Debate on "Rank & File Groups" & Industrial Organising

From Rebel Worker Dec. 2025 - Jan. 2026 Paper of the Anarcho-Syndicalist Network. An article which focuses on a debate about industrial organising and strategy issues in Australia Today.

Author
Submitted by asn on January 5, 2026

From Rebel Worker Vol.43 No.3 (241) Dec. 2025 – Jan. 2026

Debate on “Rank & File” Groups & Industrial Organising

To change the world, and ultimately overthrow capitalism, we need
workers' power.
Today, the capitalist class has almost all the power. It doesn't matter who we elect, or how often we take to the streets. Governments have no reason to listen to workers, and every reason to give in to the bosses and the landlords. They control the economy, so they call the shots. The ruling class can attack our wages and raise our rents. They can gut the public service, to avoid
paying more tax or devaluing their bonds. And despite two years of
massive protests, they can continue to back Israel as it carries out
genocide in Gaza.
Capitalists can do these things because we don't have strength where it
really counts: at work. Union membership is down to just 13%. Strikes
(especially those with hard picket lines) are becoming increasingly rare.
But if workers get organised, we have the power to change all that. We
can take on the bosses, the landlords, and the politicians. We can win
higher pay, better public services, and cut ties with Israel-but only if
we rebuild a fighting workers' movement.

To do this, we need to transform and rebuild the unions.

How did we get here?
Unions play a contradictory role under capitalism. On the one hand,
workers have built unions to fight for their interests. At the same
time, the union-form of organisation has tended to generate a
bureaucracy with its own set of financial and political interests.
For union bureaucrats, the real goal is 'labour peace': they sell bosses
the promise that, if granted certain concessions, union members will get
back to work, and won't take industrial action. Making these kinds of
deals protects the legal status of the union, maintains the
bureaucracy's authority, and secures their salaries.
By selling labour peace at any cost, union leaders have pushed members
to accept weak agreements and increasingly traded away the right to
strike. Because of this, most forms of industrial action are now
effectively illegal. Unsurprisingly, this has led to weaker bargaining
power, bad EBAs, and a massive decline in union membership.

ASN: The author is discussing the union issue extremely abstractly to be ridiculous. Failing to take account of the change from “bureaucratic reformist” unionism to “corporate” unionism which developed in the context of the ACTU/ALP Wages and Prices Accord years 1983-1995 and the subsequent “unofficial” Accord years up to today. Particularly associated with “enterprise bargaining”. An initiative of the Keating ALP Federal Govt. It must be seen as a ploy to cut workers' wages and conditions through “smoke and mirrors” techniques.

In response, the bureaucracy has doubled down. Most of their efforts go
towards convincing the ruling class that they are 'responsible leaders'.
They increasingly rely on union-mergers and their relationship with the
Labor Party to keep the unions viable, and cling to their own cushy
positions.

ASN: Again this is a grossly simplistic discussion of the corporate union phenomena in Australia. It fails to take account of how interwoven today's union hierarchy is with the corporate set up. Particularly extensive “legal corruption” involving massive corporate funding using such pretexts as so called training, payments for union officials membership of Super Boards and payments from Super Funds using all manner of pretexts such as co-sponsorships. Through union officials' membership of Super Boards, they are directly involved in the management of Capitalism. Allegedly elections for important union positions and also EBA's and industrial action ballots are rigged when required. Courtesy of ALP networks in the AEC (Australian Electoral Commission) which was established by the Hawke ALP Government in 1984 as an unofficial part of the Accord. Together with likely Deep State (the cops and ASIO/CIA) infiltration of the union hierarchy. Union mergers must be seen as interwoven with this corruption, tentacles of the ALP Octopus and an opportunity to further centralise bureaucratic control of the Corporate unions. (1)
An interesting example of these rorts interwoven with tentacles of the ALP Octopus was associated with the merger of the public service ACOA (Administrative & Clerical Officers Association), APSA (Australian Public Service Association) and the ABC Staff Association to form the PSU (Public Service Union), now CPSU (Community & Public Service Union) many years back. Allegedly ACOA's office building in Sydney called Seekers House, was sold below market value via a real estate agency run by former Communist Party of Australia (CPA) members who had moved over to the Left ALP Faction. The same faction which ran the ACOA and now the CPSU. ALP Left Faction lawyers delayed the outcome of a court case against a certain Ray Harty, NSW State Secretary of the APSA for ballot rigging, until the union merger was finalised. Also the office building owned by the ABC Staff Association went mysteriously missing following the merger. Sold off as part of the merger skulduggery to provide monies for a slush fund for the Left ALP Faction union bosses? After the merger, strike funds of the merged unions also seem to have vanished! Again, the question arises, whether these monies were used for a slush fund by the union bosses? Similar rorts would also characterise numerous of other mergers to form the corporate unions. (2)

Why Rebuild the Unions?
Despite their inherent limitations, the established unions are still the
largest organisations of class struggle in Australia. Most workers
looking to build power in their workplace still look to them, and we
need to organise alongside these workers.

If workers in Australia were building more radical alternatives, like
shop committees and workers' councils, or if we could realistically
expect our call for such organisations to be taken up, we would embrace
these over the unions.
But real revolutionaries act in the world as it exists-not how we'd like
it to be. And as long as the unions continue to function as a vehicle
for struggle, they remain a potential source of workers' power. The
reality is that if you want to change the world, and if you believe in
revolution, you have to take part in the union movement.

ASN: But a federation of shop committees/workers' councils particularly within industries on regional and national levels based on ultra democratic processes and direct action, would imply moves for major breakaways from the corporate unions. With effectively the emergence of anarcho-syndicalist style unions.
The reason why workers are not spontaneously establishing such economic combative organisations and steps toward it involves a complex of factors. Particularly the progress of the employer offensive associated with the legacy of the Accord era involving closures of innumerable factories, massive job losses, long shifts, constant speed ups and the closure of entire industries such as the auto industry contributing to workers low morale.
In contrast to the bureaucratic reformist unions, the corporate unions are capable of much more sophisticated manipulation associated with their corporate media, management, ALP Octopus tentacles and Deep State (eg CIA training) connections. As a result even when union officials are pressured into taking militant action and achieving seeming “goodies”, such action and “victories” are given a demoralising swing maintaining workers' low state of morale. Meanwhile grass roots activists would have great difficulty establishing organised opposition to the union officials without intensive outside-the-job assistance. Associated with this low workers' morale is longer and rotating shifts (particularly the spread of 12 hour shifts) causing a chaotic situation for organising and increased surveillance. There is also a massive cover-up of the massive web of corruption which entwines the corporate unions involving the Corporate Media, legal fraternity, the Government and its Departments, etc. Is the author of this article and their group also setting out to contribute to this cover-up?
In such an important sector as building and construction, militants would face the constant threat of black listing by employers and the union bosses. Posing a much bigger threat than other industries due to building sites constantly coming and going. Together with the threat of violence from the criminal contacts of employers and the union bosses. At the top levels due to the above factors and interweaving with the Corporate set up, ALP Octopus and Deep State there is no genuine union!

What kind of unionism?
Simply joining a union isn't enough. To build real class power, we have
to transform our unions into fighting organisations under member
control. Workers need to see the unions as the best way to assert their
interests, whether that be at work, or in any other part of life.

No political organisation or leadership ticket can transform the unions.
This can only be done by taking de facto control of the union and
building power from the bottom up. To do this, we need to build a
rank-and-file movement which allows ordinary members to challenge the
bureaucracy and lead the charge for industrial action.

In every union, we want to build rank-and-file groups. These groups
shouldn't be 'socialist' or 'left-wing' caucuses. The membership of a
rank-and-file group is open to all union members who want to fight in
their interests as workers. Political differences can't be raised as a
barrier. The one requirement is that members be willing to fight in
solidarity with all other workers.

In each workplace, group members need to fight for a vision of unionism
based on the principle that we are the union. We need to make democratic
meetings, the direct election of union positions, and taking industrial
action the norm.

The rank-and-file movement is built by members on the job- not by
professional organisers from the union office. Rank-and-file groups
bring militant members together across workplaces in a coordinated
struggle to democratise the union and push for strikes.

This isn't to say that rank-and-file groups should be hostile to union
officials for the sake of it. When the officials support members, we can
support them. But as soon as our interests diverge, rank-and-file groups
need to be able to act without-and against-the union leadership.

ASN: Again the author fails to grasp important aspects of corporate unionism. If a union official was assisting the grass roots in any significant way in an area of concern to the ALP and corporate union top brass and employers, they will be removed from their position! So called “legally” via rigged union elections if so required.
An interesting example of this phenomena was the election of a certain militant to the NSW Secretary position of the NSW Fire Brigade Union many years back. This militant had been assisted by the ASN with the publication of a work place paper. By some miracle he was “allowed” to the elected by the ALP networks in the AEC and ALP Godfathers. Perhaps because any monkey business with the ballot counting by the AEC would have been too obvious and the strategically peripheral industrial situation of the Fire Brigade Union? Another factor maybe is that a certain significant layer of workers being conservative types eg ex-Military, former police, etc. Following his election, a certain ASN militant raised with him the idea, that instead of strike action to improve workers' wages and conditions, why not consider blockades of Sydney Streets with fire trucks? Some weeks later there was a blockade by fire trucks of the Sydney CBD streets focusing on the NSW Parliament House! Curiously the corporate media blacked out the action!
Following the State Secretary assisting workers to win a better EBA outcome than other unions, the ALP Right Faction/Deep State/Govt. struck back. He was suddenly faced with a coup in the union office by some union officers connected with the ALP Right Wing. Subsequently he and his team lost a so called union election, presumably allegedly rigged by the ALP Networks in the AEC if required. He was replaced by a so called Leftist from the Trotskyist heritage who it seems in reality was part of the Rightwing ALP machine/Deep State in the union. Following his assuming office, the new State Secretary was sent by Unions NSW on an international junket at the cost of $30,000 which featured attendance at the notorious CIA connected Harvard Trade Union Officials Training School. The new State Secretary then resorted to dirty tricks to push through a worse EBA. It featured him inviting the Fire Commissioner to address a union mass meeting. He lectured workers about the bogus great victory they had won! In this way also obviously intimidating workers at the mass meeting and so heading off militants' criticism and any debate! So greasing the tracks for the approval and rail roading of the worse EBA by the mass meeting! (3)

Anarchists in the rank-and-file movement
The rank-and-file movement's role is to build the power of the unions,
democratise them, and turn them into a fighting force. That means
uniting as many workers as possible so that we can fight together in
solidarity.

ASN: As argued above the corporate unions cannot be democratised. As these bodies at the top levels are interwoven by innumerable threads with the corporate set up. The mandarins of the various agencies of the corporate set up won't allow it. The only way forward is facilitating the processes which will lead to major syndicalist oriented breakways. Contributing to transitional steps toward a new union confederation along syndicalist style lines organised industrially. Seeking to unite all workers in the same industry.

For organised anarchist communists, the task is different. We need to
promote anarchist ideas and methods within the rank-and-file groups, and
ultimately the unions as a whole. Within the rank-and-file groups, we
foster class consciousness and push for a broader understanding of
solidarity. We insist on the need for the political independence of the
unions, and argue for strikes as our main weapon of struggle.

As the size and strength of the rank-and-file group grows, members
establish effective control of the union from the base. This puts
membership in a position to force a democratisation of the union's
structures.

For such a transformation to be genuine, we need to cap the salaries of
all paid officials, enforce strict term limits, and-above all-hold mass
meetings that set union policy and direct the leadership.

From the rank-and-file movement to revolution
Class power is a muscle. It's the source of our strength, and carries
with it the possibility to transform our lives and the world. Today,
that muscle is weak, because the unions have been emptied of their
fighting spirit and democratic structure. It's our job to enter the
unions, and to fight with others willing to change that.

Without a rank-and-file workers' movement, there's no hope of rebuilding
the unions, and definitely no hope of revolution. But when workers take
the fight to the bosses, participate in democratic structures, and
maintain their independence from all political parties, they build the
vital muscle of class power.

ASN; Realistically the flowering of such a rank-and-file movement across industry must be seen in the context of greatly raised morale and a strike wave/direct action movement. The processes leading to its emergence must be seen in the context of strategic industrial organising focusing on sectors affecting the arteries of the Corporate set up. Not just wishful thinking about setting up rank-and-file groups anywhere on the industrial front. An obvious sector of immense strategic importance is transport industries. It would involve long range, serious industrial organising and the publication of work place papers such the NSW based Sparks. So as to ignite strike/direct wave movements and major syndicalist oriented break aways from the Corporate unions which cannot be reformed into grass roots controlled bodies, Due to their extensive integration into the Corporate set up. Such a publication as Rebel Worker would also help out with preparations for the big push by assisting networking and education regarding syndicalism amongst particularly militants in other less strategic sectors.

It's through this experience-the exercise of our collective muscle as a
class-that workers gain the confidence and structural power within the
economy that we'll need for revolution.

In every industry, and every union, the task lies ahead of us. We either
build the rank-and-file movement, or we lose.

Notes
1. See “Spotlight on Rorts in the Union Office: in RW Vol.36 No.2(231) Aug.-Sept. 2011, “RTBU Elections 2018: Were they rigged?” in RW Dec.2018 – Jan. 2019 Vol.36 No.3 (223) & “From Corporate Bureaucratic Unionism to Grass Roots controlled Direct Action Unionism: Perspectives for Strategy & Activity in Australia Today” in RW No.41 No.3 (235) Dec. 2023 - Jan. 2024 on www.rebelworker.org
2. Information received from a long time ACOA/PSU/CPSU Branch Coucillor.
3. Information received from a long time militant of the NSW Fire Brigade Employees Union.

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