After five years, we revisited this historic event that marked a shift in Brazilian history (unfortunately, a shift for the worse).
Five years later, how do we understand what happened in June 2013 in Brazil?
In this society of atomized individuals, public transport is, materialistically speaking, the only common place where workers in a city meet immediately under the same conditions. When bus fare increases, everyone suffers equally. This was the material basis for the union in the protests against the increase of fares that happened in June of 2013.
An interesting question is that, every year, the increase causes a feeling of anger. So why do not protests of that magnitude always happen every year? Certainly, that year, there were multiple simultaneous determinations that resulted in those protests, unlike all other years in which those determinations were either absent or non-coincident. But we still do not know very well what they were, nor how.
The initial material community (transport used by the exploited under the same conditions) provided the spontaneous foundation for the demonstration community. As the protests grew, and the demand for fare reduction was being met, however, the demonstration community moved away from this initial material community.
The movement, starting from the sphere of commodity circulation, was not able (nor attempted) to transform conditions in order to create an expanding material community capable of potentializing the community of struggle to move beyond street protests into the relations of production. In other words, a community capable of undermining capitalist society in its productive base did not arise, not even embryonic. The way has been obstructed to create a new cosmopolitan mode of production capable of generalizing throughout the world by placing the productive forces as an expression of human needs and capabilities as ends in themselves. The absence of this had the necessary, inexorable effect of making that demonstration community degrade in an ideological, "citizen", "Brazilian" community.
This community of atomized, immaterial "wishes" is unable to find its force of union in itself. That is, the movement was doomed to be the plaything of inter-capitalist polarizations (left and right), doomed to let itself be driven by competition in the spectacle.
Fascistization began in June 2013 itself,  when the movement was not generalized materialistically from the outset, when it perpetuated in the spectacular parade at demonstrations.
Demonstrations are the terrain par excellence of the "free expression of the citizen", that is, of the so-called "middle class" (subsubdivided into "low low low" to "high high high", meaning everyone). In capitalist society there is only "middle class," since in it there is only the freedom and equality of sellers and buyers of commodities, no matter that one has no commodity to sell and is forced by the need to survive to make oneself a commodity that voluntarily sells oneself in the labor market.
Only if the movement had been generalized by shaking and traversing all the compartments of capitalist society (work, school, family, borders, State, etc.) could it open an emancipatory, libertarian dimension, imposing the satisfaction of needs and the development of human faculties: the emergence of the proletariat as an autonomous class against the ruling class everywhere, the irresistible irruption of generalized communism.
Since this did not happen, the movement continued to be a "citizen" movement and, consequently, a "middle class", hence fascist movement, because free and equal sellers and buyers are above all competing. They need to cling to everything that affirms their exclusivity vis-a-vis their competitors to ensure their survival, regardless of ideology being declared (left, right, etc.).
To summarize: in June 2013, from the beginning, there was a great fetishization of street demonstrations. The perspective of generalization of the movement in order to create a material association including the proletarians everywhere to transform the relations of production was not expressed, or at least remained isolated and impossible to be expressed publicly. The seed was already rotten. And while the demonstrations continued to be mere demonstrations, the rotten seed germinated at the end of the month, on the 20th, 1 dragging behind it all the spectrum of "citizenship", opening the doors of hell, the reactionarism that continues to this day in a consistent and increasingly worrying way.
humanaesfera, June 2018
[Original version in Portuguese: O que foi junho de 2013? - da incipiente comunidade material a seu esmagamento reacionário na pseudo-comunidade ideológica]