over the attitude to adopt against the fascists and the advisability of work ‘on the streets’ among the unorganised. There is no evidence that Joe’s statement made in late October was ever discussed publicly at either Branch or District level. The statement was most certainly never answered in writing, but it is during this period that Joe ceased to become Secretary of the Stepney Party, no doubt because of these internal quarrels. He claimed that by the very end of 1936 fascists were again becoming active in the Limehouse region and continued to press that something more be done about them, this despite the passing of the Public Order Act on December 18th. This Act banned the wearing of uniform in public and the operation of quasi-military organisations. The Act also gave the Police power to re-route any demonstration and to stop marching in certain places. The Police could also apply to the Council of a Borough or District for an order prohibiting demonstrations for a period of up to three months. The Police chiefs could even apply directly to the Secretary of State at the Home Office to issue such a temporary ban, if a Council were not compliant. This was done and in the East End all demonstrations were theoretically banned at the beginning of 1937.

The new Act contained several important clauses. People being ‘disorderly or disruptive’ at meetings could have their names taken and if they failed to give their names and addresses were liable for spot fines of £2. They could further be subject to arrest without a warrant on the spot. The maximum penalty for contravening any of these clauses was three months in prison or a £50 fine. For being part of a ‘quasi-military organisation’ you could get up to two years (1). It was clear that this act was as much against the Communist Party and all other militant anti-fascists as it was against Mosley’s Blackshirts.

It threatened to restrict all public meetings and demonstrations of any kind: It was used against anti-fascists and strikers. Many including Joe noted that Blackshirts no longer in uniform could still enjoy police protection. The Public Order ‘Act is still on the Statute Book today. Joe had noted on reading A.J.P. Taylor’s History of Britain Between the Wars that Taylor had rendered the introduction of this act responsible for defeating the Fascists (2). Joe also commented that this was to minimise October 4th and all other mass resistance to fascism from Olympia 1934 onwards which considerably slowed down fascist activity. In addition as Joe pointed out fascist terror did not stop after the passing of the Public Order Act.

The continuing fascist activity increased Joe’s insistance on the need for mass resistance to fascism. In February 1937, during the run up to the LCC elections, the matter was raised when it was discovered that a fascist candidate was standing for election in Limehouse. The Stepney Party Branch plans for the election campaign were criticised by Joe and those around him because they contained no specific provision for activity for concrete aid to Spain and because they allowed fascists freedom of assembly and speech without the local party being able to offset dangerous fascist propaganda.

The local party, Joe claimed, was allowing further penetration of fascists into East London. The Stepney Branch bulletin Number 5 dated February 15th 1937 contained the following statements’

‘While it is correct to say that the previous attitude of the Party to do everything possible to prevent the conducting of fascist meetings was a proper one in view of the political situation existing at the time, it does not follow that the same attitude will be proper at the present time...’

The bulletin continued:

“Today, however, and particularly during the LCC elections the circumstances have changed . . . The comrades from Limehouse are already reporting that many supporters of the fascists are willing to discuss many questions with, and ask questions from our speakers. Can we discuss these questions and answer these problems that they ask, if we just go in and smash up their meetings? . . . Our Party has a reply and a solution to all the problems confronting the working class no matter how small or big they appear to be. Experience shows that once workers have heard our case we get results.

It is, therefore, vitally necessary and particularly in areas where fascists are putting up candidates that our Party change its method of work in the fight against fascism .. .’

Further on the bulletin read:

‘The policy of the Party must be heard by every Fascist supporter during the elections. To smash up their meetings in places where, because of our inactivity, they have made some progress, won’t help. It would tend to support for the fascists among the less politically developed workers on the grounds that they are entitled to free speech during the elections, at least.’

The stern warning in the conclusion said that:

‘A violation of this decision will be considered by the branch committee and the DPC as a very serious breach of Party discipline.’

Alongside his internal battles with the Stepney Branch Joe noted what was happening on the left in general. He noted that the Trotskyist Socialist League had been expelled from the Labour Party at the end of January (3). The Stalin Purges were well under way too. Radek was condemned to death in the Soviet Union (4). Joe agreed to stifle his differences with the Branch Committee for the election campaign and to operate the Branch and DPC policy towards the fascists and their meetings against his better judgement.

The election results on March 4th included the following:

Limehouse—

2 Labour candidates 8,272 and 8,042 respectively (elected)

2 Conservatives (Municipal Reformers) 2,542 and 2,431

2 British Union of Fascists 2,086 and 2,086

Whitechapel and Mile End had no fascist candidates and a large Labour majority (the Communists had not sponsored separate candidates but canvassed support for the Labour Party) (5).

In the April issue of the Party Bulletin ‘Discussion’ Pat Divine admitted that 500 had been the limit set for the fascist vote in Limehouse by Communist Party workers. This convinced Joe that he was right in having previously said that the Party had not worked in Limehouse and was almost entirely divorced from the workers there. If this had not been the case, he argued, the Party workers could not have {ailed to see how strong Mosley’s influence had grown.

Joe noted that the Party group which he was leading was the best group working in Stepney during the elections. Out of six groups functioning in Stepney the Branch Committee received a total income of £10 and £6.10s of this came from his group. Joe was later to show this as proof to the Party leaders that he understood the need for carrying out decisions of the Party leaders and did so, despite differences of opinion he had with them at the time. Throughout this period of growing differences Joe was always to maintain that he was respecting the Party line and obeying Party discipline. Only much later did he realise this was not so. In fact the election campaign showed according to Joe further proof of the inactivity of leading members ‘hidden away in the Trade Unions’ who criticised his espousal of ‘street work’. The next Branch meeting after the elections reported that out of a membership of over 300 only 80 took part in work on the streets canvassing for Labour candidates, distributing leaflets and election material, whitewashing and organising open air meetings etc.

During the election campaign fascist meetings were held as close to the: Jewish areas such as Harding Street, Lucas Street and Jamaica Street without any organised opposition whatsoever. Joe claimed that in failing to rally the workers on the streets against these meetings, the Party allowed further penetration to take place. Agood meeting was however organised at Harding Street a couple of nights after Mosley’s meeting in which Ted Bramley was summonsed for using a loudspeaker. No campaign was organised around this issue. J.R. Campbell was twice arrested in the fascist Duckett Street area of Limehouse.

Both of his meetings were smashed up as a result of opposition by the Fascists and intervention by the Police. On one occasion the Party platform in Salmon’s Lane was tipped up by the Fascists (6). This showed, argued Joe, that the fascists could not be reasoned with as the Branch that the Fascists could not be reasoned with as the Branch Committee claimed.

* * * * *

While these electoral battles were being waged the armed struggle against fascism was continuing in Spain. Nat Cohen was due to be ‘repatriated’ from the front since his leg injury was proving more serious than at first thought. It was to leave him with a permanent limp, which didn’t prevent him from continuing his vigorous activity including his regular long bicycle rides. He had somehow managed to smuggle out of Spain the woman with whom he had fallen in love at the front, a Spanish nurse called Ramona. The problem was how to get Ramona into England with Nat. They had arrived crossing the Pyrenees into France and Nat was in a hospital in Paris. Unfortunately some of the details of this story are missing as all of the major protagonists are no longer alive, but from personal recollections and documents it is neverthless possible to tell the remarkable story of Nat and Ramona’s entry into Britain. It was done with the help of his close friend and ‘pupil’ Joe and his girl Pearl. Nat had managed to contact the Party and a plan had been worked out.

This was the time of the non-intervention pact. One of its strongest defenders was the French government. Nat and Ramona told later of how they had been fired on by Spanish Nationalist troops from across the border along with other escapees, without the French border guards intervening to save them. In fact they claimed some of the firing must have come from the French guards too! They had managed to arrive safely in Paris however, but Ramona had no papers to get her into Britain. In those days it was possible to go on day trips to the Continent without a Passport. So it was decided to try and smuggle Ramona out this way with the help of another English couple, namely Pearl and Joe. They were only too eager for an outing together and for a spot of adventure in Paris which, of course, neither of them had ever visited. So they crossed the channel on their own passports which they had had since their visit to Belgium in the Summer of 1935. They arrived at Dunkerque on March 26th 1937 and went straight to Paris. When they got to the hospital where Nat was supposed to be, they found that despite his wound he had discharged himself! The English couple didn’t know a word of French and had to hunt round Paris looking for Nat and his Spanish nurse. It seems they eventually found him at a cafe which had been given to them as a Party contact address.

Before leaving for the dangerous part of the journey which involved getting Ramona through Passport control Joe and Pearl found time briefly to look around Paris, as rather unexpectedly they had become foreign tourists. They spoke often in later years of their short stay in Paris. What always remained in Joe’s mind was the picture of Les Halles where they ate Onion Soup in the small hours of the moming before boarding the boat train at the Gare du Nord. It was to be well over thirty years before Joe was to return to Paris and Pearl never did. The four ‘tourists’ separated for their trip to England.

Pearl gave her passport to Ramona hoping that no one would look or ask questions. It was better that she be the day tripper and she could answer any likely questions, whereas a Spanish speaking English day tripper would have seemed strange to say the least. The exact details of how everyone got through passport controls are lost, but the plan worked and all four arrived safely in London. Shortly after this Nat and Ramona were married.

* * * * *

This short trip was an interlude in the growing battle between party leaders and Joe. He continued to raise questions about the lack of activity against fascists during the LCC elections. On March 30th he was invited to a closed branch meeting to be held on April 2nd. Sarah Wesker who sent the letter wrote: “Pat Divine who feels so keenly on your line on the question of Fascism has raised it with the District Secretariat again and they have agreed that J. Mahon again attend the Branch meeting and thrash the matter out’ (7).

The heated discussion of these differences flowed over to three branch meetings. On April 15tii the discussion was concluded. Joe pointed out that on April 14th after holding a meeting at Glasshouse Street, St. Georges, for the first time, 50 fascists marched through Whitechapel shouting slogans and singing the Horst Wessel song. They were only dispersed when they passed the Ex-Servicemen’s premises in Whitechapel Road. The Ex-Servicemen’s association members, who had been holding a meeting, closed it immediately and came out onto the streets (8). On April 21st the fascists held another meeting at Glasshouse Street and again intended to march through Whitechapel.

Thousands of anti-fascists gathered on the streets prepared to prevent a repetition of events which had occured the previous week. Owing to this opposition the fascists were compelled to go through Shadwell instead of Whitechapel, although in Joe’s opinion the fact that they were able to march anywhere was also a partial victory for the fascists (9).

At the April 8th Branch meeting (the second special meeting to discuss Joe’s views) Pat Divine described Joe’s opinions of the Stepney Branch Committee as ‘cunning and unprincipled’. J. Mahon said the line Joe was putting forward was Anarchist. At the last meeting of the three on April 15th. Pat Divine accused Joe of fighting the Party line and operating the wrong Party line. Joe demanded that the DPC state clearly in writing what the Party line was and said that he would then put in writing what he said of the line also. Joe was then invited to attend yet another special Branch meeting on April 22nd. For this he made a written statement demanding a written reply from the DPC who had said on April 15th that the matter was closed. In Joe’s statement he invoked recent fascist meetings and marches. He said that the matter was not closed since the proposed London District Congress for that year to take place soon was to discuss the problem under the heading of ‘Uproot Fascism in East London’. The Stepney Branch committee deciced however at this special Branch meeting that Joe should not be allowed to speak of this matter at the Congress.

On the Sunday foliowing April 21st, after a demonstration in aid of Spain, twelve co-op vans which had taken part were attacked by fascists while passing through Limehouse, despite the fact that Police had prevented the Aid to Spain demonstration from passing down certain streets. The fascists succeeded in smashing some of the co-op van windows but did not succeed in breaking up the demonstration. This demonstration followed on the famous bombardment of Guernica by Franco’s forces on April 24th (10). On April 27th Joe received a letter from the Stepney Branch committee telling him that because of his recent written statement and his behaviour at this latest special Branch meeting on April 22nd they had decided to ‘Suspend’ him from the local Party and refer the whole matter to the district. The letter added:

‘Pending the decision of the DPC your suspension actually means that you can hold no position in the Branch or in any ward, no matter how big or small, during the period of suspension. Also, you cannot appear on the Party platform speaking in the name of the Party. You are at Liberty now to send in whatever statement you desire to the DPC on this question.

The Branch Committee have nothing further to say re. this matter and nothing more to add. Our position was clearly and simply put in our bulletin during the LCC elections.’

On April 30th Joe received another letter, this time from the DPC itself saying they had received a copy of the Branch Committee’s letter of suspension plus Joe’s Statement of April 22nd. They added, ‘In your statement, however, you do not state what is your line in the fight against fascism.’ This was true but then Joe hadn’t stopped saying what his ‘line’ was since October 4th and he was sure the DPC was aware of what it was. They had sent representatives to meetings where this had only recently been discussed. Furthermore Joe had written a detailed statement to them at the end of October 1936 and this had never been replied to or discussed by the DPC. The DPC letter continued: “The Party at all times allows for differences between Party members and will not do anything to discourage this, but on the other hand, once a decision is taken by the Party Branch Committee, it is the duty of every loyal member of the Party to co-operate to the full in the carrying out of its decisions.’

The letter concludes:

‘We have, therefore, decided to endorse the recommendations of the Branch Committee to suspend you from Party membership, such decision to operate until you show by your actions that you are loyally prepared to abide by the decisions of the Branch Committee’.

Joe had actually been suspended two days before the London District Congress, but he did not receive the letter confirming this decision until after April 30th the day on which it was sent, which was after the London District Conference, so he did not know he would not be able to speak at all. Joe claimed that he was not elected delegate to the congress by his branch, because of opposition from members of the Branch Committee and Pat Divine. When Joe objected at the political commission of the Congress, his differences as to ‘The application of the Party line in the fight against fascism in East London’ was raised and the Commission decided that Joe should be allowed to state his opinions. If they were incorrect here they thought was an opportunity to give Joe a sound political thrashing.

In order not to carry this through over the heads of the East London delegation, Pat Divine was called to the Commission and informed of its opinion. He in tum informed the Commission that Joe Jacobs had been suspended.

Joe was not at the congress at the time Pat Divine was called. He was at work and as I have said before did not know that the DPC had endorsed his suspension as yet. When he returned to the Congress he found the Congress of the Commission had now also ruled that he could not speak at the conference. Sam Masters was allowed to speak at the congress as a representative of those advocating mass organisation against fascists in East London. Joe said later that Sam ‘could not represent my opinion’. He was well meaning and agreed with Joe in principle, but apart from the fact that he was no political speaker, but above all a man of action and physical energy and therefore was not able to put forward very persuasive arguments, he had spent the crucial period of the lead up to October 4th and the few weeks which followed in Spain fighting and not in East London.

The matter was supposed to have been discussed and settled at this congress. Obviously the DPC and the Branch Committee thought so for they continued to operate the suspension and made no further communication with Joe during May and June. No one wanted to clarify the situation and Joe was left in limbo. He continued to work for the Party despite being banned from all public speaking and from all official positions in the Party. From May 2nd onwards Joe claimed there was a steady growth of Mosleyite activities in East London. He wrote in July ‘It is hardly creditable that Blackshirts can hold very successful meetings at less than 50 yards from the open Whitechapel Road, in Collinwood Street, but this is a fact and no opposition has been organised by the Party as yet’.

* * * * *

While this conflict was continuing in May in the rest of the world things were happening too. George VI had his coronation, a lavish affair amid the growing war clouds and the reduced by still ever present unemployment and poor conditions. And as Joe also noted there was the Barcelona uprising in Spain and its defeat in early May. Mid-May Chamberlain succeeded Baldwin as Prime Minister. Events in Spain took a new tum. The Largo Caballeor, the Republican league, fell and the Negrin government with much closer links with the Soviet Union, took over. One month after this the leaders of the POUM were arrested. As Soviet influence became stronger in the Republican forces in Spain the purges continued inside Russia itself. In June Toukhatchevski the famous Red Army general was executed. Joe noted all these events, but did not connect them with his own battle which he was having at a local level with British Communist Party leaders.

On June 19th the Nationalists took Bilbao. From July 6th to 28th the Republican offensive to the West of Madrid, known as the Battle of the Brunette, waged fiercely. Its results for the Republicans were inconclusive. The ‘successes were eagerly followed by the Communist Party in Britain’(11). Sam Masters had returned to the front and it was in this offensive that he was killed. For Joe as for many of Sam’s friends this was a profound shock and a very sad loss. He was one of the many brave men who gave their lives for Spain. Joe noted that William Rust, the Communist Party journalist, in his book Britons in Spain published in 1939 referred to the many Britons who were killed at the Brunette. However only leading Communists and “Heroes of Jarama’ like Bill Meredith, Alex McCade and George Brown, or those with high ranking positions in the brigade like Charles Goodfellow, batallion adjuntant, or Sam Wild his replacement, are mentioned by name during the main body of Rusts’s account (12). Bob Elliot, ‘A Communist Councillor from Durham and one of the most popular of the political Commissars’ (13) is mentioned as another of those who fell. The less well known rank and file troops who were killed are only mentioned in a roll call at the end of the book. Sam Masters is in this alphabetical list along with all the others (14). Rust reported himself early on in his book, as has already been mentioned that Sam was one of the two (really three) very first Britons in Spain. We know that he was in Spain at the time of the declaration of hostilities. Joe thought he deserved a special mention too. He had stayed in the ranks and had never held any important position in the Party. Furthermore he had spoken on behalf of his comrade who was under suspension from the Party. Just the same Joe and others felt his untimely death ought to have been given more prominence by the Party.

* * * * *

There was much to occupy the Party at home too. On July 4th an event occurred which the Communist Party regarded as one of its greatest successes and the Mosley Fascists too! Mosley marched from St Pancras to Trafalgar Square with police protection and without any official attempt being made to stop him. A demonstration was organised at St Pancras by the Communists and a mass rally at the end of the march in Trafalgar Square. 150,000 attended the Party’s Trafalgar Square gathering according to the Daily Worker (15). They also claimed that no other groups tried to stop the fascists during their march. This appears to be untrue. There were references to ‘They shall not pass slogans’ chalked on the streets in the reports of the event. Later the Party claimed in a letter to Joe that these slogans were the result of ‘ILP influence and provocation’. Joe denied that the ILP were the sole instigators of moves to stop the fascists. Unfortunately Joe hadn’t yet written a detailed account of what happened on July 4th, before he died, but we do know that he did not share the official Party view that the events of that day in any way represented a victory for the Communist Party and anti-fascist forces in general.

Joe was still in limbo throughout June and July. His friends were pressing for some sort of response from the Party. Nat Cohen, a certain Malitsky and Lew Mitchell attended a Stepney Branch Committee meeting early in July to raise the question of where Joe stood in the Party. The Committee decided it would have to make some sort of an answer. Their answer was a request for yet another statement from Joe to be written within two weeks and sent to the District Committee ‘as was decided some months ago’ (?). Joe was informed of this decision in a letter dated 14th July 1937. The letter added:

‘Following this or pending the political line you now hold, the suspension, as decided by the Branch Committee previously, will come into full operation. That is, you will be suspended from all activity within the Party for a given period to be decided by the Branch Committee.’

Joe wrote the requested statement—15% closely typed pages of it. In the introduction he pointed out that on the same day as he had received the letter from the Branch committee, i.e. July 14th:

‘... Police protecting a fascist meeting showed how necessary it was for us to consider ways of opposing fascists, when as always in East London they are protected by the Police. July 14th was the day which produced the “Evening of Fascist Terror” for the people of Stepney Green (16). I would like to remind those comrades who say we should ask questions at fascist meetings to consider what happened in Stepney Green which was given wide publicity in the National Press. I agree,’

he added,

‘that questions should be asked with a view to exposing the false platform of fascism, but we must consider fascist methods and the National Govermment protection given to Blackshirts. We must rally the widest possible opposition to fascisi meetings. We must protect our questioners by placing groups around them to meet the possibility of Blackshirt or Police violence.

We must insist upon the fascist speaker answering our questions in the proper fashion and not just the way he would like to answer the questions, We must resist Police brutality and interference on the side of fascism at such meetings.’ (introduction p1)

The statement continued further on:

‘... duly 14th is the logical follow up to July 4th which was a victory for the National government and a partial victory for Mosley and not as has been stated a victory for the forces against fascism. The Blackshirts have held big victory celebrations in East London following July 4th. This was not possible following October 4th 1936, nor is it possible for Mosley to declare any victory in Southampton.

Almost every night Jewish people are assaulted by Blackshirts and little or nothing is done in these matters. . . . I do not propose the immediate formation of self-defence corps, but I would like to see some steps taken for self-defence. . . . A word on the ban on Political marches in East London. No serious attempts have been made to break this ban.’ (introduction p2)

Getting down to his main subject Joe quoted from Dimitrov’s speech to the 7th World Congress:

‘ . . before the establishment of a fascist dictatorship, bourgeois governments usually pass through a number of preliminary stages and institute a number of reactionary measures, which directly facilitate the accession to power of fascism. Whoever does not fight the reactionary measures of the bourgeoisie and the growth of fascism at these preparatory stages is not in a position to prevent the victory of fascism, but on the contrary, facilitates that victory.’ (quoted on p2 of introduction).

At the end of the introduction to this July statement Joe wrote: ‘I agree wholeheartedly with the party line, but declare that it is not being practised as well as it might be in East London.’ According to him, the ‘sharp differences’ between him and the local Party were about ‘tactics to be employed in order to gain our objectives’. Again he stressed:

‘ ...I fully realise that the Communist Party is not a United Front of all ideologies and that it has one line which must be carried out by the Party, that any tendency to operate a line other than the Party line must be fought against and any individual guilty of such a crime, must if he persists in fighting for and carrying out such a line, be expelled.’

Joe did not at this stage reject the terms of reference or underlying ideology of a single Party ‘line’. He merely thought he was the one who was operating the correct line as proclaimed in all pre-1936 International Congresses, ie constant and militant mass struggle against fascism. It did not occur to him that International Communists and the Soviet leaders in particular could have felt or acted otherwise. He thought it was just the DPC who had the ‘wrong tactics’ and that the National Party would think otherwise.

Having introduced his statement, Joe went on to argue his case about the way to combat fascism in East London. He wrote:

‘ . . . In East London, in Bethnal Green, Shoreditch and Limehouse, Mosley had succeeded in gaining positions there because we have not systematically led the workers on their immediate demands social and economic, because the labour movement is still split, because the Party in those areas has failed to carry on its propaganda activities in the way that it has in Stepney, because Moseley has been able to take advantage of the latent anti-semitic feeling which had existed in many parts.’ (main part of statement p2)

Joe claimed that when the Blackshirts first appeared in Bethnal Green, Poplar and Stepney Green the Party supported those who prevented fascist meetings and actively participated in preventing fascist rallies:

‘The fascists no longer appeared in Newby Place (Poplar) or Stepney Green’ wrote Joe, ‘because whenever there was a rumour to the effect that they would be at these places, thousands of workers who had been called to the streets by the Party were ready to prevent fascist meetings being held. This was done on one or two occasions in Bethnal Green and Shoreditch.’

Joe claimed that at a later date in these same areas fascists were able to hold meetings with Police protection without the Party mobilising workers to oppose them. In Bethnal Green he described a situation whereby ‘anti-fascists would be meeting outside the Salmon and Ball (Bethnal Green Road) and the fascists with larger crowds would be meeting at Victoria Park Square at the same time’. Joe also said that for a while there was no Party in Shoreditch at all. (Statement p2) In Stepney proper the fascists appeared only rarely before 1936, twice at Dellow Street and both times thousands prevented their meetings continuing.

Joe noted that many gentiles as well as Jews participated in preventing fascist meetings. In 1936 the fascists held meetings in Limehouse at Old Street and Salmons Lane and also at Duckett Street. The Young Communist League and the ex-servicemen’s association tried to hold meetings in the same places, but had to abandon them through lack of success or because the Police stopped them. There were a few unsuccessful local party open air meetings too. Joe spoke of the many complaints by the YCL to the Branch committee that they were on their own preventing fascist meetings and were not getting enough support from the Branch (p3 of Statement).

Joe then described in his statement the lead up to October 4th 1936. He described what has already been related in this book, ie how he had been told by DPC leaders to stick by arrangements to rally in Trafalgar Square for Spain after Mosley had announced his intention of marching through the East End.

He added that in meetings with Springhall and Mahon he was told that it was romantic on his part to want to stop Mosley’s march on October 4th. Joe described the four-day struggle of the Stepney members to reverse the decision not to try and stop Mosley. He adds that Springhall had told him personally that it would be impossible to rally at least 50,000 workers which Springhall considered the amount required, in such a short time. We know that the Party relented at the last minute and two hundred and fifty thousand responded to the call (see p3 of statement).

Joe claimed that starting a year or so before October 4th there had been a tendency to underestimate the feelings of the people and to abandon the struggle and to allow fascists to carry on with their marches. After October 4th Joe wrote that the Party failed to deal with the fascist terror that followed and failed to win over permanently those whose sympathies they had won on October 4th. He wrote:

‘We were still not able to rally workers in the struggle around their immediate social and economic demands or to adequately take up the struggle around the grievances of the workers, ie municipal employees and the numerous social questions, housing etc, the unemployed... .

Another important failing is that we did not carry on propaganda activity in these arpas where fascism later gained support.’ (Statement p3/4)

Joe went on to describe his clashes with members of the Stepney Branch Committee, the March LCC elections, the branch’s ‘soft’ line on fascism and his own reactions. He discussed the fascist advances in the LCC elections. He explained that there was a ‘passive resistance’ to taking up those social issues of workers which entailed a need for ‘working in the streets’. (Statement p7)

In 1936 the London Social Programme was launched at the London District Congress but Joe claimed it was not carried into effect in Stepney other than in the selling of the Programme in pamphlet form. He added

'... The basis for this failing is the tum to the Trade Unions, Labour Party and other organisations for the purpose of building Unity without stressing the need for continuing and intensifying our work on the streets’.

Joe repeated his previous plea for the formation of ‘non-party class bodies’ as a way of extending the United Front among the rank and file. He used the same quotes from Dimitrov’s speech to the 7th World Congress as he had used in his earlier statement at the end of October about the importance of the ‘unorganised’ masses (Statement p7). He quoted the Jewish People’s Council, the Ex- Servicemen’s Movement Against Fascism and the recently formed Tenants Defence Committee sponsored by the Party as examples of such ‘non-Party bodies’. He regretted the passing of the Peace Council, a similar body which the Party had let die and he asked why the Unity Campaign Committee was made up only of members of the Communist Party, the Socialist League and the ILP thus excluding those representatives without a definite party label. Joe spoke of the need for building up those bodies which were the most broadly based. The National Unemployed Workers Movement he said had failed to function due to lack of attention to the need for correct fraction work within the NUWM. Joe’s idea was that mass international non-Party organisations should be penetrated by the Communist Party as had been the policy in the years prior to 1935 in the National Minority Union movements and the International Red Aid, to quote two examples that Joe knew well from the inside. His education in the CP had been based on this and he was not aware that the Party was liquidating its international non-Party base as a mass révolutionary organisation and going all out for ‘deep entry’ into estab- lished Trade Unions and Social Democratic Parties with their support for United Front tactics. That the Party line should have changed so radically did not seem logical to him. The line suggested here seemed to him totally lacking in revolutionary perspective.

Joe complained in his statement that the Stepney Trades Council where ‘we have great influence’ did not reflect the prominence of its CP members, who had failed to press for the establishment of an organisation of the unemployed based on the Trades Union and Labour Movement. The only thing the CP members on the Trades Council had done was to secure the passing of a resolution for the Communist Party’s affiliation to the Labour Party (Statement p8).

Joe then went on to describe the fascist attack on Communist Party open meetings during the LCC election campaign. He spoke of the subsequent violent attacks on individuals and property in East London in April at the time when his own position was being attacked in successive closed local Branch meetings. He also described further fascist penetration into Stepney during May. Joe claimed that when he approached prominent people in the Stepney Branch about the proposed fascist meetings in new areas, he was told ‘There was no need for any fuss’ (p9). Joe proposed his own plan of action. He wanted to see the Party active in:

‘1. Defending the Workers from attacks of the employers who seek to worsen wages and conditions

2. The winning of better standards for the unemployed and resisting further attacks

3. Gaining the social demands of the workers—housing, school feeding for the children, open spaces, safety measures etc

4. The defence of all democratic rights and against all working class legislation—Sedition Act, Public Order Act, banning of marches, Trades Dispute Act, Police protection for Mosley etc

5. The rallying of all democratic organisations and the masses of East London’s unorganised workers for concrete aid to Spain to ensure a speedy victory for the Spanish people over fascism

6. Attention to the Youth and youth problems along the lines laid down by the YCL by correctly selecting Party members for work with the YCL

7. An unremitting struggle against National government war plans and its support of fascism abroad’

(statement p10)

Joe’s implied criticism was that the Party was not active enough in any of the areas listed in the above programme. Joe continued his statement by quoting from Harry Pollitt Chairman of the CPGB in a speech to the 14th Congress of the National Party held earlier that year in May 1937. Pollitt said:

‘There should be no under-estimation of Mosley’s Blackshirt movement ... the mass of people do not desire that this organisation shall be allowed to continue. They realise that Guernica is the only logic of Olympia. When the people of East London declared on October 4th that Mosley shall not pass, they were as good as their word and the Blackshirts would have been finished, if the whole Labour movement had then carried the fight forward. . .” (17)

Joe took this statement to mean largely a criticism of the Party itself and failed to notice that it was largely an attack on the Labour Party. Pollitt’s speech continued: ‘

,..We should all recognise the need of firm opposition to every attempt of Mosley to spread his propaganda, although these attempts will receive the full support of the government and the police, backed by, the Public Order Act (18)...Mosley seeks to take full advantage of the dissension caused by the policy of the Labour leaders, who play fully into his hands by their conscience-salving propaganda that Mosley does not matter. The events in East London constitute a very grave danger which can only be overcome by united Campaigns against Mosley and by much more systematic attention to work among the unemployed (19).

Joe said these quotations showed that Pollitt agreed with him.

Joe ended his statement by denying the accusation that he was advocating that the Branch become a band of thugs aimed at smashing up fascist meetings. He meant to prevent fascist meetings by the

‘widest mobilisation of the organised Labour movement plus the unorgan- ised workers in Unity of action against Blackshirt penetration and propaganda . . . This does not mean we should man-handle every fascist or fascist supporter. On the contrary every attempt must be made by personal contact and other means to win over those who are temporarily deluded by fascism.’

(statement p12-—Joe’s emphasis)

Finally Joe quoted Harry Pollitt again, this time from his speech to the 7th World Congress of the Communist International in August 1935, where Pollitt declared:

‘We are too content to believe we can easily win the support of the workers by a general appeal for the United Front against the attacks of capital, fascism and War. Alongside this, the question of the United Front is often placed in an abstract way and Unity looked upon as a thing in itself. Whereas, if we take as our starting point the fact that the United Front is the Class Front of all workers, drawing all into common action to defend their wages and conditions, their unemployment benefits, their rights and liberties, their fight against rapacious landlords, to defend their Trade Unions and co-operatives, that is to protect their homes and families from the horrors of fascism and War. If we can get it understood in this light then we shall soon see an improvement in every phase of United Front activity.’

These were the last lines of Joe’s statement. In his own brief notes jotted down later on the subject Joe pointed out that hardly anyone had ever seen this statement and the correspondence which followed besides the corres- pondants themselves. No one was allowed to see such documents at the time as this would have been a breach of Party discipline. Joe scrupulously respected this, only a couple of friends who helped with the typing ever saw any of these documents. They are being made public for the first time now. They have previously only been shown to close members of Joe’s family and a very few close friends. He wanted to publish them one day so that the contents would be able to speak for themselves. They do so eloquently.

On July 28th 1937 Joe was sent a letter by the London District Committee. It read:

‘Dear Comrade,

I wish to acknowledge receipt of your statement which will be reported at tomorrow’s meeting of the District Secretariat.

Yours fraternally,

for DF Springhall’

There followed weeks of total silence from the London District Committee. Joe was not called upon to defend his statement. The summer holidays came and went. Joe still took part in regular Party activities, canvassing, selling literature, whitewashing etc, but since he was suspended, it was still considered dangerous for him to speak at public meetings or hold any leading positions in the local Party. His unwelcome exclusion did however leave time for other activity. Joe wrote later, ‘During this time I have organised my shop and have been elected shop steward’. This was in September 1937. Unfortunately there are no details of Joe’s activities as shop steward at this time. After the War Joe was again to become shop steward and in the early 1950s was very prominent in an important clothing factory occupation. His turn towards ‘factory work’ in late 1937 does not seem to have changed the Party leaders’ attitude. There was still silence.

When Joe had been removed as Party Secretary, Sam Masters had stepped into the breach. Nat was still suffering too much from the effects of his wound to take more than a post as ‘instructor’. Sam returned to Spain where he was killed in action. The Secretary’s post was vacant, Nat later became Chairman of the local Party. He was still at this time identified with Joe’s so called fraction. The local ward suffered because of this disruption. Joe claimed later that every time he was proposed for even the most minor position in the ward a number of comrades objected on the grounds that he was suspended. Many in the ward were more favourable to Joe and his friends than the Branch Committee, but Joe claimed that the Branch Committee paid the ward little attention.

During September Joe later described how he organised an ‘important shop meeting’ in his trade. The so-called Trade Union fraction in the Stepney Branch, members of the Tailors’ unions, the Dockers Union and the Number 2 branch of the T& GWU, and the Cabinet Makers Union, were all fully informed of this meeting and invited to it. He managed to get workers in his shop to agree to transfer from one Union to the more militant Ladies Tailors Union and carried on discussions with other workers closely connected with his own firm. Unfortunately no details of this activity exist.

The Borough elections took place in November 1937. Despite the fact that Joe was banned from speaking on platforms he remained active. He ‘canvassed the Mile End West Ward and Spitalfields, addressed envelopes, delivered letters, whitewashed walls, carried the platform to open air meetings, distributed leaflets, collected money on a punch board and sold tickets for socials’ (20). The rest of the ward participated actively too, which is why Joe was particularly upset when less than a month later, he was accused of lack of activity in the Borough elections and of encouraging disruption in his ward. He was said to be responsible for the ward’s supposed poor record in the Borough elections. The results were acclaimed a great victory by the Party. Labour regained overwhelming control of the Stepney Borough Council. In Spitalfields East of the five councillors elected, four were Labour, but one was a Communist, Phil Piratin, the first Communist Councillor to be elected in London (21).

Dissension continued in the local Stepney Party. Ward chairman, Nat Cohen, was also under attack. He had been proposed as candidate in the local Borough elections. The idea had been violently attacked by Springhall and the DPC and by the Branch Committee in which Piratin was becoming more and more prominent. Nat was criticised for poisoning the minds of comrades by reading and discussing Stalin’s speeches. On November 24th the Branch Committee called for Nat’s removal as Chairman, because of these discussions although it was at no time suggested that Nat was in disagreement with Stalin’s speeches. They seemed to urge vigorous attack on the fascists and as such Joe approved of them too, but the Branch Committee seemed uneasy about referring to them or were just looking for a pretext (22). On the day of the Borough Council elections, November 1st, Joe finally wrote to the central committee of the CPGB. For nearly three months he had heard nothing by way of a reply to his July statement. He enclosed a copy of the statement just in case it had never got beyond the London District Office. He stated that his position had not changed but that he thought himself capable of recognising mistakes he might have made if these were pointed out to him correctly. He complained that to ignore the statement for such a long time and to fail to acquaint comrades in the locality with its contents for discussion would lead to stagnation. It was not the first time, Joe added, that a statement he had been instructed to write had been ignored. He appealed to the Central Committee for its intervention.

On November 3rd the Central Committee wrote back from National headquarters that they had taken the matter up with Comrade Springhall, who had given them an undertaking that he would be personally responsible for getting the matter finally decided by the DPC ‘who will communicate with you direct on the matter’. On November 23rd, Joe wrote again to the Central Committee:

Dear Comrades,

re. your letter of 3rd November 1937, I wish to inform you that I have not yet heard from the London DPC nor from comrade Springhall. A further three weeks have passed and the position is very serious.

I have heard a rumour, which I have every reason to believe is true, that I have been recommended for expulsion.

Will you please give this your attention etc. . .’

A letter sent on November 22nd and arriving no doubt soon afterwards was sent to Joe from the London DPC. It stated that they had received a request from the Stepney Branch Committee, carried unanimously, that Joe be expelled. The reasons given were:

‘...Your adherence to your line regarding anti-fascist activity, contained in a statement submitted, I think, in July, in which you show that you have not changed your attitude since this matter was discussed and settled by the London District Congress.

In addition the report from the Stepney Branch Committee shows that you have not contributed to the actual work of the Party in the election campaign and that the group of which you are a member has fallen to pieces, which is attributable precisely to the political differences which have arisen therein.’

The Secretariat, therefore, recommended Joe’s expulsion to the forthcoming District Party Committee meeting, although they added that, of course, he had the right to send in a written statement on these points in time for that meeting if he so wished. The letter was signed Ted Bramley and not DF Spring- hall. The DPC meeting was to be held on Friday November 26th, which left Joe very little time to write anything. He wanted to attend the local ward meeting on November 24th. This was the meeting in which Joe’s friend and mentor Nat Cohen was attacked by the Branch Committee. Discussion of Joe’s expulsion was not allowed at this meeting by the decision of the Branch Committee, but when the local ward voted on whether to remove Nat as chairman 12 were against his removal and 10 for with some abstentions. Proposals to draft in a new Secretary were accepted unanimously because there was no one competent or available in the ward to fill the position. At this meeting Joe confirmed his information that many comrades knew of the proposal to expel Joe before he did himself and also that there was a substantial group in the Ward who were not happy about this (23).

On November 25th. Joe wrote to the DPC requesting more time to prepare a statement. He complained that no opportunity had been given him to defend himself against what he considered to be false charges made by the Branch Committee. He urged the DPC to respect their ‘duty’ to check the report of the Branch Committee concerning Joe and his group’s election work. Joe did manage to write something, however, and it was sent off on November 29th. Joe explained he was only available for discussion after Tpm, Whether this was because of working hours or other family commitments we do not know. Nothing has been recorded of Joe’s social life at this period.

Joe’s statement was ready on November 29th. In it he explained how he had not been allowed to defend himself against specific charges of the Branch Committee. He described the November 24th Branch meeting and how discussion of his proposed expulsion had been prevented. The fact that he was not informed of the recommendation to expel him until everyone else knew revealed to Joe a ‘callous attitude to individual comrades’. He had obviously felt very hurt. He challenged the statement made by the DPC that he had not changed his line on the anti-fascist struggle and that this was clearly illustrated in his July statement, whereas according to the Stepney Branch and the DPC ‘the matter had been discussed and settled by the District Congress’. According to Joe the matter could never have been settled at that Congress, because it had never been properly discussed. Joe had not been elected delegate and later had not been allowed to speak even though the Political Commission of the Congress had first ruled that he would be able to address the Congress. He said this had been so because he had quickly been suspended over the heads of the East London delegation two days before the Congress. He described how he had not been informed of this suspension until after the Congress had started and how Sam Masters had been ‘allowed’ to speak for him, although not competent to do so. Furthermore he told of how he was requested to write a statement on the matter, two months later, a request he claimed which would hardly have been made if everyone thought the matter had been finally settled in May. He described how he had sent his statement on July 28th and despite appeals, even to the National Party Central Committee. this statement had never been answered. Joe complained that the Branch Committee claimed he adhered to the incorrect line, but asked: ‘How can anyone know whether or not this is true, when the matter has not been discussed with me in any form?’ Joe repeated that all statements, except one, had never been discussed in any way. Joe replied also to the accusation that he had not worked for the party during the Borough elections. He explained how the ward had suffered through disruption, because of his own suspension and then through Sam Masters’ death in Spain and Nat Cohen’s incapacity due to injuries sustained in Spain. However, he vigorously denied that the Ward had ‘fallen to pieces’, as the Branch committee claimed. The ward had been very active in the election campaign. Joe added:

‘It is not for me to state why this proposal for my expulsion should be raised for the reasons given in your letter. I have my opinion which could fill a statement as long as this. I think I have shown to the best of my ability that there are no grounds for my expulsion. I am comparatively young in the Party. I joined when I was 19 years old. I am now 24 years. I think I am capable of recognising mistakes I may make if these are pointed out in correct Communist Party fashion.’

Joe added that the treatment he had received led him to believe that there was something wrong with the actions of many Party members which he could help to correct and that if anything was wrong with himself he would welcome any help from the Party to correct this ‘in order that I can yet be of service to the Party and the working class’. Joe could not conceive of being outside the Party. At this period it seemed to him almost like being outside the working class. He wanted to prove he was a loyal Party member. He did not challenge the need for this until many years later. And so he ended this latest statement by stressing that he had not discussed his opinions with anyone since the decision of the Stepney Branch Committee that it should not be discussed and that he had certainly not tried to put his views on the present struggle against fascism into direct practice. Joe commented years later in his rough notes that at the time he was pressed to make a statement or be expelled without resistance, he felt ‘like I had a revolver at my head’.

On November 30th Joe received a short reply from Ted Bramley of the London DPC saying that this last letter would be placed in front of the District Secretariat for their consideration. The letter stated that, in addition, Bramley could see Joe at 7pm on Wednesday evening, but only for a short time as Bramley had three further meetings that evening. Joe appears to have been unable or unwilling to go to such a short meeting. On December 11th 1937 Joe finally received a full reply to his long statement of July and to his most recent letter. It came from the London District Party Committee. It is a very revealing statement. It began by denying that the reasons for Joe’s suspension and the subsequent demand for expulsion had never been pointed out to him. It says that the four meetings with the Stepney Branch and privately with individuals in which comrades Devine and Mahon had been present had been sufficient to point out Joe’s mistakes. Nevertheless the object of this letter was to answer Joe once and for all in writing so that ‘Joe Jacobs may be called upon either to recognise his mistakes and openly say so, or to say frankly that he disagrees with the Party Statement’ (p1).

The DPC then excused itself for not replying earlier, ‘because of certain verbal discussions which took place under the direction of comrade Springhall’ (p1--according to Joe these never took place) ‘which were unfortunately prolonged’ and finally ended because of ‘the transterence of Comrade Spring- hall to other work and the taking over the responsibility in the district by Bramley’ (p1).

The statement then goes on to attack Joe’s claims about the local Party’s anti-fascist activity. First of all it denies Joe’s claim that he was not against the Party line, but against its wrong application in Stepney, by saying: ‘Of course if one is against the local application of the line when that application is in the concrete circumstances correct, then one is in fact against the line of the Party’ (pl). The statement claimed that whether this local application was correct had been settled by the London District Congress in the Spring of that year ard added:

‘The brief facts are that Joe Jacobs has never accepted this decision of the District Congress, but takes refuge in the argument that his own personal statement has not been answered. The District Congress Decision is in fact the answer to Joe Jacobs (p1).

Joe’s statement that he was not elected to the district congress, because of opposition by Pat Devine and that Sam Masters who spoke for his point of view could not adequately represent him, is rejected. Joe’s objection that he was suspended two days before the Congress is also brushed aside.

‘What does all this show? It shows that Joe Jacobs who had been engaged in discussion on this question in his own Branch since before the LCC elections in November 1936 and February and March and April 1937 does not accept the discussion and the decision on the issue arrived at by the District Congress in April, because he was not a delegate and because he had not agreed that it was settled’ (p2).

The DPC statement argues that if this is valid then every person not personally elected as a delegate can reserve for himself the right to adhere to a standpoint which that congress declares to be wrong.

As to whether the issue of fascism had been thoroughly discussed at the Congress the DPC pointed out that a Congress resolution had been passed calling for the continuation of a mass drive to drive fascism out of London. The resolution blamed the disunited and inactive character of the Labour movement in East London as a whole for fascist penetration and electoral successes. It stressed the need to point out to workers that their main enemy was the ‘Large Capitalists of the West End’. An industrial campaign developing a mass movement on Social issues had been advocated with the operation of all working class organisations in East London. The resolution had called for the intensification of work on these lines in all Labour and TU organisations so that Mosley would be unable to secure a foothold and would be driven out of East London.

In substance, it is then argued in the DPC’s statement that while one must acknowledge the huge success of October 4th 1936, it must be admitted that the fascists had already gained a foothold in East London before this date. It had sometimes been possible to hold counter demonstrations and prevent meetings, but it was impossible and unrealistic to do so in all circumstances. Much more, said the statement, should, however, be done to develop United Front activity with labour and TU organisations. Joe’s call for ‘more militant action’ is interpreted by the DPC statement as a call for the organised brea- up of fascist meetings in all circumstances. According to Joe October 4th rep- resented a victory whereas the St Pancras and Trafalgar Square rallies of July 4th, 1937 were a defeat for anti-fascist forces as the fascists were able to or- ganise mass victory rallies right across London and in the East End in July whereas this had not been possible after October 4th. The DPC’s reply is that the fascists did rally in Victoria Park Square ‘within three or four days’ of October 4th and did march through Mile End to Limehouse ‘right across Stepney’ shortly after. It is not clear exactly what marches the DPC had in mind. There are no reports in the Daily Worker of fascist victory rallies at this period, although there is some reference, amplified in the local East London press, of fascist meetings ending up in vengeance expeditions when gangs went on the rampage to try and terrorise local Jews (24). It seems odd to compare these with the July 4th rally which succeeded in taking place and the victory claimed by the fascists then, although the terror outbreak on July 4th, 1937 does seem very similar to that which occurred after October 4th, 1936. Also we must note here that the route between Mile End and Limehouse does not pass through Whitechapel, the main Jewish area where the fascists had tried to march on October 4th, 1936. It is stretching it a bit to say that this is right across Stepney. The route is in fact the one where fascist support- ers already existed. Duckett Street, which connects Mile End to Limehouse, was the ‘fascist’ street.

The DPC however equates all these various statements and says that if fascists could hold meetings before and after October 4th, it proves that ‘it is not necessary and possible to make such actions as October 4th every day of the week whenever Moseley happened to march’ (p3). The statement argues that if Joe regards October 4th as a victory, but will not accept July 14th then he will ‘accept nothing less than mass action against Mosley as a Victory’ (p3). Of course the DPC is perfectly correct in stating these to be Joe’s views, they add ‘in other words if Mosley succeeds in holding a meeting in which he speaks in any part of London, even with Police protection then it is a victory for Mosley’ (p3). Joe claimed that when the fascists marched from St Pancras on July 4th, the slogan should have been, as on October 4th, “They shall not Pass’. The DPC replied that this could not be the case. The slogan was correct on October 4th because the Public Order Act banning uniforms and certain marches had not yet been passed. Also the terrain in East London through which Mosley planned his mass march was territory more advantageous to resistance than Central London. The DPC statement does not refer to the fact that up to a few days before October 4th it had also opposed the ‘They shall not pass’ action as unrealistic.

The DPC statement claims that in July 1937 publication of the slogan ‘They shall not Pass’ in the Daily Worker or in leaflets would have rendered the Party liable to prosecution under the Public Order Act ¢ under such circumstances that would have been provocation of the working class move- ment and a victory for fascism’ (p4). (Joe had underlined this sentence in his copy of the DPC’s letter. He obviously strongly objected to this defence of legality.) The statement also added that on October 4th public opinion was on the side of the anti-fascists as it was considered a provocation on Mosley’s part to march through Stepney. However, they claimed that many people thought that Mosley had a right to march through Central London in July 1937, so the Party could not have had so much support for the tactics they had employed in October 1936. (Joe also underlined this part of the argument, presumably because he thought the writers were saying that the fascists might have certain democratic rights or, at least that the CP should not alienate those who thought they had.) The DPC said it would have been ridiculous to launch a ‘They shall not pass’ campaign and then have to face humiliating defeat, because the fascists had succeeded in passing anyway. This, the statement claimed, is what the ILP had done on July 4th. (Joe again under- lined these sentences and added exclamation marks. The statement was saying there was no point in resisting, because defeat would only be worse if you failed.)

The DPC did refer however to events in Bermondsey in South East London where because, it is claimed, of more favourable circumstances, the fascists had been prevented from marching on October 3rd 1937 (25). Thus they were claiming that it was easier to resist fascist marches in working class areas and this was no doubt true. Joe, however, did not accept the argument that fascist marches could only be prevented in special circumstances. He wrote in his rough notes on the statement, ‘They shall Never Pass’.

The DPC statement then left the particular question of July 4th 1937. It began to deal with Joe’s claim that no serious attempt had been made to break the ban on political marches in the East End. Of course, says the DPC, Dimitrov was right when saying that before the advent to power of fascism, it is assisted by measures passed by the old bourgeois governments, but it was wrong to conclude from this that processsions must be organised to ‘smash the ban’. The principal step to be taken, the statement says, is to:

‘mobilise the whole Labour and Trade Union Movement for various political activities aimed at removing the ban and defeating fascism. This of course is precisely what the Stepney Branch and the Party have been trying to do, but the difficulty lies in convincing thousands of labour people that the ban is a bad thing and you cannot answer this simply by talking about smashing the ban’ (p5—-Joe had again underlined these sentences).

The statement then turned to Joe’s claim that recent violent attacks on Jews by fascists had served to further convince him of the need for more effective action. To the DPC this was further proof that Joe was against the Stepney Branch and the DPC who ‘were correctly applying the line of the District Congress on this question’. Technically the DPC is correct here. The actual problem of what to do about the fascist attacks on Jews was not deait with. The DPC further claimed that Joe was ‘fighting against the whole line of the Party IN PRACTICE’ (p6—the capital letters are in the original statement). Joe noted in his notes on the statement that this was untrue. His objections had remained theoretical. He wrote that in all his five years in the party he had never acted contrary to party decisions. His objections had only been verbal and reserved for internal Party discussion. Joe, said the statement, claimed he was operating ‘Bolshevik self criticism’ as preached at the 7th World congress of the International. The DPC replied ‘We must distinguish between self-criticism and opposition to the line of the Party in practice, which is not Bolshevik self-criticism, but leads to disruption’ (p6). This section does not refer to any concrete issues.

The statement then goes on to deal with October 4th 1936 itself and why it was that the DPC reacted too late to pressure for an all out fight to stop Mosley. They give no explanation other than that ‘there was not sufficient appreciation by the DPC of growing mass feeling in Stepney and East London generally’ (p6). In any case, the statement continues, they did change their minds and succeeded ‘in three days in swinging the whole movement in London against Mosley with the result that he received a crushing defeat’. Joe had claimed on the contrary that they were not responsible for rallying the mass of demonstrators. They could not have been in only three days. Joe claimed that the DPC’s attitude represented a tendency already existing in 1936 not to fight the fascists. The statement pleads that this was not the case. The proof was that the DPC did react when they had realised their mistake in the end. The statement added: ‘Comrade Jacobs should remember what Lenin said about men who never made mistakes and those people who can correct their mistakes before they become too serious’ (p6—this sentence had been underlined by Joe).

The DPC statement then dealt with fascist advances in the LCC elections. It was claimed that latent fascist progress prior to October 4th 1936 revealed itself in the March LCC elections. The statement does not deal with why the fascists had been less important before early 1937 or the question of preventing fascist advances after October 6th in specific detail, but claimed in fact that little or nothing had been done in the East End about the fascists before late 1936. In fact the statement said, and they underlined this themselves: ‘The plain facts are that October 4th 1936 and the work in the LCC elections were the first real beginnings in Stepney and Bethnal Green and elsewhere of effective organisation of the fight against fascism’ (p6). The lateness of such intervention would according tc the DPC help explain why penetration by fascists was revealed in 1937. Many episodes described in this book have been devoted to the struggle against fascism in the East End at least from 1933 onwards. See for example the attacks on the Olympia meeting held by Mosley in 1934, when a large contingent of anti-fascists came from Stepney. See also the many local incidents described. They would not seem to bear out the claim that those in the East End had been largely inactive against the fascists prior to October 4th.

The DPC statement then went on to claim that it was interesting to note that during all this period

‘A period in which for two years the fascists had been making contact and conducting propaganda in various parts of East London, including Limehouse and Stepney, Joe Jacobs was Branch Secretary, yet his statement tries to give the impression that it was after he was removed from the secretaryship, after October 4th, that the fascists began to gain their influence’.

This sentence is the one which is the most heavily underlined by Joe (p6). He wrote rough notes on the statement:

“This is a false statement. There is no evidence for this, nor for the statements that I was actively fighting the Party line or advocated the smashing up of fascists’ meetings or was opposed to Trade Union activity. I was not Secretary of the Stepney Branch for two years.’

In fact, as has been described in this book, Joe became Secretary of the Branch in mid-1935.

The DPC statement then went on to deal with the controversy concerning Trade Union activity and street work. It counters Joe’s claim that he was not against work in the Trade Unions simply by asserting ‘It is quite apparent that Comrade Jacobs was himself not quite clear on this subject and was in fact preventing proper mobilisation of the Branch membership, for its work in all important spheres, ie factories, Trade Unions, Streets etc’ (p7). No specific evidence is given to support this claim.

In dealing with the results of the LCC elections Joe had referred to the controversy raging inside Stepney Branch over mass activity on the streets and had criticised leading comrades who were hidden within the Trade Unions and who were not active on the streets at all. To the DPC this claim was proof that Joe did not understand the root causes for fascist support in East London, which were not the result of fascist influence won in the LCC election campaign or during the two or three months before that, but

‘was a result of nearly 4 years of effort and conditioned by the nature of East London, i.e. the extremely great poverty, the widespread discon- tent, the apathetic nature of the Labour movement, the anti-semitic prejudice and the general backward character politically of a large section of the population. It is not and cannot be explained away simply in terms of what the Party did or did not do’ (p8 - again underlined by Joe).

By attributing the Party’s insufficient action to comrades ‘hidden within the Trade Unions’ the DPC said that Joe was only serving to reveal ‘the incorrect- ness of Joe Jacobs’ attitude in the whole discussion which raged in the Branch and where he is in practice advocating street work in opposition to Trade Union work’ (p8).

The statement, continuing, again referred to Joe’s claims that in failing to rally workers on the streets against recent fascist meetings, it was allowing further fascist penetration to take place. This said the DPC is further proof that Joe’s chief conception in the fight against fascism was to organise oppos- ition to break up meetings. The DPC claimed, however, that since the LCC elections, the Party had made a more sustained effort especially in Limehouse and Bethnal Green to pursue a more active anti-fascist campaign of propaganda, mass meetings etc. This claim would appear to have had some truth in Bethnal Green as Joe had noticed himself. As the DPC pointed out, recent Borough elections showed the fascist percentage of the poll had been reduced from 24% to 18%in Bethnal Green where the propaganda effort had been strongest. In Limehouse the fascist vote remained stationary. Only in Mile End had the fascist vote increased (26). The DPC claimed that the fascist vote had increased only in those areas where the tendency to fight fascism ‘only by breaking up its meetings was strongest’. Joe’s account of events is completely in contradiction with this claim, for his says in areas such as Mile End and Whitechapel, the Stepney Branch Committee had prevented mass opposition to fascist meetings whever possible and he and his friends had never actually put into practice the militant policies they advocated.

The conclusion of the DPC statement reiterated the claim that Joe was operating the wrong Party line. It called upon Joe to end his opposition by frankly recognising his mistakes and to ‘accept without equivocation the line of the Party, as indicated in this document, or he must be expelled from the Party’. The statement was signed by Elinor Bums for the DPC.

As Joe did not show this statement to anyone while he still considered it possible to work with the Party, he did not show this document to any other comrades either at the time or in the period that followed. Needless to say the DPC did not openly reproduce or publish the statement either. The document in Joe’s possession is a carbon copy, which is undated and unsigned. The date and the name of the signatory are both pencilled in Joe’s own hand. Joe pointed out in his own notes that this correspondence was never made public and that members of his'local Party were never informed of its con- tents. Joe pointed out himself that the statement was not dated and unsigned. However he received a letter from the DPC dated 13th December and this time signed by Elinor Bums herself, saying that she hoped that Joe had received the DPC statement by that time which permits us to corroborate Joe’s anotation of the statement. This latest letter also invited Joe to meet the DPC at their office on Thursday December 16th at 8.30pm. On the same day a letter was sent from the Stepney Branch Committee signed Phil Piratin, which said that at a meeting on December 10th they had taken a decision that, pending an enquiry into the Branch Committee’s recommendation for expulsion by the District Secretariat, Joe should be suspended from all Party activity and could no longer attend any meetings. Thus he could not publicly inform anyone about his correspondence with the DPC nor explain his reactions. Joe wrote back to Elinor Burns taking care to note that the statement he had received had not been signed or dated. He accepted the invitation to a meeting with the DPC.

Joe noted in his own notes that this was the first meeting he had had with the DPC during the whole six months of controversy and conversation and it was to be the last. He described later in one of his letters what happened at that meeting. Present at the meeting, a special commission set up by the DPC to deal with Joe’s case, were Springhall, Elinor Bums, Phil Piratin of the Stepney Branch Committee and himself. Joe was asked to say what he thought of the DPC document. He offered to examine each point in detail, but was told there wasn’t enough time for this. He suggested writing a reply, but was told he was ‘not being called upon to become a full time author’. He was referred to the last paragraph of the DPC statement and told that unless he accepted the point of view expressed in the document, he would be expelled * from the Party. Joe was unable to accept the document. He said he thought it was bad and false and was prepared to show why in detail. Phil Piratin was then called upon to give his opinion. He accused Joe of fighting the Party line, of sabotage, of being involved in fractional work within the Party. Piratin named as members of Joe’s ‘fraction’ Nat Cohen and Harold Cohen and ‘some lesser lights’ forming a group which he characterised as ‘leftists’. Springhall then informed Joe that he was guilty of ‘hostile, narking criticism, amounting to sabotage’ and that he would be expelled from the Party (27).

After this meeting there followed a gap of six months in which there was no further official communication between Joe and the Communist Party.

Notes

1. Information from a pamphlet entitled ‘Meetings, Uniforms and Public order’ by Jordan Publications, Chancery Lane, 1936.
2. A.J.P. Taylor, Britain Between the Wars, p 374.
3. DW, 28.1.1937.
4. News of Radek trial, DW, 23.1.1937.
5. DW, 6.3.1937.
6. DW, 18.2.1937, describes some of these incidents but in vague terms. Some are not reported at all.
7. From Joe’s correspondence collection.
8. DW, 164.1937.
9. DW, 23.4.1937.
10. I have not been able to trace any DW references to these events.
11. The ‘Battle of the Brunette’ story was serialised in the DW from 13.10.1937 by W. Tapsell.
12. William Rust, op cit, pp 80-81.
13. Ibid, p 83.
14. Ibid, p 195.
15. DW, 5.7.1937.
16. DW, July 16th, 1937, ‘Night of East End Terror’.
17. It Can Be Done, report of the 14th Congress of the CPGB, pp 38-9.
18. Ibid, p 39.
19. Ibid, pp 39-40.
20. From Joe’s letter to the Party of 29th November, 1937.
21. DW, 3.11.1937.
22. op cit.
23. From 29th November statement.
24. See p 261.
25. DW, 4.10.1937.
26. For the whole of Stepney the Fascist vote was 19%, an overall increase. DW, 3.11.1937
27. From letter of June 1st, 1938.

Christmas 1937 came and went. The Spanish Civil War was drawing to its painful end with increasing Nationalist advances. By March 1938 they were breaking through the Aragon Front. Joe also noted the carrying out of the Anschluss by Hitler in February 1938 and the executions of Bukharin and Rykov in March as the Soviet Purges continued. He notes that in April the Nationalists had succeeded in cutting republican Spain in two. Joe also noted that on the home front a new movement was coming to the fore. This was the tenants movement against slum landlords. It was prominent in Stepney where a Stepney Tenants Defence League was set up. Phil Piratin refers a great deal to this movement in his book Our Flag Stays Red (see especially pages 33-49), but Joe pointed out in his notes on this book that the impression given that this was the first attempt at tenants movements was wrong. In Joe’s own story he has referred to some earlier tenants struggles (1). Nevertheless this movement became widespread in the Whitechapel area only from late 1938. Successful struggles to reduce rents and get essential repairs done were carried out during the first three months of 1939. The most famous conflicts occurred in Flower and Dean Street. Similar movements took place in Willesden in West London. Tenants struggles were also taking place in Birmingham at that time. The Communist Party was extremely prominent in the Stepney Tenants Defence League, probably controlling it. Joe himself noted the role of one of his friends, Tubby Rosen, as one of the League’s leading members and spoke with admiration of his courage in these struggles. Joe at this time it will be remembered had been expelled from the Party. He did not take an active role in this movement but was certainly present at least at Flower and Dean Street during the Rent Strikes.

Meanwhile back in 1938, Joe was still hoping to get back into the Party. fold. On June 1st 1938, after a long silence he sent a letter to the London DPC to say he had just appealed to the Central Control Commission of the British. Communist Party about his expulsion. This appeal was timed to coincide with the annual District Congress and the June 1st letter was a request that Joe’s case be brought before the Congress. At the same time Joe wrote in his appeal letter to the Central Control Commission of the National Party a statement of circumstances surrounding his expulsion. He decided to write to the highest of all bodies in Britain. He complained of the cavalier way in which he said he was treated at the time of his expulsion. And the way in which his own statements and that of the DPC were never discussed. He described his last meeting with three local Party leaders on December 16th 1937 and the way in which he felt he had not been allowed to reply to the DPC statement. He repeated to the National Party leaders that other comrades had not been allowed to see the documents in question nor hear Joe’s case and asked again to be allowed to explain why he thought the charges brought against him were false, so that his expulsion could be rescinded. Then he wrote he could ‘assist in rooting out weaknesses in the Party, to enable us to quickly achieve unity of action of the whole Labour Movement against the National Government, fascist and War’. Joe added he had failed to appeal before now because he had been ‘unable to give the attention necessary for such action’. Nothing is recorded of Joe’s personal life and so we can only speculate as to why he had not the time to give this matter his attention beforehand.

Joe ended this letter by speaking of ‘a stand I intend taking against the actions of the Stepney Branch Committee and the DPC for the mistakes which have been made during the course of this struggle’. Joe added that he would appreciate any help given him in the form of information regarding procedure or any other help. He offered to supply all relevant documents assuring the Central Control Commission that it could not make a decision without them.

On June 7th 1938 the Control Commission replied that it already possessed the documents to which Joe referred and asked him to submit any other material he wanted to send as quickly as possible. On June 8th Joe received a reply from Elinor Burns at the DPC. It stated that Joe could not speak before the District Congress because the procedure was that all appeals went to the Party’s Central Committee and after this comrades had the right of appeal to the National Congress. There was no appeal at District Congress level. On June 21st Joe received a letter from the Control Commission of the CPGB, King Street, London. It began ‘Dear sir’ and was signed ‘yours etc’. The letter stated that after having studied all the documents in question the Control Commission found the expulsion justified and endorsed it. The letter added:

‘We are of the opinion that six months delay in lodging an appeal against a decision to expel you from the Party shows a completely irresponsible, light-minded attitude to Party membership totally unworthy of anyone claiming to be a Communist.’

Joe was exasperated by this comment because for over a year many of his letters and appeals had been left unanswered by Party Officials for months at a time. Joe noted that the six months wait had been a mistake and that he would explain why he had waited so long, but unfortunately this explanation was never to be given.

On June 27th, he tried yet again. This time Joe wrote to the National Party’s Secretariat. He wrote that since the decision to expel him had been endorsed by the Control Commission without his being invited to state his case, he thought he should be allowed to do so at the forthcoming National Party Congress in September. On June 28th the Control Commission replied (this time reverting to the usual ‘Dear Comrade’) that he could put his case before the appeals commission of Congress in front of whom he could appear, but only the appeals commission could decide if any appellant was allowed to address Congress. On August 14th Joe wrote that he was unable to submit any further statements, as he had made attempts to write one, but found it ‘very difficult’, but he said he would be prepared to argue and defend his case at the appeals commission in person in September. This was accepted by the Control Commission in a reply on August 18th.

While all this was going on there were many other things that were preoccupying Joe’s mind. Fascists were still meeting locally in Jewish areas. Joe had noted on July 3rd and July 10th such meetings had taken place. A Stepney Green march proposed by fascists for September was the object of local Party circulars. Local CP supporters were told to boycott such meetings and marches. This to Joe was more proof that the Party wasn’t being active enough against the fascists.

* * * * *

As if this were not enough in the summer of 1938, news came to Joe like a bolt from the blue. It was of his younger brother, Hymie, of whom he had not heard for nearly two years. The news came from Burgos, Spain. A letter from the British Diplomatic Service to say that Joe’s brother was a prisoner of war at the concentration camp at Vinulta, Palencia in the Province of Burgos and that he had goven Joe’s name as the person in Britain to contact on his behalf. Joe could not have been more astounded. Hymie had apparently written previously from a prison camp at San Pedro where he was first held. But this letter had never got through the censors. He had been captured with many others while fighting with the British Batallion of the International Brigade in March 1938. Later in the summer 100 of these men had been transferred to Palencia to be exchanged for Italian prisoners (2). It was while they were awaiting eventual release that Hymie again wrote to Joe and this time letters were being forwarded. Joe wrote back immediately. On August 25th he received a letter from David de Renzy-Martin of the Foreign Office in Burgos. It read:

Dear sir,

On August 24th I visited the prisoners of war at Vinulta, Palencia and saw your brother, H. Jackson [Hymie had changed his name to Harry Jackson for ‘professional reasons’]. He was looking well and said he had received your letter but no money as yet and asks you to send future letters etc. via the British agency, Burgos. At present he himself can only write via Red Cross, which is very slow at forwarding letters. I have the permission of the British Agency to write for him via the Foreign Office and in writing to him you should address your letters etc to

H. Jackson (1 1/2 d stamp)
By: Prisoner of War, Vinulta, Palencia
bag c/o British Agency, Burgos, Foreign Office, Whitehall
to Burgos

Yours sincerely

David de Renzy-Martin

Hymie sent a letter directly himself, the envelope postmarked 29th August was kept by Joe but the letter is missing. The envelope is stamped ‘Censura Militar Palencia’ and the address written in Hymie’s hand. Further correspon- dance took place betwen Joe and A. Cadogan at the Foreign Office in Septem- ber, no doubt concerning Hymie’s repatriation as one of the 100 prisoners earmarked for exchange.

The arrival of the news about Hymie caused complete turmoil. Joe descr- ibed in later years what a complete shock the news was to him. He had had no idea where his brother was and certainly had never guessed he could be in Spain. Hymie (or Harry Jackson as he subsequently became known to many of his friends) later described how be came to be fighting in Spain and how he spent nine months in Franco's prison camps. He did not have the same memory for detail as his older brother had and was less convinced of the necessity to write everything down and preserve documents. The following account is therefore patchy and may not be 100% accurate, but it does correspond to other accounts of members of the International Brigade in all important details.

Between 1935 and 1937, Hymie had continued his life of living off his wits in the Soho underworld of race-goers, gamblers, prostitutes, pimps and petty criminals. As he admits himself he had several brushes with the law. As a result of one of these he had thought it best to lie low for a while and try going abroad. He entered France on a weekend excursion ticket. He could not give a precise date but this was some time in the beginning of 1937. He stayed a short while in France illegally, but thought it might be safer in Spain and so crossed the Pyrenees on foot! He still doesn’t quite know how he made it. It took him fifteen days. On his arrival over the border as a total stranger who had no legal right to be there, he thought that the logical thing to do was to try and locate the British soldiers fighting with the International Brigade. He was also attracted by the idea of adventure. He had always lived dangerously from his earliest childhood. This was not an ideological commitment. Hymie had always scorned Joe’s activities in the Party as a waste of time. He wanted the fruits of a society without hard labour now. If anything, he was a sort of individualistic ‘Anarchist’, a dreamer drifting along the edges of the criminal underworld and thus according to the Communists, a typical member of the lumpen proletariat. But he fought with the republicans and admired their cause. He mentioned the bravery especially of the Anarchists to whom he was attracted without quite understanding all the ideological implications. He had little respect for the CP leaders of the British Battalion.

Hymie arrived in Spain from Perpignan in France over the Py Feriees at a small town called Figueras and went across country to Tarazona (not far from Saragossa) where there was an International Brigade reception centre. He spent a week training with the British Batallion. The Batallion moved South to defend the Aragon front. Here Hymie was slightly wounded and spent two weeks at a military hospital at the 15th Batallion (British) base at Albacete. His section then moved on to the Alicante and the Costa Blanca. During the campaign here William Rust, the CP joumalist who later wrote his book on Britons in Spain, visited the troops, according to Hymie, with the famous black American singer Paul Robeson, Hymie said that he passed a message on to Rust for his family and that this would have been in late 1937, but the message if given was never delivered. Early in 1938 he was again on the Aragon Front participating in its desperate defence, when the fascists broke through.

What left the deepest impression on Hymie’s mind of what he saw of Spain during the Civil War was the power of the Catholic Church and the ferocity of the priests. Near Albacete one day he described how he and other advancing soldiers were held at bay by a priest high up in the tower of a church, who was armed with a machine gun. The priest knew his position was suicidal, but he mowed down several of the Republican soldiers, before the batallion commander decided that the only thing they could do was to blow up the Church. In another small village on the Aragon Front, Hymie described what they found in a captured church. They had a hard time removing the 300cwt gold halo encrusted with precious Jewels surrounding the painted Christ. The hatred of the local people for the Church was what struck Hymie most.

His batallion moved North along the Aragon Front trying to stop the breakthrough. On March 31st at Calaceita near Gandesa south of Lerida they walked into an ambush of tanks. Hymie has always claimed that this was incompetence on the part of the batallion commanders. Tom Wintringham, he says, said ‘They’re ours’ and maintained that the approaching tanks were safe until the tanks opened fire on them. Many were killed including Walter Tapsell, one of the leading Communist commanders, and 140 were taken prisoner including Hymie (3). They were taken to San Pedro prison near Burgos. Here they were under virtual sentence of death for every day men were picked out and taken to be shot. There were prisoners of all nationalities. Hymie learnt Spanish at an alarming rate. One of Hymie’s comrades, Jimmy Little, was ‘taken out and never seen again’. There were prisoners hung up by their hands for hours in the hot sun. The prison camp was an old convent.

In the Burgos sector, local villagers were pro-nationalist, or rather under the thumb of the church. Hymie remarked that all the local houses had bars on the windows. When he asked why he was told that the rich put bars up for fear of attack or burglary, but the poor peasants thinking this was the latest style had put bars up on their windows too without quite knowing why. The local villagers were starving. Some of the captured soldiers had managed to escape. shortly after capture. Others had ‘disappeared’; shot, or tortured to death by the prison guards. Exactly a hundred prisoners from the British Batallion were left when the decision to exchange them for Italian prisoners was made. They were transferred to Pelancia, again in the Burgos sector and it was again in an old convent that they were incarcerated to wait for their release. This time the prison guards were Italian. Hymie became camp cook somehow or other. He and his comrades managed to feed local villagers on what they smuggled out of the camp. Hymie, it will be remembered, was used to dodging the authorities. He even told a story of how he once cooked a cat in a stew for the prison guards and absconded with the rabbit provided for the meal. He said he was found out but doesn’t say how he managed to escape the wrath of the Prison Officers. The story might just be true. In any case the important thing he noted was that the prison guards were living off the fat of the land, but the hungry prisoners were no worse off, in fact probably better off, than the poverty stricken, priest ridden local peasants.

The waiting period for release was long. The final order didn’t come through until the end of October 1938 (4). And in November 1938, ninety nine ex-Spanish prisoners of war arrived home in England, ninety nine because one had died of peritonitis through lack of adequate medical attention in Palencia just before leaving. Hymie came back to the East End and took up with his West End underworld friends again until the outbreak of the War when yet more rocambolesque and dangerous adventures befell him.

* * * * *

Joe during the latter half of 1938 was preoccupied with preparing for his brother’s release from Spain and also no doubt with the rest of his family, but he was also preparing for the National Congress of the CPGB, where he was to appeal against his expulsion. The Republican troops in Spain were being pushed back from the front and defeat now seemed inevitable. War clouds were gathering, the temporary lull brought about by the Munich agreement of September 1938 when all the Western Powers gave in to Hitler was felt at the time by those on the left to be but a temporary respite. In this troubled period Joe carried out his attempt to get back into the Communist Party.

He had already secured the right of appeal to the National Control Commission of the Party and on September 5th he wrote to them again asking if he could not appear before the appeals commission on Sunday September 18th, rather than the times suggested as this would be more convenient for him. On September 14th he received a reply to his letter saying, ‘We have to state that we don’t know whether or not you will be received or not by the Appeals Commission at the Congress’. The letter added © . . . but as you intend to present however he would suggest you attend if possible on Saturday September 17th. If this does not suit you, then you could attend as you suggest on Sunday September 18th.” Joe wrote a comment on the bottom of this letter when he received it: 'This letter is no good. Right of appeal was already given and presence agreed upon’.

Joe went to Birmingham for the Congress. He was allowed to make a statement in front of the Appeals Commission but not allowed to attend the Appeal Commission’s deliberations nor the Congress proper. He wrote later in his notes: ‘No attempt was made to save me’. On September 20th Joe received aletter from the Secretariat of the CPGB. It began ‘Dear sir’ and ended ‘Yours faithfully’. The rupture was final. The letter said:

‘We have to inform you that after perusing all the documents and hearing your own statement against the expulsion from membership of the Communist Party of Great Britain, the Appeals Commission unanimously reject your appeal. The Congress endorsed this rejection. PS. In a seperate envelope we return the papers you left behind in Birmingham.’

Luckily these papers were returned for they have been among the documents used to compile these last two chapters.

Joe must have made one last desperate effort to get back into the fold as on October 17th 1938 he received a letter in reply to one of his sent on October 15th (no copy of Joe’s letter exists). This letter stated:

‘You should now be aware that your appeal came before Congress and the Party Congress endorsed your expulsion. In the circumstances we do not understand you references to further appeal.’

Joe later wrote some very rough notes on ‘Why was I expelled?’, but they were only too brief and partly illegible. They were no doubt a rough indication of arguments to be developed and explanations to be given. Readers must draw their own conclusions. He listed the following points:

‘1. The family spirit
2. Careerist Communists
3. [Illegible]
4. Covering up mistakes
5. Prevention of Concrete Criticism
6. Violation of Party Democracy’

* * * * *

Things were at a low ebb for Joe. He had lost his battle with the Party. His long, loving courtship with Pearl was showing signs of strain. This even resulted in a (temporary) separation. Joe obviously meant to describe what happened for he kept the letter Pearl wrote to him at the time with his other documents concerning this story. The letter is a mock legal style declaration (in pencil) on headed notepaper from her home. It read:

‘I Pearl Cohen aged 22 do hereby declare that Joseph Jacobs 25 is released from any ties of friendship with me from this day October 22nd and hereafter,

signed,

P. Cohen’

This break didn’t last long however for the two were together again in 1939.

Christmas 1938 came and went uneasily. In Spain the trial of the POUM came to an end. Barcelona capitulated in January. In February resistance in the whole of Catalonia was over. In March the fascist Junta took over. Hitler invaded Czechoslovakia. In May Franco and the Nationalist Junta marched in victory through the streets of Madrid. The Italians concluded a military alliance. On August 23rd the Hitler-Stalin Pact was signed which put members of Communist Parties all over the world in a very awkward position. On September 1st 1939 Hitler invaded Poland and on September 3rd Britain and France declared war.

This was the time Pearl and Joe chose to marry, after having waited so long. It was now or never. No one knew what the war might have in store. Perhaps fear of prolonged separation precipitated this long overdue marriage. On October 3rd 1939 Joe Jacobs and Pearl Cohen were married in the Stepney Registry Office with their respective brothers Harold Jacobs and Harold Cohen as witnesses. Joe’s mother was furious that the two had chosen a very simple registry office wedding and had not been wed according to the Jewish rite in a synagogue. She refused to talk to them for a while but the row was soon made up and when Joe was mobilised some months later, Pearl became a frequent visitor at his mother’s house. When Joe and Pearl got married Joe had only 1s 9d in his pocket. The two newly weds in their smart new suits, Pearl wearing a green carnation, went to the ‘Troxy’ Cinema, Commercial Road ‘for their honeymoon’. There was no wedding reception and their only present was two glass vases from Pearl’s older sister Becky, but they were both very happy and this somewhat frugal and unconventional start to married life was the beginning of twenty six years together, only ended by Pearl’s untimely death. The couple found makeshift lodgings. It was to be a few months before Joe was mobilised.

Throughout this major change in his personal life, Joe had not forogtten the Communist Party. In November 1939 he wrote once again to the Communist Party of Great Britain as follows:

‘It is now just over a year since my expulsion from the Communist Party. I had plans relating to my case which, since the outbreak of the Imperialist War are almost impossible to realise.’

Apparently Joe had more than toyed with the idea of going to Moscow to appeal directly to the Party there! He often said afterwards how lucky it had been for him that he had never been able to make it. Joe’s letter continued:

‘My position is untenable and after due consideration, I am now tendering my application for re-admittance to the Party. Under all circumstances I have endeavoured to carry out Party decisions and have discussed my case only in correct Party fashion. If, in your opinion, I can be of use to the Party, I am ready and anxious to co-operate . . .’

Joe felt as he said later politically in ‘the wilderness’, or to quote the above letter, his position was ‘untenable’. Only the war events immediately afte: the war in the early 1950s were to change his point of view.

Many felt that to leave the Party would result in ending up in a political and social ‘wilderness’ to such an extent that they did not even have the courage of their convictions to stick to their criticisms of the Party. Such a one was Nat Cohen. He backed down before getting to the point of expulsion. He preferred to forfeit his friendship for his old ‘pupil’ than forfeit the Party. He cut off all social contact with Joe and this hurt both of them. Nat stayed with the Party until his death a few years ago, but in the last years he had lost his former vigour and enterprise. At the end of his life partly through the death of his Spanish wife, Ramona, partly through just being mentally worn out, but Joe suspected partly through the strain of having had to suppress so much of himself to stay in the Communist Party fold, he became a victim of mental illness. Long before then friendly relations had been restored between the two, but they were never as intimate as meetings were very episodic. When Joe first contacted Nat about his projected book, Nat was very friendly but re- fused absolutely to talk about their experiences in the 1930s. He quickly changed the subject.

Meanwhile back in 1939 Joe’s November letter applying for readmission to the Party was referred to the London DPC and then to the Stepney Branch. A certain Harry Roth, membership organiser, wrote back on December 28th 1939:

‘Dear Sir,

The Stepney Branch Secretariat has considered your application for readmission to the CPGB. Arising from ensuing discussion, I hereby request you to present yourself for an interview with myself on Tue 2nd Prox (sic) at precisely 8.30pm at the above address.

Should this arrangement prove unsuitable, I shall be pleased if you will inform me by return of post, so that an early alternative can be fixed.

When attending next Tuesday, you should bring with your TU membership card.

Yours faithfully
...

This hardly inviting letter, written as if to a total stranger, could not have encouraged Joe. We do not know whether he attended this interview. On February 6th 1940 he received the following:

Dear Mr Jacobs,

I have to inform you that your application for membership of the Stepney Branch of the Communist Party of Great Britain was rejected after due consideration.

Yours Truly, pp H Roth’

Joe was mobilised in the middle of 1940. He took all his correspondence with the Communist Party over the last three years with him. In his army kitbag he kept his precious documents with him night and day, thinking that they would come in useful one day. He did the right thing without knowing it, for his brother Hymie anxious to get rid of what he thought was a load of old junk and thinking perhaps he could get some money persuaded his frightened mother that to have so many books in the house on communism in wartime was highly dangerous. So she helped Hymie get rid of all Joe’s books. When he came home on leave to his great shock, sorrow and anger they were all gone. Joe kept only his precious letters. He continued to sell the Daily Worker under cover and to speak in favour of the CP to army comrades. Joe’s war is not the subject of this story. How he spent six months of it in an army prison for striking a superior officer and his other acts of indiscipline in the army must be told elsewhere.

His wife Pearl became a camp follower as Joe’s unit was moved round the country until her family was evacuated to High Wycombe in Buckinghamshire during the Blitz. In 1944 their first daughter was born. After demobilisation in 1946 they settled down to real married life. A second daughter was born in 1947. Joe became increasingly more active in the Trade Union and in industrial struggles. He became a shop steward at Lewis and Goldstein’s clothing factory in the West End. He was an active and known organiser when this time he applied for readmission to the CPGB and he was welcomed back with open arms. He was an influential and useful member to have.

In 1950 and 1951 Joe took part in one of the earliest modern factory occupations in Britain, or stay in strike as they were called at the time. This occurred in the Lewis and Goldsteins Cothing Factory in Warren Street, W1. The story of this occupation is a fascinating one and it may well be told one day for Joe’s own account and documents relating to the whole episode had been scrupulously kept by Joe. He had not lost his pre-war habits in this respect. With these documents are those relating to Joe’s second expulsion from the Communist Party in 1952. The conflicts began again this time centred around Joe’s militant stand during the clothing occupation. They culminated in expulsion, this time on the grounds that Joe was concentrating too much on industrial work and not enough on other general social issues! The wheel had come full circle. Joe’s activity on the shop floor had become too dangerous for the CP’s new social policies. This time Joe did not seek re- admittance into the Party.

Joe did not intend in this book, however, to go beyond the first divorce between himself and the British Communist Party. He wanted to reserve his later story for another time and place, because he thought that 1939 marked the end of an epoch in his life and in the class struggle as a whole and as he wrote in a sketch for the beginning of a conclusion to his book:

‘Hitler had begun what was to be the end of my East End. It was also the end of my beginning. I was 26 years old. Pearl was 24 and we were married. We left the East End for the duration of the war along with thousands of others. Many were never returned. As I write forty years on, I remember the blood, the tears, the laughter, without the means of separating one from the other. Nostalgia ain’t what it used to be.'

The very last lines of this book come also from Joe himself. Very shortly before he died he scribbled down the paragraph written below. He surely meant this to be the final summing up of this account. It is also a most fitting epitaph for a man whose life was dedicated to the search for personal and general emancipation from all oppressive institutions and organisations within modern capitalist society. Joe Jacobs wrote:

‘I am aware of the “ego-ethno-social-centrism” of any attempt to describe experience. This is not an exercise in “writing” History, only a witness account of what I and my friends were doing in a place which was a melting pot of political and other social activity. We radiated the results of our handling of events and influences which came into our lives in this unique place.

I am not deliberately seeking to influence anyone towards an acceptance of my ideas, although these ideas do influence my unavoidably selective and incomplete account. With hindsight, you and I can make up our own minds about what is interesting, relevant or significant. Many of the problems we faced still exist. This story ends at the outbreak of World War Two, when I was only 26 years old. The next forty years transformed my ideas in a constantly changing world. To “Keep your head” (5) simply means keeping up with these changes without getting too confused, or worse still completely lost. Survival is not only about physically keeping your head. It is also about the quality of survival. Is survival acceptable, if it can only be secured at any cost to integrity and self-respect?’

Notes

1. See p 115, Flower and Dean Street, 1933, for example.
2. See William Rust, Britons in Spain, p65.
3. William Rust, op cit, pp 152-4.
4. William Rust, op cit, p 65.
5. The reference is to a line from Rudyard Kipling’s poem: ‘If you can keep your head when all about you are losing theirs and blaming it on you’. It was the only poem Joe knew by heart.