If we are not prepared to defend and argue for anarchist ideas, others will speak for us.

Agitate, Educate, Organise

This is a submission from an internal debate within the anarchist-communist movement in December 2025 regarding Hal Draper's critique of the sect form. This letter responds to concerns that socialist parties that are formed outside of mass struggle will inevitably revert to the sect form Draper describes. It is a defense of party formation.

Submitted by Black Freighter on July 12, 2026

Hi comrades,

I want to thank (our comrade) for their well-thought out letter to the group. I admire their willingness to reevaluate their thinking and the emphasis they put on rejecting rigidity and authoritarian internal cultures. I also share their evaluation of (our friends) as being inward-looking, self-referential, suspicious of dissent and more concerned with maintaining themselves than engaging in struggle. I feel however that the question is not a choice between organisation or no organisation, but what kind of organisation.

I am not convinced that we should abandon the idea of a specific anarchist organisation. Anarchists must organise in the here and now despite unfavourable conditions, coordinate as anarchists with a shared minimum program and remain present, visible and influential within broader movements. I don’t believe that we should wait for a higher level of struggle before organising ourselves politically.

Not building anarchist organisations now risks leaving the field open to statist, NGO-style and authoritarian currents when struggle eventually rises. Without organisations in place, anarchists become a loose network of individuals who cannot act coherently. Organisation precedes struggle. While Australia may be in a period of low struggle, anarchists do not wait for struggle, they help to generate it by organising in everyday life. Low struggle is an argument for organisation, not postponing it.

Unity in action across the left is a worthy ambition, but anarchists must enter alliances as anarchists, with clear commitments and an independent capacity to act. As a witness of efforts to establish a mass multi-tendency socialist organisation (2), I do not share any sort of optimism for this model. Organisations that include authoritarians are prone to centralisation and in such formations, anarchists often become marginalised or silenced. This is because without strategic coherence anarchists are condemned to be a powerless minority. (3)

The lesson of Occupy and many other struggles that give rise to the possibility of mass struggle has been that upsurges do not spontaneously produce effective organisation. They produce chaos in which more structured groups, often of an authoritarian or liberal nature, win influence. In the absence of real alternatives, electoralist groups like Socialist Alternative and the Greens fill the vacuum. If we are not prepared to defend and argue for anarchist ideas, others will speak for us.

Returning to the local context. If a group is dominated by a few individuals, dissent is punished and internal life substitutes real struggle, then it is not an anarchist organisation in any meaningful sense. Our local experience, however, isn’t an argument against anarchist organisation, only against bad anarchist organisation. I am in full agreement that sect behaviour is a problem but disagree with the diagnosis.
Small political organisations are not inherently sects. I don’t see a pressing need down the track to accumulate members, rigid adherence to a line or to eventually merge into a federation. (4) A small, coherent group with a light but real organisational framework that can agree on principles, strategy and decision-making methods can respond effectively to future developments, including broader realignments if the situation necessitates it. What I am arguing for is an organisation with a focus on concrete struggle, a federalist structure, voluntary coordination, openness, a rejection of internal hierarchy and minimal points of unity.

One of my favourite analogies comes from the IWW, which sees groups as tributaries that eventually merge into a great river. While (our friend) is correct in identifying the need for a mass-organisation rooted in class politics, we shouldn’t deny the need for organisations that can influence the path the river takes.

On some of (our friends)’s alternative proposals (social centres, networks etc.), I am in favour of them, but I do believe that there needs to be a coherent anarchist political nucleus behind them. Social centres without direction become activist hubs with no strategic orientation: take (the local centre) under (the synthesists) as an example. Networks without a political anchor drift into liberalism or fade out and while workplace organising is good, without organisation militants lose the ability to coordinate, retain lessons or influence broader developments.

We should aim to reject the sect spirit, avoid authoritarian patterns and stay connected to real struggle. But dissolving into networks and waiting for better times doesn’t inspire much hope. Specific anarchist organisations are necessary precisely because struggle is low, giving us the opportunity to prepare, experiment, learn and be ready to help in guiding larger movements when they arise.

(...)

Looking forward to seeing you all soon,
(Etc...)

(1) (...)

(2) I’m referring to the Socialist Alliance in the early 2000s. I was a member of the state executive of the youth wing and departed in 2006 after my disillusionment in Leninism. Socialist Alliance was at first a big-tent socialist grouping of several powerful socialist groups. It resulted in the destruction of most of them. Today the Alliance is a rebranded Democratic Socialist Party that has dwindled into insignificance.
When I left Alliance I went on to help form a synthesist anarchist group, which eventually collapsed due to its political incoherence. My experience with these sorts of appeals to unity has permanently convinced me of the need for internally coherent organisations.

(3) On this point it is worth considering Black Rose / Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation’s response to the Libertarian Socialist Caucus of the DSA on the subject of ‘social insertion’ into larger formations. Clarifying Especifismo: A Response to DSA-LSC's 'Letter to the Libertarian Left'

(4) A letter in Partisan makes some good points on this: “If a sect doesn’t break down, it calcifies into an efficient membership machine, who’s only purpose is to maintain its due paying membership enough to tread water above the suffocating pull of splits and depoliticisation.” LETTER: Where did Black Flag Sydney go? – PARTISAN!

Comments

asn

15 hours 3 min ago

Submitted by asn on July 13, 2026

When discussing the "Sect" phenomena particularly in the Australian context - you have to look at the impact of the Stalinist legacy and associated "political culture" on various groups - precluding a climate of debate and research required for the development of a realistic strategy - inconvenient facts and experiences/historical precedents are "airbrushed out". Vintage Stalinist style Malicious Silly Gossip is spread about those doing important and effective work, etc. Its not just a matter of some authoritarian individuals in groups creating problems - however associated with this all pervasive Stalinist Political culture and seeming low level of class struggle you do get the emergence of "cult gurus". See thread on Libcom.org "New Org in Sydney" and google search Ainfos Rebel Worker Obituary for Jack Grancharoff" which looks at a "small group" ie Jura Books in Sydney which faced moves to establish a cult particularly from 2003 to 2013 heavily informed by this Stalinist political culture and what resembles Stalinist political practice and the emergence of the cult guru phenomena.
See the thread on libcom.org "Towards an Australian Anarchist Federation" where ASN (Anarcho-Syndicalist Network) activity and its role in assisting militant workers achieve important victories in the class struggle since the early 1990's. The only grouping but an "informal one" on the left in this period which has had such a significant impact/success on the industrial front. Assisting militants to defeat various privatisation pushes in the NSW Railways over more than a quarter of a century and big cuts to workers' conditions in the Public Service in the 1990's and slowing the tempo of the employer offensive and its has also played a key role with the emergence of the early stages of a strike/direct action wave movement focusing on the NSW Railways in early 2004. (See "From Bureaucratic Corporate Unionism to Grass Roots Controlled Unionism: Perspectives for Anarcho-Syndicalist Activity & Strategy for Australia Today" on libcom.org and www.rebelworker.org

On the issue of a current low level of class struggle or the illusion of employers/union bosses always being successful in facilitating the employer offensive - you also have to take account of the corporate media distorting or omitting aspects of class struggle where grass roots militants have been assisted by a catalytic network like the ASN to win an important victory in the class struggle in recent times eg the defeat of Driver Only Operation on the NIF (New Intercity Fleet and other types of trains in the NSW Railways in 2024 as part of privatisation moves." Credit for this victory was given fraudulently to the union bosses by the corporate media.

asn

14 hours 17 min ago

Submitted by asn on July 13, 2026

Apart from the impact of this Stalinist political culture and cult development on groups - you also have to take account of the social base of various groups - in the current era - lower middle class elements - workers with high levels of autonomy in their jobs, students, sprinklings of demoralised formally militant workers, those on social welfare etc together with illusions about the state of the current class struggle - and the difficulties in industrial organising without intensive outside-the-job assistance and many sectors lacking much industrial muscle and workers "lying low" due to chaos associated with long shifts, speedups etc affecting industrial organising, Low morale of co workers fearful of the bosses and rocking the boat at work. So such people joining various "leftist" groups are probably looking for a pseudo church/ Social Club/Pseudo Family/Sect/ Cult to get over the alienation of capitalist society - engaging in "activity" and performing various "rituals" as excuses for social occasions. They are looking for or going along with cult gurus (especially if they are the defacto owners of the real estate of cult temple) who masquerade as anarchists or anarcho-syndicalists to of course those gullible and credulous overseas people.

However in contrast to the sect or cult whether big or small - in the catalytic network - prominent militants can play a critical and constructive role in the network's role in waging the class struggle - they would be hostile to Stalinist political practice and associated bizarre left subcultural exotica. Some examples where catalytic networks and their prominent militants have played a crucial role would be Tom Mann and Guy Bowman in the Industrial Syndicalist Education League (first congress 60,000 members and 2nd Congress 100,000 members) in the years leading up to WWI in the UK See Bob Holtan's "British Sydndicalism 1900-1914", Corneillius Castoridorious in the Socialism or Barbarism Group really a network in the years leading up to Paris May 1968" and Maurice Brinton/Chris Pallas in the early days of the UK "Solidarity for Workers Power" groups but really a network. See account by Bob Potter on libcom.org