The Sidi Bouzid revolution: Ben Ali flees as protests spread in Tunisia

I'm still trying to catch up with today's events. Thanks to everyone for the updates.

'The fear has gone … I've been waiting 20 years for today' (Guardian)

Khadija Sharif, a sociologist and university lecturer in Tunis, said: "For years, Ben Ali set about killing off political opposition parties, weakening and dividing them. The street protests are spontaneous, not a movement with a leader.

"Nor has Ben Ali prepared any succession of his own. It's the complete unknown. We're afraid of chaos, no one knows whether there is a possibility of a military coup, or of an Islamist presence."

A senior figure from the Tajdid opposition party said: "There has to be profound democratic change but that will be extremely difficult.

"If it works, it could be the first true democracy in the Arab world. But we must be vigilant and avoid all naivety. Totalitarianism and despotism aren't dead. The state is still polluted by that political system, the ancien regime and its symbols which have been in place for 55 years."

Tunisia: a moment in history

On January 7 – only a week ago, but it seems such a long time now – I discussed what impact a Tunisian revolution might have on the wider Arab world. 

Regardless of what happens next in terms of a Tunisian government, the inescapable fact is that a popular uprising has removed an Arab head of state – a truly historic event. Ben Ali has fled and he is not going to return, despite what anyone may say about whether he has formally resigned or not.

That alone is going to have a huge psychological impact throughout the region. As several people have pointed out on Twitter, while Obama says "Yes, we can", the Tunisians have said "Yes, we do."

Looking around the other Arab regimes, I can't see any of them (with the possible exception of Algeria) at risk of being toppled in the quite same way – at least, not in the immediate future. There are so many differences in the circumstances.

But – and it's a very important "but" – we can expect Arab publics to become increasingly assertive while the regimes become increasingly nervous. For the regimes, though, in the long run it's a lose-lose situation. Either they can seek to tighten their control, thus fuelling popular disaffection, or they can relax their control – which the public will duly interpret as a sign of weakness and seek to exploit. One way or another, they are going to sink deeper into the mire.

Brian Whitaker, 14 Jan 2011

I've put a translation of this article by CNT Sevilla member Manu García in the library.

The protests in North Africa: what is happening?

Statement of support for the uprisings in Tunisia and Algeria from the CGT:

CGT se solidariza con las movilizaciones en Túnez y Argelia

Where Tunisia is now: exhilarating limbo (Arabist)

Ben Ali has fallen. An Arab dictator of 24 years has turned out to be removable — not by a relative, former ally or military chief, but by a popular insurrection. This is historic first for the entire region and I will come back to it tomorrow.

In the meantime, though, we should not assume that Tunisia has become an instant democracy. The announcement today that Prime Minister Ghanouchi was assuming the presidency has yet to be accepted. Rioting and looting are continuing in the streets of major Tunisian cities, sometimes targeting the homes and businesses of regime cronies, but also of ordinary citizens. Some suspect police deserters to be looting. The situation is chaotic and the army is showing signs of wanting to impose order.

With no clear leadership with the moral authority to get people to go back to their homes, it may be days before the situation resolves itself. What interim president Ghanouchi does tomorrow in his meeting with the opposition — whose very definition will be controversial, notably over whether En-Nahda's Islamists could become part of an interim coalition government — will be crucial. Right now, there does not seem to be any indication that Tunisians are accepting any government as legitimate...

Tunisia unrest a wake-up call for the region (Guardian)

Echoes of Tunisia's unprecedented mass unrest are reverberating across the Arab world – which is watching in fascination as one of the most repressive regimes in the regions makes far-reaching concessions to people power.

Protests over rising food and fuel prices triggered emergency economic measures from Jordan to Libya and Morocco this week as dramatic scenes of street clashes in the small north African country fuelled official nervousness about a domino effect that could shake other authoritarian states short on jobs, hopes and freedoms.

"Every Arab leader is watching Tunisia in fear," tweeted one Egyptian commentator. "Every Arab citizen is watching Tunisia in hope and solidarity." ...

Recent claims on twitter (unconfirmed)

Situation is pretty bad in Tunisia. Looting by police, violence by masked men, fear among population. Long dark night

I repeat. Situation in Tunisia is critical. Violence has spread amid chaos. Masked men like militias are attacking civilians

France 24: widespread looting of shops & private homes in Tunis, mostly by policemen

On Aljazeera: looting across Tunis... Citizens organizing vigilante groups to protect properties.. The Army is not intervening

Tanks are parked near a TV station in Tunis and eyewitness say masked men are attacking crowds of people on the streets

Latest Rumors: Ben Ali released groups of looters essentially composed of police and former criminals (army report, unconfirmed)

Jungle in Tunisia while I am tweeting this. Policemen stealing people's properties

Photo claimed to be of police looting shops tonight

Khawaga - have you heard any more about reactions in Egypt to today's events?

According to one claim on twitter, '100s of Egyptians rally at Tunisian embassy in Cairo calling for Egyptian President, Mubarak, to step down.'

.

Arab World: welcoming the fall of Ben Ali (Global Voices)

Revolution in Tunisia: photo gallery

Why Tunisia's revolution Is Islamist-free (Foreign Policy)

Unlike in Egypt, Jordan, Algeria, and most other secular Arab autocracies, the main challenge to the Tunisian regime has not come from Islamist opposition but from secular intellectuals, lawyers, and trade unionists. The absence of a strong Islamist presence is the result of an aggressive attempt by successive Tunisian regimes, dating back over a half-century, to eliminate Islamists from public life. Ben Ali enthusiastically took up this policy in the early 1990s, putting hundreds of members of the al-Nahda party, Tunisia's main Islamist movement, on trial amid widespread allegations of torture and sentencing party leaders to life imprisonment or exile. Most influential Tunisian Islamists now live abroad, while those who remain in Tunisia have been forced to form a coalition with unlikely secular and communist bedfellows.

The nature of the opposition and the willingness of the Tunisian government to back down are not coincidental. If it had been clear that Islamist opposition figures were playing a large role in the current unrest, the government would likely have doubled down on repressive measures. The Tunisian government is rooted in secular Arab nationalist ideology and has long taken its secularism and its nationalism more seriously than its neighbors. Habib Bourguiba, Ben Ali's predecessor and the father of the post-colonial Tunisian state, took over lands belonging to Islamic institutions, folded religious courts into the secular state judicial system, and enacted a secular personal status code upon coming to power.

Bourguiba, like Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in Turkey, viewed Islamists as an existential threat to the very nature of the Tunisian state. He viewed the promotion of secularism as linked to the mission and nature of the state, and because Islamists differed with him on this fundamental political principle, they were not allowed into the political system at all. Bourguiba displayed no desire for compromise on this question, calling for large-scale executions of Islamists following bombings at tourist resorts. He was also often hostile toward Muslim religious traditions, repeatedly referring to the veil in the early years of Tunisian independence as an "odious rag."

Ben Ali, who served as prime minister under Bourguiba, has taken a similarly hard line. Unlike other Arab leaders such as Morocco's King Mohammed VI or Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, he has been unwilling to adopt any sort of religious title or utilize Islamic imagery to justify his rule. Most importantly, Ben Ali never attempted to co-opt Islamists by controlling their entry into the political system, but instead excluded them entirely from the political dialogue.

This history is vital to understanding why the protests were successful in removing Ben Ali's government. There is an appreciation within the corridors of power in Tunis that the Islamists are not at the top of the pile of the latest unrest. The protesters, though they represent a threat to the political elite's vested interests, have not directly challenged the reigning creed of state secularism.

Ben Ali's fate may have been sealed when military officers -- who had been marginalized by the regime as it lavished money on family members and corrupt business elites -- demonstrated a willingness to stand down and protect protesters from the police and internal security services. However, a military coup would also represent no ideological challenge to the regime -- the state's mission of advancing secular nationalism will continue even after Ben Ali's removal from power. And in the event that the military willingly cedes power and holds new elections in six months, the decimation of the Islamist movement over the last two decades means that any serious challenger is bound to come from a similar ideological background...

After several hours of speculation on twitter it appears that Ben Ali's plane touched down in Jeddah in Saudi Arabia.

Some reactions: 'As a citizen and Saudi blogger, I am sad because a dictator Ben Ali in my country', and 'I'm a Saudi from Jeddah and I feel ashamed and angry my country is sheltering the Tunisian dictator.'

Jeddah also played host to exiled Ugandan dictator Idi Amin...

wiki

He escaped first to Libya where he stayed until 1980, and ultimately settled in Saudi Arabia where the Saudi royal family allowed him sanctuary and paid him a generous subsidy in return for his staying out of politics. Amin lived for a number of years on the top two floors of the Novotel Hotel on Palestine Road in Jeddah.

Edit: on twitter just now: 'The Royal Saudi Crown has just issued a statement saying it was welcoming Ben Ali and his family on Saudi territories.'

Arab activists hope Tunisia uprising brings change

CAIRO - Arab activists celebrated the anti-government protests that ousted Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali on Friday as the uprising raised hopes for similar change in other countries accused of having repressive regimes.

Thousands of messages congratulating the Tunisian people flooded the Internet on Twitter, Facebook and blogs, and many people replaced their profile pictures with red Tunisian flags.

Dozens of Egyptian activists opposed to President Hosni Mubarak's three-decade regime danced outside the Tunisian Embassy in Cairo, chanting "Ben Ali, tell Mubarak a plane is waiting for him too!"

(...)

Egyptian human rights activist Hossam Bahgat said he was glued to the news watching the fall of the Tunisian government and hoped that his countrymen could do the same someday.

"I feel like we are a giant step closer to our own liberation," he told The Associated Press. "What's significant about Tunisia is that literally days ago the regime seemed unshakable, and then eventually democracy prevailed without a single Western state lifting a finger."

(...)

"What happened in Tunisia ... will give unimaginable momentum to the cause for change in Egypt," he said...

Medics: 13 shot dead in Tunis unrest since Thursday night

The bodies of three people struck with bullets were taken to the hospital at Kram, close to Tunis, and 10 others have been brought to Charles Nicole hospital in Tunis," one source told AFP Friday.

The figure was confirmed by another medical worker who took part Friday in a major demonstration against Ben Ali in the city centre and was dispersed by police firing volleys of tear gas.

Two other people were reported killed in police fire in clashes in the central city of Kairouan late Thursday...

Report from CGT North Africa

El pueblo tunecino dispuesto a acabar con la dictadura de Ben Alí. Al discurso del presidente, responde saliendo a la calle, exigiendo que se vaya.

Ayer, jueves, el presidente Ben Alí prometió que se iría en el 2014, que soltarían a todos los presos, bajaría el precio de productos de primera necesidad y que no se utilizarían armas de fuego.

La respuesta del pueblo tunecino fue salir a la calle, exigiendo que Ben Alí se vaya ya y sea juzgado por sus crímenes. “Prefiero pan y agua que seguir con Ben Alí”, decía una pancarta. 13 muertos se han producido en los enfrentamientos de la noche.

Hoy por la mañana, el pueblo tunecino se ha vuelto a expresar masivamente. La avenida Habib Burguiba, la avenida principal de la capital estaba ocupada por decenas de miles de personas reclamando libertad y justicia, acabar con la dictadura y la corrupción del régimen. Lo que comenzó como un levantamiento con reivindicaciones sociales se ha ido desarrollando como un movimiento de rebeldía contra el régimen, que ha tomado la iniciativa y que exige la creación de un gobierno provisional que prepare unas elecciones libres. No se aguanta ni un minuto más a un dictador ensangrentado con más de 80 muertos desde que empezó la intimada tunecina.

La manifestación se ha plantado frente al Ministerio del Interior, protegido por gran número de policía. Se grita. “Ministerio del interior, ministerio del terror”, “homenaje a la sangre de los mártires” “No a los Trabelsi” (la familia de la mujer del presidente).

Delante del ministerio, Radia Nasraoui, abogada y activistas de derechos humanos, exigía la liberación de su marido, Hamma Hammami, dirigente del Partido de los obreros comunistas tunecinos (POCT), detenido el miércoles por la policía.

Manifestaciones se están desarrollando por todo Túnez con la exigencia de que Ben Alí se vaya, que se juzgue a los criminales y a los corruptos que han convertido el país en su finca particular (la familia del presidente).

En Sidi Bouzid, donde comenzó la rebelión, una manifestación de más de 1.500 personas salieron a la calle tras el discurso del presidente, gritando “Fuera Bel Alí”.

La UGTT, sindicato único tunecino, ha ido convocando en las últimas semanas huelgas por zonas. En Túnez estaba convocada hoy una huelga de dos horas. La realidad está desbordando estas convocatorias que se están extendiendo a huelga general total.

Desde internet se impulsa el movimiento difundiendo videos, informaciones, convocatorias. A partir del discurso del presidente, han vuelto a funcionar muchos blogs y sitios web censurados estos días.

En algunos lugares se han creado comités populares para organizar la revuelta, fijarse objetivos y evitar destrucciones sin sentido.

No para de aumentar el número de muertos, pero el avance del movimiento popular parece imparable y cada muerto es redoblar la esperanza de que un cambio profundo en Túnez está al alcance. La esperanza se vive en las miradas y en los corazones.

Democratic revolt in Tunisia and international silence (machine translation)

What happens when the media ignores an uprising? 

What happens when the media ignores an uprising?

I have been grappling with this question for over a year now. I was one of the first to follow the protests in Iran and write about them. I was naturally angered when I saw the focus of the world shift from an issue as important as democracy in the Middle East to the death of Michael Jackson --- but there’s little you can do.

What appalled me further was how the US media  spent weeks ignoring the protests that forced Tunisia’s president out of the country today. I cannot tell you how many times I searched on New Yahoo! and Google News for stories and found almost none. Wire stories copied and republished only pass the buck.

Americans on social media kept begging for press and broadcasters to take up the coverage. In Europe, France 24 and BBC had coverage almost every day, but this did not change the perception of US media moguls.

Today, as dismayed as I was, I got an answer to my question: What happens when the media ignores a revolution? Sometimes,the answer is: Nothing. The media can help mobilize support for victims of earthquakes like the one in Haiti. The media can also help create an atmosphere where people can feel  that they should care about those overseas. But, when the media refuses to cover a revolution, it really does not carry any impact.

That’s what people in Tunisia proved today by forcing their dictator to jump ship and leave the country. In a few hours, those US outlets who paid no heed will tell you how important it is that, for the first time in decades, a country in the Middle East has forced out an autocrat. Then you’ll have analysts telling you how important it is for US interests that this wave continues or maybe doesn't continue. There will be cute little graphs that Anderson Cooper can pull around on those big computer screens. Hey, it’s all going to be happening!

But this will be too late. The mainstream will not be part of the global wave of online support who witnessed a ground-breakingly inspirational event that will live on in memories for years to come and that could influence views on the Middle East, democracy, and human rights for decades.

But I’m not going to leave my judgement there.

I think millions of Americans who use Twitter, Facebook, Posterous, Youtube and other social media sites were part of the audience that watched this momentous event unfold. Mainstream media outlets may have failed to open  eyes to the yearning for democracy, to show Americans that Arabs aren’t just killers and terrorists, but are also peaceful students who want freedom, jobs, and the right to vote and have it counted fairly. 

But social media did not fail. It succeeded just as it came through for those looking for news about Iran in 2009, bringing the world together and making people feel closer by spreading information about this event online.

I'm afraid that the longer this continues, the more mainstream media will lose credibility and coverage to social media.

Or wait…should I really be afraid? Maybe the fear is for something past. Maybe it should not replace the hope for something present, something far more important than "all the news fit to print".

Josh Shahryar, Friday, January 14, 2011 

The first twitter revolution?

Reporters were prevented from traveling to cover protests in Sidi Bouzid, and the reports from official media characterized events as either vandalism or terrorism. Tunisians got an alternative picture from Facebook, which remained uncensored through the protests, and they communicated events to the rest of the world by posting videos to YouTube and Dailymotion. As unrest spread from Sidi Bouzid to Sfax, from Hammamet and ultimately to Tunis, Tunisians documented events on Facebook. As others followed their updates, it's likely that news of demonstrations in other parts of the country disseminated online helped others conclude that it was time to take to the streets...

Tunisia and the new Arab media space

I'd point to one other aspect of this which often gets overlooked. Al-Jazeera and the new media  ecosystem did not only spread information -- they facilitated the framing of the events and a robust public debate about their meaning. Events do not speak for themselves. For them to have political meaning they need to be interpreted, placed into a particular context and imbued with significance…

Euronews video: Overnight unrest after Tunisia’s president flees

Tunisia PM holds coalition talks as soldiers patrol

(Reuters) - Hundreds of soldiers patrolled the streets of the Tunisian capital Saturday where the prime minister was due to meet opposition parties to try to form a coalition after protests swept the president from power...

Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi took over as caretaker president…

Ghannouchi confirmed reports that members of Ben Ali's family had been arrested, but did not say who. He said it was a "provisional measure."

Tunisian air space, closed Friday, was reopened and the official news agency said all airports were open...

Army roadblocks stopped access Saturday to Bourguiba Avenue, Tunis' main thoroughfare and scene of clashes Friday. Several hundred soldiers as well as tanks, military jeeps and armored personnel carriers manned the approaching roads, still littered with the debris from Friday's violence...

In working class suburbs, residents lined the streets with metal bars and knives to ward off looters...

Ben Ali is still president (al-bab.com)

After fleeing Tunisia yesterday, Zine el Abidine Ben Ali made a circuitous journey around the Mediterranean. His plane first headed south to Libya, then north towards Paris where he was apparently told he would not be welcome. After a reported refuelling stop in Italy, the plane eventually landed in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, where Ben Ali is now a guest of the Guardian of the Two Holy Shrines, His Majesty King Abdullah. 

Whether the king will offer him a long-term home there remains to be seen, though it's perhaps worth recalling that Saudi Arabia gave permanent refuge to the Ugandan dictator, Idi Amin, after he was deposed in 1979.

A statement from the official Saudi Press Agency said: "We have welcomed in the Saudi kingdom the arrival of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and his family."

Note the reference here to Ben Ali as "president". Legally speaking, this is correct, because there has been no announcement of his resignation. He has fled the country but he is still, technically, head of state.

This has an important bearing on what may happen next inside Tunisia. For the sake of legitimacy during the transition, it's desirable to follow the letter of the constitution – which is what Ben Ali did when he seized power in 1987. Very shortly after being appointed as prime minister, he had President Bourguiba declared medically unfit for office and became acting president himself, as specified in the constitution.

There are two different provisions in the Tunisian constitution: one to cover the president's "temporary disability" (Article 56), and the other for a vacancy caused by the president's "death, resignation or total incapacity" (Article 57).

Ben Ali's departure is being treated as a case of "temporary disability" – which is probably why prime minister Mohammed Ghannouchi has been cagey about saying whether or not he will return. In these circumstances, Ghannouchi legally assumes the duties of president, but with two important caveats: he cannot dissolve parliament and the existing government must remain in place until the end of the president's "disability".

Interestingly, Ben Ali dismissed the entire government (with the apparent exception of Ghannouchi) before leaving – so the rule about the government remaining in place doesn't strictly apply. This has opened the way for Ghannouchi – if he so chooses – to form a government of national unity that includes opposition politicians.

If Ben Ali had opted for the alternative course – immediate resignation – the chairman of parliament, not Ghannouchi, would have become acting president. However, that course also requires the holding of new presidential elections within 45-60 days (something even the opposition would probably not want, since it allows them little time to organise, especially during the present chaos). 

Ghannouchi, 69, is not a popular figure. He has been prime minister since 1999 and is regarded as one of Ben Ali's long-term henchmen. Not surprisingly, there is talk among the Tunisian protesters of trying to oust him too. If they succeed, the constitutional position will become very murky indeed.

There doesn't seem to be an ideal solution but, if constitutionality is to be observed, a broadly-based and short-lived transitional government under Ghannnouchi (regrettably) may be the least bad option – assuming that Ben Ali can be persuaded to resign shortly, triggering a presidential election in, say, April or May. That would allow Tunisians to choose a new leader without letting Ghannouchi become too entrenched. When – and if – Ben Ali announces his resignation, Ghannouchi must cease to be acting president (at least, according to the constitution)..

On the other hand, there's a nightmare scenario where Ben Ali could refuse to resign and sit out the rest of his term in Saudi Arabia until October 2014. That would give Ghannouchi almost four years to consolidate his position – and it may be what Ben Ali has in mind.

Having Ben Ali as a guest also gives King Abdullah an opportunity to manipulate Tunisian politics behind the scenes. He could, for instance, insist on Ben Ali resigning as a condition for staying in the kingdom or, alternatively, he could continue to protect and honour him as a "president-in-exile".

Brian Whitaker, 15 Jan 2011

Edited to add

Ben Ali is no longer president

An update to my post earlier today. Tunisia's constitutional council 
has now decided that the chairman of parliament, Fouad Mebazaa, should be acting president – and not prime minister Mohamed Ghannouchi.

The council says that Article 57 of the constitution, rather than Article 56, should apply. In other words, Ben Ali is deemed to have given up the presidency permanently rather than temporarily.

It also means that presidential elections must be held within 60 days. This is much better news.

Tunisia revolt: will it spread?

CAIRO, Egypt — Less than an hour after the news broke that President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali had fled Tunisia, the political reverberations of his departure were already being felt over 1,000 miles away in Egypt’s capital.

Outside the Tunisian embassy in Cairo on Friday night, a thick line of baton-wielding riot police and plainclothes security watched anxiously as dozens of Egyptian opposition members chanted slogans critical of the government led by President Hosni Mubarak since 1981.

“Oh Ben Ali, tell Mr. Mubarak we have the airplane waiting for him to leave too!” Egyptian protesters screamed from behind the security cordon.

(...)

“The Tunisian movement is another sign that change is possible here in Egypt. The economic conditions are worse here in Egypt,” said Abdel Hamid Kandil, leader of the opposition movement Kefaya. “After seeing Ben Ali leave Tunisia, we will be encouraging a similar type of civil disobedience and a social explosion on the streets.” ...

Ben Ali's possible successors (Al Jazeera)

As protesters demand new interim president stand down, Tunisians face uncertainty about what's next for the nation. News reports selected the following names as the possible candidates:

Mohammed Ghannouchi, who was prime minister under Ben Ali since 1999

Kamel Morjane was foreign minister until the government was dismissed on Friday

Najib Chebbi, is an outspoken critic of the Tunisian authorities who stayed in the country while many of his opposition peers decided it was safer to go and live abroad … He is being courted to join a coalition government and said he had been invited for a meeting with Ghannouchi...

ocelot

Relevant news item from the BBC stream this morning looks like it might answer some of those questions

1053 In a report for BBC Radio 4's Today programme. Middle East Editor Jeremy Bowen considers whether events in Tunisia could have the same ripple effect as the strike by the Solidarity union in Poland in 1980. That set off a chain of events which culminated in the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of Communism in Europe in 1989. Could Tunis be the Arab world's Gdansk?

BBC radio: Protesters 'now expecting widespread political reform' and 'Riots on the beach'

Also from the BBC stream

1221 Retired Tunisian ambassador Ahmed Ounaies tells BBC News: "The losers are strong people, are big people. They have networks. They have means to damage the present situation. And those losers - either among the ruling party or among some sections of the police - are sending some militia for destroying some properties, for looting, for aggressing (sic) people after curfew."

1204 Reports are now coming in of a second prison break-out. Reuters now says dozens of prisoners have been killed in a prison break in the town of Mahdia. Meanwhile, a coroner has told AP that at least 42 people died in the prison fire in Monastir.

1140 Reports are coming in of a prison fire in the resort town of Monastir. "I can see tens of dead and tens of prisoners who have escaped. The whole prison is on fire, the furniture, mattresses, everything," local resident Shokri Chouchan told Reuters. Reuters says it received similar accounts from two other eyewitnesses.

1127 There are reports of renewed looting around the capital. Soldiers intervened to try to stop looters from sacking a supermarket in Ariana, 30km (20 miles) north of Tunis, the AP news agency says. A helicopter circled low over the capital, and gunfire was heard. An AP photographer also sent images of a supermarket in Bizerte, 50km (30 miles) northwest of Tunis.

1118 The BBC's Wyre Davies, in central Tunis, says the atmosphere is "incredibly tense". Hundreds of police and soldiers are on the streets, he says, and tanks are protecting all the main ministries. "It's very difficult to see who's in control. It's difficult to see when and if the political reforms the protesters have been calling for will ever happen. The military is very much part of the political history of this country and will have a big say in what happens next."

Tunisia's Ghannouchi is dead in the water (The Arabist)

As predicted, Ghannouchi is no longer president, Speaker of Parliament Fouad Mebazaâ is now interim president under Article 57 of the constitution, has mandate to hold elections in 45-60 days. But he may not be entirely acceptable either, although at least this answers the critique that the constitution had not been followed. Also, Ben Ali is now officially no longer president.

I really get the sense, watching Tunisian opposition politicians speak on television, that the interim presidency of Mohammed Ghannouchi is stillborn. Many reject the man as well as some of the people around him (especially , and abhor above all the notion that existing political elites may survive. Yet, inevitably, some of this political class will survive, but they will have to negotiate their survival. In the meantime, the mechanism to move beyond the Ghannouchi interim government is not clear yet, the opposition will have to unite around a concrete proposal if they want to find a way out. In the absence of a clear opposition leader, it may be left to the military to act as the caretaker government, which comprises its own risks.

But Tunisia was too much of a police state not to have compromised many people. As well as politicians, there are the police officers, informants, bureaucrats, businessmen and countless others who worked with the system. Some of these are major criminals who should pursued in courts, others are minor criminals who might benefit from an amnesty. The question is now one of how much justice to sacrifice to stability and return to the rule of law. 

The picture below was circulating last night; it shows a police van parked near a supermarket while the van's drivers (presumably policemen) robbed the store. This is the legacy left behind by Ben Ali's police-mafia state: a police system that is totally compromised and unable to function normally, a castrated and humiliated judiciary, a state bureaucracy with credibility problems and a population that, understandably, wants revenge. 

Issandr El Amrani, Saturday 15 January 2011

Long live the free people of Tunisia (Egyptian Chronicles)

According to sources in the Tunisian army the Police set the prisoners from main prisons free and ordered them to attack the civilians and starting looting shops and homes. In fact some policemen have started to loot and terrorize the citizens across the country to give an impression that there is no order in the country after Ben Ali. Still the army is standing to the side of the people , there are special numbers announced through out the media the people should call if they are in need to the army help. The citizens themselves are protecting their properties ,they started to form security teams themselves ... The army arrested state security members attacking hospital !! ...

Tunisia's 'Jasmine Revolution' jolts Arab world (AFP)

Will Tunisia be a turning point for Arab democracy?

A pilot who refused to fly Ben Ali's family out of Tunisia, interviewed on live television, explained that they were "war criminals." As the region's other autocratic rulers retire to bed, this forthright message will be a chilling reminder that their people's quiescence is not guaranteed, nor is it the same thing as legitimacy. If nothing else, the protests have demonstrated that an Arab head-of-state can be toppled from below and, for leaders as well as activists, have expanded popular notions of the possible...

Jordan fears another Tunisia (ahramonline)

Calls for PM Samir Rifai to step down have mounted amidst waves of demonstrations and riots which swept the streets Saturday in protest against increasing prices as well as unemployment, as authorities fear another Tunisia

Jordan’s king established a task force in the palace overseen by Ayman Al-Safady and includes intelligence and military officers to prevent the eruption of Jordanian streets in the same way Tunisia’s has.

The kingdom’s major cities were surrounded by tanks and their check points and barriers were situated at the entrances to resist Jordan’s so called “day of rage” which went off Friday.

Protests spread out across major Jordanian cities as if inspired by the Tunisian example, in an unprecedented event led by the city of Al-Karak. The uprising was a clear statement against corruption, unemployment, and nepotism.

Baathists, especially those from Karak and Irbid, and military retirees led the campaign which the Muslim Brotherhood refused to take part in it.

Amman’s march initiated in front of Imam Al-Husseini’s mosque in the centre of the capital where the demonstrators, exhausted by inflation, called for the dissolution of government. About 5 thousand protested shouting anti-government statements.

Sudanese youths call for peaceful government overthrow

KHARTOUM (Reuters) – Young people in Sudan, the last Arab state to experience a successful popular uprising, are using social networking sites to rally support for their plan to topple the government through peaceful protests.

Encouraged by weeks of Tunisian demonstrations which ousted President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali on Friday, Sudanese are harking back to the popular uprising in 1985 which overthrew President Jaafar Nimeiri after 16 years of harsh rule.

Fresh from this week's demonstrations against rising prices, young Sudanese are circulating calls on Facebook, Sudanese websites and by text message calling on families to stand outside their houses and light a candle for 30 minutes at 7 p.m. (11 a.m. EST) every day -- starting on Saturday.

"People will stand for one day, two, three, seven - soon it will reach the media ... then it will hit the streets and topple this tyrant," Wail Jabir wrote on Facebook, where more than 400 people have already signed up for the protest.

"This is just a beginning," another comment said.

Students demonstrating against rising food and petrol prices clashed with police on Wednesday and Thursday in three towns in the mostly Arab north, including Khartoum.

(...)

Sudan's 1985 uprising began with popular protests by students and spread into a general strike, with hundreds of thousands of people taking to the streets.

Eventually the military leadership turned against Nimeiri and joined the protesters, recalls lawyer Omer Abdelaati, who gave the speech calling for the general strike in 1985.

"It was just like this," he said, pointing to footage of Tunisia on the news. "The schools, universities, banks, everything closed, Khartoum was paralyzed -- everyone was on the streets in Khartoum and in the regions," he said...

Tunisian prison fire 'kills dozens' (Guardian)

A fire at a prison in the Tunisian resort town of Monastir has reportedly killed dozens as the country faces more uncertainty after President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali fled the nation.

Coroner Tarek Mghirbi said at least 42 people had died in the fire, AP reported.

One witness told Reuters: "The whole prison is on fire, the furniture, mattresses, everything." ...

Early today rioters burned the main train station in Tunis to the ground. Soldiers intervened to stop looters at a huge supermarket in Ariana, 20 miles north of the capital, as a helicopter hovered. Gunfire could be heard...

And on the BBC stream

1357 The AFP news agency says its reporters in Tunis saw soldiers and plainclothes security personnel dragging dozens of suspected looters out of their cars at gunpoint and taking them away in trucks.

Tunisia liveblog

1336 GMT: An aide says that Sakher Materi, the son-in-law of deposed President Ben Ali, is now in Dubai.

Tunisia's private Nesma television station had reported on Friday that Materi had been arrested along with several relatives (see yesterday's updates).

1334 GMT: French officials say they have blocked "suspicious movements" of Tunisian assets.

1330 GMT: A second prison incident: a doctor at a hospital in Monastir confirms that 42 bodies from a prison fire in the city have been received.

1305 GMT: Witnesses have told Reuters that dozens of prisoners were killed in the mass escape from a prison in the town of Mahdia, 140 kilometres (85 miles) south of Tunis.

A witness said the prison had 1200 inmates. Many "tried to flee, police opened fire on them. Now there are dozens of dead provided by everyone".

1210 GMT: AFP claims relatives of deposed President Ben Ali have taken up residence in "VIP accommodation" at Disneyland Paris.

1035 GMT: Tunisia state television reports that, following his meeting with opposition leaders, Mohammad Ghannouchi has handed over Presidential authority to Speaker of Parliament Fuad Mbazza.

One report claims that Hamma Hammami, the head of the Workers Communist Party, refused to participate in a Ghannouchi government.

1030 GMT: Journalists in Tunis report that police are not allowing them to film.

The main road in Tunis, Avenue Bourguiba, and other thoroughfares have been blocked off by troops, and AFP reports there are few people on the streets.

1025 GMT: The Associated Press reports that a crowd has razed the main train station in Tunis, as well as looting shops.

An AP photographer saw soldiers intervening early Saturday to stop looters from sacking a huge supermarket in the Ariana area, 30 kilometres (20 miles) north of the capital.

1015 GMT: Acting President Mohammed Ghannouchi has met the head of the Ettajdid Party, Ahmed Ibrahim, the head of the Labour Party, Mustafa Ben Jaafar,and lawyer Najib Chebbi.

1010 GMT: Demonstrators in the southern city of Qabis entered a government building and found documentation of the state's repression. At least one memorandum has made it onto the Internet

1000 GMT: The Committee to Protect Journalists has welcomed the freeing of detained bloggers Azyz Amamy and Slim Amamou and journalist Nizar Ben Hasan, a correspondent for Radio Kalima.

The CPJ calling for the release of another journalist, Fahem Boukadous, a correspondent for the satellite television station Al-Hiwar al-Tunisi.

Boukadous was arrested in July 2010 and sentenced to four years in prison on charges of "belonging to a criminal association" and spreading materials "likely to harm public order".

[youtube]e12_vk_Z_FM[/youtube]

Video: army arresting police chief in Oued Ellil

From the BBC

1710 Paris says Mr Ben Ali's family members who took refuge in France are not welcome in the country and will be leaving. Two of the ousted president's daughters, Cyrine and Nesrine, are said to be in France. French media reports say they are staying in a hotel just outside Disneyland Paris.

1707 A small number of Egyptians have held a demonstration in Cairo in support of the Tunisian uprising, closely watched by the security forces. The signs in Arabic read: "Revolution in Tunis, tomorrow in Egypt".

1643 Eyewitness reports from the centre of Tunis say there have been sporadic bursts of gunfire. AP says its reporters saw "two bodies lying on the ground", but it is not clear who they were, nor whether they were dead or injured.

1632 Houeida Ammar in the Tunisian city of Gammarth says people in her neighbourhood are organising to protect themselves from the militia. "We can hear helicopters overhead. The militia are driving around in cars with the licence plates removed but we recognise them because they are in the white Toyotas that belong to the security forces, as well as rental cars and trucks. This morning I saw the Army with a tank down at La Marsa beach. They were stopping anyone who they recognised as police or militia. They were pulling over any jeeps or vans that looked liked them."

1614 Australian student Elle Murrell, who is in Tunis, tells the BBC in an email: "Many petrol stations are empty/closed, the lines for others are huge, a similar problem with food supplies is begging to present itself (many supermarkets are now burnt or have been emptied by looters, adding to this problem)... People line the roads with bags on their back, hoping to hitchhike out of the city, fearing for the worst in the next few days."

1436 Around 100 people joined a rally outside the Tunisian embassy in the Jordanian capital, Amman. Engineer Sarri Zuwaytar said: "We think that what is happening in Tunis is a lesson for all oppressive regimes and all corrupt regimes in the Arab world, and we want them to learn a lesson from what is going on."

On twitter (claims may be unconfirmed)

Some shooting on streets of Tunis and Reuters reports impromptu militias of residents guarding suburbs against looters

For example last night people made their own local committees to protect civilians. It takes organisation & leadership

this is a barricade placed by the youth of our neighborhood right in front of my home in Bizerte http://twitpic.com/3q9xtf

Collabrative mapping using google earth to track death squads and other threats #sidibouzid #googlempas http://bit.ly/eLjlR8

There seems to be a full-blown clash between the army and RCD/Benali/Trabelsi militias, according to many reports

According to @Issrar_Khanum, Benali militias have shot at army barracks in Bizerte

The snipers who killed the protesters were from the president security(Professionals)!

The responsibles for the shooting in Lamta were apprehended in Sayada. they were driving a van full of weapons.

Arrested Terrorists (corrupted cops) with weapons using a rented car #SidiBouzid http://fb.me/IBsEsJf4

Al Jazeera: head of pesidential security arrested today; Rachid Ghannouchi, head of banned islamist party Ennahda to return soon

AFP: URGENT: Tunisian political dissident Rachid #Ghannouchi, preparing to return to #Tunisia.

Aljazeera is making Rashid Ghannoushi sound like an important player/voice in Tunisia. We did NOT kick out ZABA for Islamists!

Arrestation de Slim Chiboub http://post.ly/1UUyr #Sidibouzid Ben Ali's son in law arrested while trying to escape to Libya

People of Bin Guirdane are helping catch ZABA's cronies fleeing to Libya.

Sami El Fehri (owner of CactusProduction, media empire of Liela BenAli) next to be captured

#Egypt withdraws the Egyptian Ambassador from #Tunisia, and bans all Tunisians from entry. #Mubarak pissing his pants.

"Democratize or we'll Tunisify"RT @JoelleJackson Al Jaz interviewing Yemenis,1lady tells Saleh that we threaten you with

"French ministers offered Ben Ali’s regime police support to deal with the recent protests" http://bit.ly/e0MEPs

Not A Joke: Palestinian puppet Mahmoud Abbas sent his sincere 'condolences' to overthrown dictator #BenAli yesterday.

Going to the rally in support of #Tunisia & #Tunisians at ParlimentHill #Ottawa @ 2:00 today

Thousands of tunisians march through Paris streets to celebrate ousting of Ben Ali #tunisie #sidibouzid http://twitpic.com/3qaxyc

Follow @ClaireInParis flickr for photos of #Tunisia demos in Paris #SidiBouzid http://bit.ly/gwUi6l

Article by the International Marxist Tendency published yesterday - and so now entirely out of date - but still interesting. Again, by posting up or linking to articles I'm not endorsing the politics of this group, or anyone else who's writing about events in Tunisia.

From the uprising of Sidi Bizoud to the revolution!

More importantly the workers have started to move via their union, the UGTT, whose docile leadership has been forced to enter into opposition to the regime. Local and regional branches of the UGTT have taken the initiative to call strikes. The mass rallies have been like virtual occupations of cities.

Some sections of the union, like the teachers, the health workers and postal workers had already played an important role in pushing the UGTT into action. Journalists’ unions and the lawyers’ associations have also been in the forefront of the struggle. But now the wider layers of the workers’ movement have moved into action.

Demonstrations like the ones in the rebellious workers’ city of Sfax or in Kassarine mark the active entry of the workers onto the scene. The images of those demonstrations reveal an attitude of open defiance towards the regime, a mood of confidence and a feeling that victory is within reach.

Already last Sunday, January 9, the UGTT local affiliate in Sfax issued a call for a regional general strike. With only a few exceptions (hospitals and many bakeries that stayed open to help the people in struggle), the strike saw a 100% turnout. In Sfax 30,000 workers and youths demonstrated on the streets. In Jenduba on January 12, there were 12,000 people demonstrating in a city of 30,000 inhabitants.

The local branches of the UGTT have become the centre of gravity of the resistance against the dictatorship. Mass meetings are held there, and the offices are used to organise many activities. This is no accident. It can only be explained by the specific weight this union has in the collective political memory of the Tunisian workers. The union played a decisive role in the anti-colonial struggle against the French occupation. Now it has become despite the role of its leaders the cornerstone of the resistance built up in the last few weeks.

In the last days this movement reached the suburbs of the capital, prompting the regime to impose a curfew. Military vehicles and soldiers were posted at strategic points around Tunis. Even tourist destinations such as Hammamet could not escape the sweep of the movement. Under terrible pressure from its ranks the UGTT leaders called for a 2-hour general strike in the country for today, Friday 14th January.

(…)

Scenes of fraternisation between the army and the demonstrators have been shown on French television and broadcast around the world. The police who were out on the streets this morning did not dare to intervene. Later on in the day fresh police forces were sent in who tried to disperse the demonstrators with tear gas and baton charges, but to no avail.

Other demonstrators decided to go the Presidential Palace in Carthage to stage a sit-in. Prominent figures within the regime are abandoning the boat, like rats jumping from a sinking ship. The regime is losing its grip on whole sections of its state apparatus. Some reports indicate that sections of the army have come out in defence of the demonstrators. Journalists of the Tunisian state television are reported to have revolted today, as they took over the TV studios and decided to start reporting the truth of what has been going on in the country...

Mid-East bloggers hail change in Tunisia (BBC)

In neighbouring countries, especially Egypt, web users hailed the ''Tunisian uprising'' and said they hoped that "the same happens at home".

The popular Facebook page ''We Are All Khalid Sa'id'' (named after an Egyptian allegedly beaten to death by police) created an online, Tunisia-related event, attended by 7,000 people by early on Saturday.

The event's description read: "Enough of being silent... we are not less than Tunisia... Tens of thousands took to the streets in Tunisia and succeeded in their quest to achieve liberty... We want our rights... We do not want repression in Egypt... we want to be free".

(…)

Several Egyptian bloggers expressed solidarity with Tunisians people and hoped that Egypt "might come next". Blogger Bint Masriyah on 14 January posted a picture of the Tunisian flag and commented: "Tunisia: we are proud of your people; may the same happen to us."

A Moroccan online paper, anamaghrebweb, posted a video on YouTube showing what was said to be a solidarity protest in Morocco.

(…)

Many international and Tunisian Facebook users have changed their profile images to that of the red Tunisian flag, in solidarity with the protesters.

Large numbers of Tunisian Facebook users welcomed the departure of President Ben Ali, with some proclaiming victory in what is being called on Twitter and Facebook the "Jasmine Revolution".

Tunisia liveblog

1830 GMT: Privately-owned Nesma TV is reporting that Imad Trabelsi --- the nephew of Leila Trabelsi, the wife of deposed President Ben Ali --- is dead.

There are no details, but earlier in the day rumours had circulated on Twitter that Trabelsi had died as the family's homes in the Tunis suburbs were being ransacked yesterday.

Trabelsi, the nephew was named in a 2008 US diplomatic cable as a "particularly important economic actor" in the corruption of the Trabelsi family. In 2006, he had caused a scandal by reportedly stealing the yacht of a well-connected French businessman, Bruno Roger, Chairman of Lazard Paris.

1800 GMT: Channel 7, considered a propaganda outlet for the deposed President, has renamed itself National TV.

1745 GMT: A resident of Gammarth, near Tunis tells the BBC that people in her neighbourhood are organising to protect themselves from militia:

We can hear helicopters overhead. The militia are driving around in cars with the licence plates removed but we recognise them because they are in the white Toyotas that belong to the security forces, as well as rental cars and trucks. This morning I saw the Army with a tank down at La Marsa beach. They were stopping anyone who they recognised as police or militia. They were pulling over any jeeps or vans that looked liked them.

1625 GMT: A first-hand report from Tunis to the BBC....

Many petrol stations are empty/closed, the lines for others are huge, a similar problem with food supplies is begging to present itself (many supermarkets are now burnt or have been emptied by looters, adding to this problem)....People line the roads with bags on their back, hoping to hitchhike out of the city, fearing for the worst in the next few days.

1605 GMT: Reports are circulating that Slim Chiboub, the son-in-law of President Ben Ali, has been arrested while trying to escape to Libya. Footage is in our video section.

1555 GMT: Acting President Fuad Mbazza, having taken authority this morning from Mohammed Ghannouchi, has named Ghannouchi as Prime Minister.

Ghannouchi, who was Prime Minister under deposed President Ben Ali, was commanded to form a "national unity government in the country's best interests" in which all political parties will be consulted "without exception nor exclusion".

1515 GMT: CNN's Ben Wedeman reports from Tunis: "Municipal workers now removing huge posters of Bin Ali in Place de l'Independence. No fanfare. No cheering. No civilians."

Are jackboots already trampling the "Jasmine Revolution"? (CNN)

The army and security forces are trying to impose order in Tunis. Tanks and armored personnel carriers have been deployed on one of the capital's main thoroughfares, Avenue 7 Novembre (named after the date when Ben Ali assumed presidential powers in 1987). At midday Saturday I watched as two truckloads of soldiers pulled up on the avenue and began stringing out barbed wire.

A dusk-to-dawn curfew is being ruthlessly enforced. Just how ruthlessly I saw from my hotel window. At midnight I watched as plain-clothed policemen beat with batons and kicked a young man to the ground. All the while be screamed, "Have mercy on me!"

This afternoon the front desk called to tell me to close my window on orders of the police.

In the Place de l'Independence, I watched municipal workers taking down a large poster of Ben Ali. There was no cheering, no celebration. The few people in the square appeared more concerned with getting home before the curfew began.

The feel is very much that of a military takeover. It's hard to catch a whiff of what is being called the Jasmine Revolution.

Mounting fear of chaos is diluting the unbridled joy inspired by Ben Ali's departure. Fires have broken out in prisons in Muntasir and Al-Mahdia. There are reports of gangs on looting sprees.

Tunisian television has discontinued regular programming, replaced with a call-in program. The prime concern of callers from around the country is that law and order are breaking down.

(…)

Middle Eastern rulers are masters at outsmarting their opponents and quashing protest. They're far less skilled when it comes to addressing the problems that plague their people.

Those autocrats are almost certainly rooting for the Tunisian army and intelligence services to re-establish calm and control. In much of the Middle East, the rulers depend upon the support of the army and intelligence services. When the secretive, low-profile generals and spooks decide the leader is more a liability than an asset, they send him packing.

Revolution, real revolution resulting in an overthrow of the existing order along the lines of 1979 Iran, is far less probable.

The Jasmine Revolution, which inspired so many angry and frustrated people across the Arab world, is already in danger of being trampled by jackboots.

Edited to add this comment on twitter

CNN reporter seems to not understand the fact that the police are death squads being arrested

Récit de la manif de soutien au tunisiens à lyon

Jan 15, 2011

Par Ben Hadj Amine,

Aujourd’hui j’ai tenté de prendre l’avion pour Tunis, en vain. Alors je me suis dirigé vers le centre Lyon où une manifestation de tunisiens a été organisée à 19h.

J’ai constaté des choses que je veux reporter à tout le monde.

J’arrive par le métro, je remonte à la place bellecour. Une petite foule, était là fredonnant l’hymne national, mon cœur s’est déchiré, ils ne connaissent même pas les paroles, pas toutes les paroles en tout cas; une foule impossible à maitriser ou même à guider. Je remarque n’empêche, que 2 jeunes essayent de faire un cercle, pourquoi?? Ils se préparent pour être filmé par france3. Il parait que quelqu’un a appelé france3 : Les deux jeunes. Ils ont dit que c’était eux les organisateurs de la manifestation. Ah bon!

Je pensais que la manif était spontanée, et de plus j’ai contribué à l’appel! Ils ne sont pas nets ces deux là. Je me tais, j’observe. un moment je crie “tounes horra, horra, we etajamoâ ala barra”, les deux n’ont pas chanté. Ils savent parler ces deux là, ils appellent à la vengeance. Je prends la parole. je ne suis pas habitué à faire ça, mais bon, tant pis je me lance. j’appelle les gens à penser à la reconstruction, à rentrer pour aider au maintien de l’ordre, à rentrer pour aider avec les pelles, à réparer ce que les milices ont brulé et cassé. puis je me tais. Ces deux là alors! ils ne lachent rien. ils nous appellent de nouveau à s’organiser pour laisser france 3 filmer. J’en ai marre de cette mascarade. Les gens ici, ne sont pas ceux qui ont participé à la dissidence. Ils suivent comme des moutons ces deux bergers.

Je reprends la parole, pour dire qu’on n’est pas venu ici pour être filmer, mais pour poursuivre le combat et demander le démantèlement du réseau du RCD et transformer chaque choâba en une bibliothèque ou un mémorial de la révolution. Là quelques uns ont compris la combine. Les gens ont alors chanté spontanément: “tounes horra horra welqaweda ala barra”. Un des deux a déjà disparu, au même temps que le cercle; le drapeau qui était en bas pour préparer la photo s’est levé dans le ciel. vive la Tunisie.

Le deuxième était toujours là, un voisin filmait, j’ai lancé un nouveau slogan, “etajamoâ ya jaban, chaaâb tounes lè youhen” j’ai demandé au deuxième alors de chanter, en précisant qu’il est filmé. Il a souris, il a évité de chanter, en répondant que c’est lui l’organisateur, et que c’est lui qui a ramené tout ces drapeaux. En effet, j’étais surpris du nombre de drapeau en papier, de ceux qu’on voit dans le meeting du RCD; je le lui fais remarquer, à haute voix, la foule l’a entouré, en dénonçant le RCD, je l’ai cherché; mais il a disparu.

La foule l’a dévoré. Il n’y a plus aucun leader dans les manifestations. Elle est redevenue pure, et spontanée. Elle a marché jusqu’au consulat. Sur le chemin des barbus nous ont rejoint, des algériens aussi. Des nouveaux slogans sont nés, scandant le nom de dieu, scandant l’unité arabe, l’unité musulmane. Pire encore un Imam priait, disait des incantations qui m’ont mis en rogne. Je voulais prendre vacances. Mais les laïques m’ont retenu, disant que si on leur laisse la place, ils vont tout récupérer. Et oui le peuple a gagné sa liberté le 14 janvier, le 15 janvier les islamistes et les RCD se déchiraient le pouvoir. L’histoire retiendra ça. Retenez bien; le 15 janvier les islamistes essayent de récupérer la victoire du peuple tunisien. Et les RCDistes retournent leurs vestes, mais continuent à se foutre de la gueule des plus faibles de nous.

On a quitté le consulat, on retournait à bellecour, les gens jouaient maintenant la darbouka, chantaient.

Pauvre de vous. Le décalage entre ces tunisiens là et ceux qui ont combattu est énorme. Je décide de rentrer.

La morale de cette journée: il faut démanteler le RCD en effet, l’empêcher d’user les moyens que l’ancien régime lui a offert.

Aussi, il faut politiser e peuple, l’intellectualiser, pour lui rendre le pouvoir. Il faut que les tunisiens arrêtent d’applaudir.

Ben Ali est parti, mais pas le RCD.

Les islamistes veulent le pouvoir, l’histoire retiendra leur lâcheté, et leur opportunisme.

Je suis fier d’être Tunisien, et je regarde l’avenir avec espoir et envie.

Vive la Tunisie, Vive les Tunisiens.

Myth and reality in the Jasmine Revolution (Egyptian Chronicles)

Twitter, Wikileaks and Tunisia (The Arabist)

There's been a lot of speculation, notably in the US, over the role social media played in the Tunisian revolution (it sure feels nice to say those two words.)

Wikileaks may have played a minor atmospheric rule in baring to the whole world what was whispered about the Ben Ali regime's corruption, showing that US diplomats were aghast at the mafia nature of his regime.

Social media, from Twitter and Facebook to video upload sites, were crucial in spreading the word about what happened in a country where the press was tightly muzzled. It generated tremendous amounts of solidarity in the Arab world in beyond. But it's just a means of communication, not a driver in itself.

At the end of the day, Tunisians took the streets because they had enough. They risked getting shot and beaten with no guarantee of success. And it's likely that if they hadn't heard about events around their country through Twitter and Facebook, they would have heard it by telephone. The difference is one of velocity: the technology available today allows for faster and more efficient distribution of information, notably including video.

Issandr El Amrani, Saturday 15 January 2011

[youtube]Z1Jkg3qFMV0[/youtube]

[youtube]uJgRsND8iIw[/youtube]

Some thoughts for the day from As'ad at angryarab.blogspot.com

There is no religious factor in the Tunisian uprising

It is most noteworthy and most significant (given the Western media obsession with the Islam factor in all what Arabs and Muslims do politically), that the Islamic factor is thus far absent in what is going on in Tunisia.  In fact, secular trends and movements seem to be at the helm. The revolutionary Tunisian Communist Workers Party is one of the leaders of this movement.  I am not saying that Islamic trends will not later emerge in the Tunisian political spectrum especially that Bin `Ali was repressive in what was allowed politically, but it is high time that Arab political culture not be reduced to the Islam factor.  Today, Islamist Tunisian thinker, Rashid Ghannushi, announced that he would return to Tunisia.  But he has no role in what is happening and no one is chanting his name--his wishes to the contrary notwithstanding.

Aljazeera needs to STOP pushing the Islamist Rashid Ghannushi

Now, Aljazeera hosted the lousy tele-Islamist, Yusuf Al-Qardawi, who sent salutations to the people of Tunisia as if they care about his salutations.  Secondly, and most importantly, Aljazeera has to stop promoting Rashid Ghannushi and stop announcing his travel to Tunisia as if his impending arrival is analogous to that of Khumayni's return to Iran.  No one cares about Ghannushi, from what I have seen, although I won't rule out the likelihood of the emergence of an Islamist current later on.  Ghannushi (and I have kept up with his writings) has reinvented himself many times and lately he has been posing as a scholar.  He has nothing original to say and invokes empty slogans of democracy like George W. Bush.

The Islamist factor in Tunisia

Khelil, a well-informed Tunisian, sent me this (I cite with his permission):  

So that Islamic fundamentalist Rashid Ghannoushi (and I remembered your piece on the incoherence of Islamic fundamentalists about how he wants contemporary fundamentalists to replace philosophers in the curriculum) has announced he will return to the country to contest the presidential election, of course in what will inshallah be free elections he should have the right to be fielded as a candidate. And I prefer Islamists to be politically marginalized through the ballot box and I do not fear his appeal, which is so limited. Tunisians have taken to Facebook to make it clear they have no interest in him. I have attached a photo my cousin uploaded and Tunisians are posting the message on Facebook: NON AUX ISLAMISTES ! NON AUX TERRORISTES ! NON A RACHED EL GHANOUCHI ! CET ASSASSIN QUI RÉSIDE A LONDON, ON VEUT UN ETAT LAÏQUE POUR TOUTES LES TUNISIENNES ET TOUS LES TUNISIENS "JUIFS & MUSULMANS & CHRÉTIENS & ATHÉE "  Also the looting is being done by the regime thugs. And the two secret police leaders have been arrested along with numerous other individuals involved in the attacks against shops and even homes. The Tunisians army has arrested them. ...

As'ad, I would also add that Tunisians know full well that the Ben Ali goons are behind the attacks and it is because they want to impress upon the public the fear that without Ben Ali there is no security. The loot is just part of the fun for them. Fortunately, Tunisians are coordinating neighborhood watches and are aiding the army's capture of these people through four phone numbers which the army has provided. Facebook and Blackberry Messenger are being used by youths to keep watch on their towns. It really is inspiring, the whole nation is determined to not allow these thugs to get away.

I've been looking for more on Rashid Ghannoushi and haven't found much that's critical, so here's an article that's uncritical. For an Islamist he sounds relatively liberal and influenced by leftist ideas but this passage suggests he is in favour of implementing Sharia.

For Ghannoushi, the problems within lie in both public and private sectors. In the public arena are Bourguiba and the oppression of Islamic practices and values. Ghannoushi believes that oppression is rooted in previous colonization. The West has left a legacy and influenced Islamic politics. However, in the private sector, the Tunisian people are partly to blame. They allow the continuation of Western influence in Islam. The falling of Tunisian society is blamed on a lack of morals and a need to return to Islamic values. The implementation of Sharia would compensate for the loss of morals and revive Islam. By doing this, the people regain their Muslim identities and values.

More from angryarab.blogspot.com

The Left in Tunisia

I should be writing something on the map of Leftist and communist parties in Tunisia. The left (especially the underground) has always been vibrant: there are Leninist and Trotskiest and Anarchist factions.

This is a mature movement in Tunisia, and it knows what it wants

This is indeed a mature movement. Yesterday, I was relaying to Tunisian comrades my concerns that their movement would be aborted by a theatrical and cosmetic change of power which would not uproot the regime. Today, I woke up to the news that the activists know what they want and will not stop merely because someone in France or US or Israel or Saudi Arabia decided to remove Bin `Ali but keep the regime and army behind power.

House of Saud and Tunisia

All the work I do and I will do against the reactionary government of Saudi Arabia is dwarfed by the work that Saudi Arabia does sometimes on behalf of all those of us who campaign against it.

I mean, the hosting of  Bin `Ali confirms the status of House of Saud as the haven for all dethroned dictators around the world. Western media are not appreciating the extent to which there are Arab popular celebrations around the world regarding Tunisia: and here comes Saudi government to offer a slap on the face of Arab popular opinion. This is significant.

There are calls for demonstrations against Saudi embassy in all Arab countries although it is doubtful that the Arab governments will allow it. House of Saud decided to fly against the enthusiasm of Arab public opinion. What do you expect: ousted dictators since the days of Hamid Ad-Din, Sanusis, Idi Amin, Numayri, and many others always find home in the Kingdom of Horror.

Yesterday, when the president of Bin `Ali was flying, Saudi media were hoping and praying that it was going to Qatar, just to embarrass Aljazeera and the Qatari government. In fact, for the record, the private station of King Fahd's brother-in-law actually announced that the plane was going to Qatar. And when the news came and an official statement from the House of Saud was issued in which Bin `Ali was officially welcomed "with his family" to Saudi Arabia, Saudi media tried to ignore the news altogether.

Guardian

The sudden flight of ousted president Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali has left a mood of confusion and fear. Soldiers and tanks controlled central Tunis but armed gangs continued to loot and burn amid fears that the ex-dictator's militia were behind the violence

(...)

In the capital, Tunis, and other areas of the country, residents reported knife-wielding and balaclava-clad gangs attacking flats and houses. Organised groups were said to be attacking shops and factories. Many had piled into stolen hire cars and careered around the city and suburbs, stopping only to smash and burn. One young lawyer who hastily left his office in the centre of Tunis for the quieter southern suburbs said:

There's complete confusion and everyone is trying to understand who is behind this, whether it's Ben Ali's militia clinging on. Yes, there has been isolated looting of shops. But the gangs seem organised; they are inciting thieves.

They seem to be making trouble to convince public opinion that things were better under the dictatorship. Joy has turned to extreme caution and fear for people's safety.

Throughout the day, sporadic gunfire was heard in Tunis, while the main train station was torched and smoke billowed over a supermarket as it was burned and emptied. Groups of Tunisia's notoriously brutal plain-clothes police, described as a kind of "north African Stasi", barricaded the Avenue Bourguiba near the Interior Ministry and stood guard on corners swinging clubs and batons. More than 40 people died in a fire at a prison in Monastir. One Tunisian prison director let 1,000 inmates escape after protests.

As military helicopters hovered over Tunis and soldiers manned checkpoints on roads out of the city, intellectuals wondered how great a role the army was playing behind the scenes and whether there was a standoff between them and the police.

"We don't know if the army are in total control; we don't understand if there are altercations between security forces or if there could be an insurrection," said Sana Ben Achour at the offices of the democratic women's movement...

Sky News

Several hundred soldiers are patrolling the streets of the capital, while army roadblocks have stopped access to Bourguiba Avenue, Tunis' main thoroughfare and scene of angry clashes.

Overnight, there have been more reports of gunmen firing at random from cars and a second curfew was held in the capital to combat looting.

It is not clear who the squads of gunmen are - but a senior military source said that people affiliated to ousted president Zine al Abidine Ben Ali were behind the attacks.

In some Tunis neighbourhoods, residents set up barricades and organised their own overnight patrols, armed with baseball bats and clubs, to deter looters.

(...)

But Mr Ben Ali's overthrow has reverberated around other countries in the Arab world with long-serving leaders.

Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi said: "I am very pained by what is happening in Tunisia.

"Tunisia now lives in fear... Families could be raided and slaughtered in their bedrooms and the citizens in the street killed as if it was the Bolshevik or the American revolution."

It was not clear if protesters would accept the new power arrangement because of Mr Mebazaa and Mr Ghannouchi's links to Mr Ben Ali's rule...

Yes that's the impression I've got from what I've read so far. I was wondering what tendency they were, but I don't think I'd ever have guessed at 'post-hoxhaite' - must be some kind of history there...

PCOT

Tunisia needs a new democratic government which represents the national and popular will of the people and represents its own interests. And a system of this type cannot emerge from the current system and its institutions or its constitution and its laws, but only on its ruins by a constituent assembly elected by the people in conditions of freedom and transparency, after ending the tyranny.

The task of a People’s Council is to draft a new constitution that lays the foundations of democratic republic, with its institutions and its laws. The popular protests are still ongoing. No one can predict either their duration or their development. Tunisia has entered a new phase in its history characterized by the rise of its people and their desire to recover their freedom, rights and dignity.

This raises the responsibilities of the opposition, especially its most radical wing, to find new policy solutions that place as an immediate priority the requirements of the Tunisian people for a program providing a plan for overall change in Tunisia.The opposition, consisting of all the forces involved in the intifada, has been invited to close ranks for Democratic Change and to form an alternative to tyranny and dictatorship.

The Workers’ Communist Party renews its invitation to convene a national assembly of the Tunisian opposition in order to confront the issue as quickly as possible.Also renewed has been an invitation to come together to coordinate at national and local level support for the popular movements, and to work towards a set of concrete demands so that the movement does not run out of steam...

Edited to add this from angryarab.blogspot

Tunisian political parties: The case of Tunisian Communist Workers Party

This party is very involved among workers and students in Tunisia and has been very involved in the uprising (it is too early to refer to what is happening as a Revolution--that depends on the outcome). The party is very courageous on matters of gender and about secularism (although it refers to it by the French word in order to avoid association between the standards Arabic word and atheism). When Bin `Ali came to power, he issued a "national" document for all parties in Tunisia to sign. To its credit, it was the only party that did not sign (even some underground parties signed). It is fiercely anti-Israel and calls for the liberation of all of Palestine. I can quibble with the party's ideology: it sticks to a Stalinist version of Marxism-Leninism and has historically been attached to Enver Hoxa's version of communism...

Tunisia liveblog

1150 GMT: Ben Wedeman of CNN reports via Twitter:

At Monoprix in Cartage [Carthago, east of Tunis]. Looters interrupted by soldiers who fire in air. Then let looting continue.

Middle aged doctors dentists engineers protesting neighbourhoods in cartage with baseball bats

1130 GMT: A French photojournalist, Lucas Mebrouk Dolega, who was wounded by a tear gas canister on Friday, has died.

1120 GMT: Ahmed al-Khadrawi, an officer in the Tunisian National Guards, said that the military's Chief of Staff, General Rachid Ammar, who was removed by President Ben Ali on Wednesday, received last-minute instructions from the US Embassy to take charge of Tunisian affairs if the situation was out of control.

Al-Khadrawi told Al-Jazeera on Saturday that he has documents backing up his statement. Asked why Ammar has not taken control and declared military rule, al-Khadrawi said that the sudden popular uprising had shocked both the political and military institutions.

1050 GMT: The BBC's headline coverage this morning of Tunisia, including an interview with the daughter of opposition leader Rached Ghanoucchi (see 0915 GMT), has now been put on-line. The item starts just after the 6:00 mark.

0950 GMT: Reports indicate that Imed Trabelsi, the nephew of the wife of ex-President Ben Ali, died from a knife wound on Friday. It is still unclear whether the stabbing was connected to the ransacking of the Trabelsi family's residences on Friday afternoon.

0940 GMT: Reports from Tunis are that the city is relatively quiet, with a significant Army presence in the centre. The state of emergency is still in effect.

0915 GMT: The BBC's flagship radio programme, which led with Tunisia this morning, has interviewed the daughter of Rached Ghanoucchi, head of the opposition Ennadha movement. After reviewing the current situation --- including concern that the "old guard" has merely made surface changes to hold on to power --- Ghanoucchi's daughter said her father, who went into exile in 1989, is hoping to return to Tunisia soon. She added that he had been in consultation with other opposition leaders on Saturday about the timing of next moves.

0850 GMT: Al Jazeera reviews the current political situation and offers a concise summary, "With leadership changing at dizzying speed what is certain is the constitution favours those belonging to ousted regime."

0840 GMT: Yesterday we posted the photo of President Ben Ali's name being taken down from Tunisia's new airport in Enfidha. This morning we get the photograph which claims that the airport has been renamed to honour Mohammaed Bouazizi, whose attempted suicide on 17 December sparked the protests that brought down Ben Ali ... The official website for the airport has not changed the name, so we wait to see if this is the outcome of political change or of Photoshop.

0805 GMT: Al Jazeera has now posted an article on the storming of residential units by "thousands" of Libyans protesting poor housing. The protesters took over new apartments in a Benghazi project.

The article claims that troops and police withdrew from the area, allowing the protest to take place.

0745 GMT: Many in the international media are now captivated by the possibility that protest will escalate in other parts of the Arab world. Thousands have demonstrated in Jordan (more on that later on EA), there have been rallies in Egypt, and there is even video of a street protest in Libya. (Less than an hour after footage appeared, it was reported that the Libyan Government has blocked YouTube.)

Trouble in Libya (al-bab.com)

Just two days after the overthrow of President Ben Ali in Tunisia, videos are circulating of disturbances in neighbouring Libya. Needless to say, this is causing a good deal of excitement on Twitter…

Tunisia seeks to form unity cabinet (BBC)

The leader of neighbouring Libya, Muammar Gaddafi, praised Mr Ben Ali, whom he said he still considered the "legal president of Tunisia".

"You have suffered a great loss... There is none better than Zine (Mr Ben Ali) to govern Tunisia," he said in a speech broadcast on state television.

Tunisia revolts and the view from Jordan (Black Iris)

It may go without saying that in the past 48 hours, a great number of Jordanians have been glued to their television screens, watching Al Jazeera detail the fall of the Tunisian regime, the assumed exile of its leader, and the rise of the youth voice in the streets of Tunis. The view from Jordan has been interesting…

Will revolt in Tunisia inspire others? (LA Times)

Hours after riots forced Tunisian President Zine el Abidine ben Ali to flee his country, hundreds of Egyptians poured into the streets of Cairo with a warning to their own authoritarian president, Hosni Mubarak.

"Ben Ali, tell Mubarak a plane is waiting for him too!" they chanted late Friday night. "We are next. Listen to the Tunisians; it's your turn, Egyptians!" ...

Also from the BBC report

Residents in some areas have armed themselves with sticks and clubs, forming impromptu militias to protect their homes.

A resident of Nabeul, south of Tunis, Haythem Houissa, told the BBC that he had joined a volunteer group "to help clean up and guard our city".

"The security situation is much better since yesterday," he added.

Some of the violence is being blamed on supporters of Mr Ben Ali.

However many attacks appeared to target businesses and buildings connected with the former president and his family.

Tunisia gripped by uncertainty (Al Jazeera)

Armed militias have taken to the streets of Tunisia following the toppling of longtime ruler Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, sowing fear among the population as the country's new leadership attempts to bring order and form a coalition government.

(…)

"There is a real sense of fear right now on the streets," said Al Jazeera's Nazanine Moshiri, reporting from Tunis, the capital.

Many residents, running out of bread, milk and petrol, have decided to arm themselves and barricade their homes, Moshiri said. Some are forming local groups to defend their own neighbourhoods.

Three different armed groups appear to be attempting to assert power, she said: Police, security forces from the interior ministry, and irregular militias allied with Ben Ali's former regime. Among Tunisia's population of roughly 10 million people, 250,000 are in the police force, she said.

"People are telling us right now they trust the army far more than they do the police," Moshiri said.

[youtube]pZDDDpeFu4s[/youtube]

I'm not an expert but I've seen suggestions that Algeria might be vulnerable, though really it's anyone's guess. It's starting to look like a 'Berlin wall coming down' moment but maybe I'm being far too optimistic.

Libya protest over housing enters its third day (ahramonline)

Protests in several cities in Libya continued for a third day over the late completion of government subsided housing.

Last night hundreds of people broke into vacant houses and took over about 800 vacant units in Bani Walid city (180 kilometres south east from the capital, Tripoli).

Several activists on social network sites reported that over 600 units in similar projects in Benghazi were taken over yesterday by protesters that have been waiting for years to move in to their homes.

The Libyan government has run subsided housing projects for poor families in several cities for years. However local authorities in some projects postponed the delivery of hundreds of housing units to the owners who have already signed contracts and paid most of the installments.

A statement released by the National Front for Salvation of Libya, an opposition movement established in 1981, described the frustration of the protesters in Bani Walid: “Bani Walid has no basic services; thousands of people are without houses and the local authority is corrupted, it only delivers services with bribes. Nothing will make Bani Walid calm but freedom, justice and transparency.”

Witnesses said that hundreds of policemen were observing the protests but did not intervene, even when hundreds of people broke in to some buildings under construction.

Information and videos posted on Twitter and YouTube show hundreds of Libyans protesting in the east of the country in the cities of Bidaa, Darna and Sabhaa late Saturday.

Qourina, an independent news website, reported several lootings during the protests in Darana city.

Qourina also reported that two of its reporters were beaten by protesters on Saturday.

There are no reports of injuries or clashes with the police.

Al Jazeera TV network reported that police have been instructed by the government to avoid any clashes with protesters and to only protect government buildings and contain the protesters' anger ...

Some more extracts from the Tunisia liveblog

2050 GMT: Around 1,500 protesters held a peaceful rally in the central Tunisian town of Regueb, condemning political talks because the new government would not be truly democratic. A local trade union leader said, "We didn't rise up for the formation of a unity government with a fake opposition."

The army broke up the rally as protests are banned under the State of Emergency declared on Friday.

2025 GMT: Al Jazeera is now carrying the news that the Tunisian Army has exchanged fire with former Presidential Guards as the latter tried storm into Carthage International Airport.

Reports have circulated throughout the day that Army and the former guards for President Ben Ali also clashed at the Presidential Palace in Carthage.

1815 GMT: Al Jazeera's James Bays reports from Tunis of shootings in the city and people arming themselves against the police, whom they do not trust: "In between the road blocks, we were coming across large groups of people who had their own home-made weapons, axes and steel bars, and some of them were not particularly friendly to us when we wanted to film in the area."

1810 GMT: Lawyers in Benghazi in Libya have announced they will protest at noon tomorrow over the situation surrounding the "chaos" and "looting" this weekend at a residential complex in the city.

1750 GMT: In Algeria, prominent union activist Ahmed Badawi, was arrested in Algiers on Saturday after leaving a meeting with several trade union officials and civil society activists.

1745 GMT: A prominent activist reports from a "scared" contact in Libya that "the regime is on full alert" and "tensions r high".

The contact says Benghazi is the epicenter of protest, with shops burned, and there have been few incidents in Tripoli.

1740 GMT: Ben Wedeman of CNN reports from his Tunis hotel: "Police going from room to room shutting windows, looking for cameramen who shot [foootage of] gun battle and helicopters from hotel windows."

1625 GMT: Ayman Mohyeldin of Al Jazeera posts a Twitter message: "Just survived harrowing ordeal to make it to hotel amidst gunfire and unidentified armed men in heart of Tunis. Thank You God!"

He adds, "heart of Tunis completely empty hour before curfew except for military and civilian gangs trying to protect areas and armed men."

1600 GMT: Ben Wedeman reports from Tunis that a gun battle is continuing after 90 minutes. A patrolling helicopter is still overhead. Curfew has just started.

1530 GMT: AFP reports that more than 3,000 Jordanian trade unionists, Islamists, and leftists held a sit-in on Sunday outside Parliament to protest the Government's economic policies. Banners asked, "For how long should we pay the price of corruption and theft?" while chants included, "Enough of lies, we lost our future", "Jordan's blood has been sucked", "Poverty, starvation and unemployment, we've had enough", and "Jordanians are on fire... the soaring prices are killing us".

1514 GMT: Dernières nouvelles d'Algérie is now reporting five attempts at suicide by Algerian men setting themselves on fire in the last five days. At least one has died (see 1445 GMT).

1505 GMT: Tension has risen in Tunis. There are reports of shooting outside the headquarters of an opposition party --- initial claims were that it was from police clashing with a gang.

[youtube]-TMyjoz1Qtc[/youtube]

Tunisia Scenario - from a blogger on the ground in Tunis

El pueblo organiza su defensa (Alasbarricadas) - one of the better reports I've seen on what is happening in Tunis - worth translating

El segundo día del pueblo tunecino se levanta con un cielo ancho y puro que aboveda aún más el silencio tenso que se ha apoderado de las calles. Mis amigos Ainara y Amín, después de una noche de terror refugiados en la casa de un obrero cerca de la Avenida Bourguiba, donde quedaron atrapados tras la manifestación del día anterior, vienen a refugiarse a casa. Traen los periódicos y no podemos dejar de echarnos a reír con pueril entusiasmo. De la noche a la mañana los diarios en árabe del régimen de Ben Alí han acusado la revolución. As-Sabah titula: “El pueblo ha dicho su palabra”. As-shuruq, más popular, es aún más rotundo: “La voluntad del pueblo ha triunfado”. Por primera vez en su historia, en la cinta donde figura el equipo de redacción se ha añadido una frase: “diario independiente de la mañana”. Es como si el ABC encabezase su edición con un “¡viva Fidel!”.

Cuando salimos a la calle salimos ya a otro país. Son los mismos árboles, las mismas casas, las mismas gentes, pero en un mundo paralelo, en otra dimensión clónica en la que todo es exactamente distinto de su gemelo. Todo está mudo y muy pocas personas circulan por las calles de Mutuelleville. Las tiendas están cerradas; también, por supuesto, el Magazin General, que en cualquier caso, y al contrario que otros supermercados, no ha sido ni saqueado ni quemado. Encontramos finalmente una tiendecita abierta en la espalda de un edificio, junto a Charles Nicole. Una veintena de personas se agolpan frente al mostrador. Algo ha cambiado: no hay leche ni harina ni pan. Pero no es esto lo importante. La gente está -cómo decirlo- mejor educada; es más delicada, más respetuosa. No hay golpes ni empujones, no obstante el desabastecimiento y la necesidad de llevar alguna vianda a casa. Todos esperan su turno, preguntan con serenidad, se intercambian informaciones. En diez minutos hacemos una profunda amistad con una familia que expresa su alivio por la partida del dictador. Nos abrazamos. En una bolsa llevamos una botella de schweps, dos de zumo de naranja, un botecito de dentífrico, dos chocolatinas y una lata de sardinas.

En Place Pasteur, la poca gente que pasa saluda al retén militar, rodeado de alambrada de espino, que hace guardia en la entrada del Belvedere. Todos estamos tensos, tenemos miedo, pero al cruzarnos nos intercambiamos un saludo. En cada desconocido, de algún modo, reconocemos algo común, una amistad de otro tiempo que queremos verificar con este “aslema” tímido y sonriente.

Luego, hacia las dos de la tarde, la jornada se vira. Empiezan a llegar noticias de grupos armados que, en coches sin matrícula, entran en los barrios de la capital y disparan indiscriminadamente, asaltan las casas y las saquean. Los vecinos se organizan, armados de palos, para defender sus zonas. En nuestra propia calle una pandilla que esgrime cuchillos es rechazada por los habitantes de las casas contiguas, que me dicen que han pedido ayuda a la policía. Munquid, que vive en el garaje de al lado y se ocupa de regarnos las plantas en verano, me asegura, palo en ristre, que defenderá también nuestra casa.

Tras el toque de queda, que entra en vigor a las 17 h., la situación se vuelve angustiosa. El helicóptero militar que vuela desde la noche anterior por encima del barrio, con su luz roja giratoria y su sirena, rozando los tejados, pasa y pasa una y otra vez. Ayer me irritaba su rugido insistente; hoy me irrita más no oírlo. Los barrios de Túnez han organizado comités de autodefensa coordinados con el ejército para neutralizar a los “tonton macoute” de Ben Alí: 3.000 policías, se dice, que el día anterior habrían causado la muerte de cien personas y que horas antes han disparado sobre el Café Saf-Saf, en La Marsa, centro populoso de esparcimiento de nativos y turistas.

En casa, a partir de las 10 de la noche, mientras se escuchan a lo lejos, en Montfleury y Hay el-Khadra, ráfagas aisladas de metralleta, Amín organiza un centro de información; una especie de teleoperador de guerra que se comunica con los distintos frentes a través de Internet. Meher, Heyfel y Tarek están en Mourouj, Sofien en el Bardo, Taha en el Menzah, Mehdi en Cité el-Khadra, Amine y Radhouan en Kabaria, Amir en Ariana. Todos reportan minuto a minuto las evoluciones de la lucha sobre el terreno. Entre los barrios se ha organizado una especie de competencia para ver cuál de ellos detiene más coches de asesinos. La victoria por el momento es de Mourouj, donde se han arrestado diez. Es verdad que el pueblo unido jamás será vencido y si a veces parece una exageración lírica o retórica es por que no hay suficiente pueblo o no está suficientemente unido.

Hay tensión, miedo, angustia, pero también determinación en la victoria. Lo que parecía una revolución cabalgada por un golpe de Estado se está convirtiendo poco a poco en una guerra. Inquieta un poco leer los periódicos occidentales -los de España, pero también Le Monde oLiberation en Francia- y descubrir que no describen la situación en sus justos términos. Hablan de disturbios, de motines, algunos insinúan la presencia de elementos salvajes del "benalismo", pero no dicen lo que verdaderamente está ocurriendo: grupos de policías del dictador -y de las milicias de su partido- acompañados de mercenarios están tratando de doblegar al pueblo por el terror.

Pero el pueblo tunecino resiste. Una mujer exiliada en Francia decía que “el 14 de enero es nuestro 14 de julio”. Tiene razón. Lo que ha ocurrido estos días en Túnez marca un viraje histórico que saca al mundo árabe en su conjunto de la sumisión a la que parecía condenado. Argelia, Egipto, Jordania, temen el contagio. Ya nada será igual: un clavo ha sido sacado no por otro clavo sino por una flor. Y nos hemos instalado ya en otra dimensión.

El segundo día del pueblo tunecino acaba lleno de incertidumbres y angustias, con batallas en las calles, rumores interesados difundidos por los mismos medios con los que el pueblo se informa y se defiende, con la conciencia de que esto no ha acabado y de que aún hay que pelear.

Pero Mourouj 10, La Marsa 6, Cité Al-Khadra 5.

Túnez no se rinde.

Samotnaf - I've posted up various reports of what is happening but I wouldn't say it's 'already been covered'. Some of the opinions and interpretations seem contradictory, and I'm not that clear in my own mind about what is going on. Any more information or views are welcome.

Khawaga

Why call the news article the Jasmine Revolution? Apparently that's a very contentious term to use; Tunisians object to it.

Probably because of this:

Arabist

But there's another reason to stay away from "Jasmine Revolution". It was the term that deposed President Zine al-Abedine Ben Ali used in 1987 to describe his own takeover, in those initial years of his reign that offered some hope for a democratic transition. To reuse Ben Ali's propaganda phrase at this point seems perverse — whereas something like the Sidi Bouzid Revolution, marking ground zero of the movement that led to the dictator's downfall, seems so much more appropriate.

http://www.arabist.net/blog/2011/1/17/why-you-shouldnt-call-it-the-jasmine-revolution.html

Khawaga - thanks for posting this. I hadn't realised that the term 'Jasmine Revolution' was contentious. It was just that the original title of the thread seemed to have been overtaken by events and I picked up on Jasmine Revolution being used by Tunisians themselves. The connotation for me was Portugal in 1974, which probably shows my age. The Ben Ali connection confuses things.

Arabist

There's nothing wrong in flower revolutions in themselves — the term derives from the very honorable end of the fascist regime in Portugal on 25 April 1974, dubbed the Carnation Revolution.

I had been thinking about trying to write some more about possible parallels with what happened in Portugal. So far I've seen Romania, Poland, and Iran mentioned but I'm wondering if Portugal might be the closest comparison, at least in so far as this is useful at all.

Edit: Cross-posted with ocelot and MT. I've no particular attachment to the term 'Jasmine Revolution' or the title and I'd have no problem if the admins want to change it to something else. I think anyone can edit the article, including the title, subject to edits being approved by the admins - so if people want it changed it might be best if they put up their own proposals and the reasons for them. Thanks to everyone for the feedback - all comments are welcome.

Edit: I see it's already been changed...

Regarding the Carnation Revolution in Portugal the best source I've seen in English is Phil Mailer's Portugal: The Impossible Revolution, reviewed here.

Short review of Portugal: The Impossible Revolution

Reviewed by Fred Freedman

Every revolutionary struggle is accompanied by a flurry of "left" books on the subject. Portugal is of course no different. The problem is one of truth, interpretation, and who to believe. The left press is no less guilty of fraud and lies in reporting revolutionary events than the bourgeois press.

Phil Mailer's Portugal: The Impossible Revolution? is a clear analysis of the events in Portugal from April 25, 1974 to November 25, 1976 with a background chapter. It is clearly and simply written with little rhetoric. It is also openly libertarian, documenting the struggle of the Portugese people against both fascism and domination by Leninist parties whose picture of state power differs little from the fascists. The Portugese revolution is one of the three or four most important struggles for western leftists to understand and this goes a long way to shed light on the inevitable final battle that any successful revolution faces: the people vs. the parties. In Portugal this took on a special meaning, as the book makes clear.

Events in Portugal were initiated by a left leaning military coup ending a dictatorship and leading to several years of some quite radical unrest. I suppose I'm wondering if something similar might happen in Tunisia, and maybe in other Arab counties. Of course I could be completely off on the wrong track here.

Edited to add link to video of Zeca Afonso - Grândola Vila Morena, the song played on the radio in Portugal as the signal to launch the coup.

More on Libya

Libya and the vanishing videos (al-bab.com)

So far, the Gaddafi regime – for all its eccentricity – has handled the protests more smartly than the Ben Ali regime did in Tunisia. Large numbers of police have been standing by, watching, but they are said to have instructions not to open fire. The Libyan regime has also made conciliatory noises towards the protesters...

From today's liveblog

1535 GMT: In Egypt, Mohammad ElBaradei, head of the National Association for Change (NAC), called on the Egyptian regime to allow a peaceful transition of power to avoid a repetition of events in Tunisiam where violence was a response to suppression.

Al Jazeera reports that Egypt's National Defense Council, after a meeting led by President Hosni Mubarak on Saturday, decided on a number of “precautionary measures to avoid provoking citizens in the coming period", including the postponement of any planned “price hikes or new taxes."

Foreign Minister Ahmed Abul Gheit declared that fears of the Tunisian uprising spreading are just "nonsense": "Those who have such illusions and attempt to add fuel to the flames will not achieve their objectives and will themselves be harmed."

1522 GMT: The Western media have picked up on the wave of immolations by unemployed men across North Africa: four over five days in Algeria (a local newspaper said yesterday there were five --- see Sunday updates) and one in Mauritania and one in Egypt today.

1512 GMT: A union leader to Ayman Mohyeldin of Al Jazeera: "Tunisia has gotten rid of the dictator but hasnt gotten rid of the dictatorship yet".

1510 GMT: Back from academic break to find news of a peaceful protest of 200 people in Oman, monitored by a heavy police presence, over corruption and low salaries.

1250 GMT: A 40-year-old businessman in Mauritania in west Africa has set himself on fire in front of the Presidential palace, reportedly over mistreatment of his tribe.

1245 GMT: Protest in Tunis has ebbed. Angelique Chrisafis of The Guardian of London writes, "Calm on Ave Bourguiba, police and military presence. People walking about, some braving a coffee on the pavement terrace of Baghdad café."

1129 GMT: Another twist, as it appears protest and tension are both growing. CNN's Ben Wedeman: "About 2000 protesters now heading to New Dastur party. Tear gas fired. Shooting in air. Lots of tear gas....Police chasing protesters. Policeman beating man [as] he runs away."

1115 GMT: More substantial than "sniper on roof" rumours is this morning's protest of about 1000 people in Tunis. Jonathan Rugman of Britain's Channel 4 observed, "Want revolution to continue. Watercannon was brief. Police, army in control."

Ayman Mohyeldin of Al Jazeera reported that the protest was "generally...tolerated", but the security forces would not let demonstrators get near government buildings. The water cannon was used when demonstrators tried to move from trade union headquarters towards the Ministry of Interior.

Protesters demanded that the new government should not contain any "stooges" from the old regime. They chanted, "Continue your rebellion against remnants of dictatorship."

1105 GMT: A flutter in Tunis, according to the BBC's Lyse Doucet, "Crowds scatter, riot police take up position. But reported snipers on roof turn out to be tourists on balcony."

[youtube]iveCMXSgAvU[/youtube]

Tunisian Army tries to disperse crowd of protestors who are demanding the formation of any national unity government formed to be free from "Old Regime"

Photos:

"uprising must continue" protests outside trade union reject caretaker & nat'l unity govt

protest in #tunis calling for the march to freedom to continue & 2 reject fake unit govt

Events in Tunisia from a libertarian perspective

In French http://www.cnt-f.org/spip.php?article1459 and http://www.cnt-f.org/international/

In Spanish http://www.alasbarricadas.org/forums/viewtopic.php?f=25&t=49280

Khawaga - I hadn't seen that before and I suspect that generally the reporting and analysis in French is better than what we are getting in English. After all French is the main European language spoken in Tunisia and there's a big Tunisian community in France so this is natural enough. In a way it's more surprising that so much has come out in English and I think there has been a concerted effort by activists to get information translated as it comes out.

On the question of calling it a revolution, again I suppose I was thinking in terms of Portugal in 1974 where the overthrow of a dictatorship in a political revolution of sorts led on to a situation where workplaces and farms started to be occupied. I'm making the assumption that something similar may happen in Tunisia. As Taoufik ben Brik say in that quote, "Who can then honestly predict the consequences of this unfinished -- or perhaps stolen -- revolution".

That said I hadn't given much thought to using the word revolution in the title and I've no problem at all if anybody wants to change it. I take the point that "we shouldn't try to confuse "our" kind of social revolution with a change of state power". I'm still seeing this change of state power as the start of something rather than the end of it, though I may well be wrong.

baboon - Regarding trade unions in the Maghreb I think there's a distinction between the more autonomous unions of the kind that the CGT and CNT-F have links with and the ones that are closely tied in with the state. In the case of Tunisia this is less clear as basically there is only one union, the UGTT, and attempts to set up an alternative didn't get off the ground, but It seems that a more autonomous current exists within the UGTT which has played a part in the uprising. I think it's only realistic to acknowledge that this distinction exists even if you don't see unions as a way forward. I'm not disputing the official behaviour of the UGTT at all.

More extracts from today's liveblog

1720 GMT: In Algeria, the opposition party Rally for Culture and Democracy (RCD) has demanded that the Government "immediately and unconditionally" release trade unionist Ahmad Badawi, who was arrested by police in Algiers on Saturday after leaving a meeting with several officials of independent trade unions and civil society leaders.

1655 GMT: Egyptian stocks posted their biggest drop in seven months and the Egyptian pound dipped to its lowest level against the dollar in almost six years on Monday.

A trader at a bank said, "It's Tunisia, and then the man setting himself on fire in Cairo this morning.There's some hot money flying out of the market, mainly foreigners selling."

1620 GMT: Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi has announced the new Government. Some of the "old guard", such as Foreign Minister Kamel Morjane and Minister of Interior Ahmed Friaa, have retained their posts. The Ministers of Defense and of Finance also stay in place.

Najib Chebbi, founder of the opposition Progressive Democratic Party (PDP), is Minister of Regional Development. Ahmed Ibrahim, leader of the Ettajdid party, is Minister of Higher Education, and Mustafa Ben Jaafar, head of the Union of Freedom and Labour, is Minister of Health.

Prominent blogger Slim Amamou, who was detained a week before the fall of President Ben Ali and released after the collapse of the regime, will be Minister of Youth.

Ghannouchi also announced a lifting of the ban on political parties, the release of all political detainees, and the free functioning of unions and syndicates. The Ministry of Communication has been abolished, while new committees will be established for political reform, accountability for recent incidents, and fact-finding into corruption and bribery.

[youtube]eXvbiTMXfkc[/youtube]

Tunisians sceptical of new government (Al Jazeera)

Up to 1,000 protesters gathered mainly near Tunis' Habib Bourguiba Avenue to demonstrate against the announcement.

Tanks and troops were deployed, and water cannons and tear gas fired against activists who demanded that members of Ben Ali's Constitutional Democratic Rally (CDR) be excluded from the new government.

"Who did the revolt? It's the people, those trade union leaders ... they need to find their aspirations in the government. This government does not answer those aspirations," Masoud Ramadani, a workers union activist, told Al Jazeera.

Al Jazeera's correspondent Ayman Mohyeldin said protesters were "rejecting the possibility that any incoming or caretaker or national unity government could possibly have figures or leaders from the previous regime".

"They want the CDR party completely abolished, completely removed from any form of government".

(…)

One of Tunisia's best known opposition figures, Moncef Marzouki, on Monday branded his country's new government a "masquerade" still dominated by supporters of ousted strongman Ben Ali.

"Tunisia deserved much more," the secular leftist declared. "Ninety dead, four weeks of real revolution, only for it to come to this? A unity government in name only because, in reality, it is made up of members of  the party of dictatorship, the CRD,"said Marzouki on France's I-Tele.

According to Ahmed Friaa, Tunisia's interior minister, 78 people have been killed in the country during the recent turmoil, almost quadrupling the official death toll. He also estimated that the unrest had cost the country's economy $2.2 bn as a result of disruption of economic activity and lost export revenues.

Rachid al-Ghannouchi (no relation to Mohamed Ghannouchi), the exiled leader of the Nahdha Movement party, told London-based Asharq Alawsat newspaper that leaders of his party had not been invited to participate in the negotiations in forming the new unity government.

He expressed anger at the exclusion, but said his party would consider joining the government if asked to do so. 

Tunisia liveblog

1145 GMT: Ben Wedeman of CNN: "Tunisian police getting aggresive with protesters. The Army is not taking part."

Al Arabiya is now reporting five ministers have left the government.

1123 GMT: Three ministers, from the national trade union movement, have withdrawn from the Tunisian Government in protest at the presence of members from the Constitution Democratic Rally (RCD).

(...)

1115 GMT: Riot police on Habib Bourguiba Avenue, after a second round of tear gas into the crowd, are now reportedly harassing random pedestrians.

1055 GMT: Angelique Christafis of The Guardian reports protesters --- she estimates 200 on Habib Bourguiba Avenue singing the National Anthem and protesting the presence of the Constitution Democratic Rally (RCD) in the caretaker government. They have been tear-gassed and hit with batons, but keep regrouping. They are attempting to come back onto Habib Bourguiba Avenue but police won't allow the demonstration.

(…)

0945 GMT: Ben Wedeman of CNN reports, "Central Tunis getting back to normal. Stories, restaurants, cafes open again. No sign of protests."

But this is soon followed by "Small demonstration on Habib Bourgiba...getting bigger as it approached Place de l'Independence." And then: "Lots of police vans have arrived. Now two water cannons on Habib Bourguiba."

Tunisia: the need for vigilance (al-bab.com)

Having got rid of Ben Ali and his family, the question now for Tunisians is how to dismantle the system of control that he established over the last 23 years – and it's looking far from easy. Without continuous pressure from the public, the Ben Ali loyalists are likely to retrench and continue running the country much as before – minus Ben Ali of course, and perhaps in a slightly less repressive way.

The "new" government announced yesterday is not a good start. Give or take a few opposition figures, it looks suspiciously like the old one: same prime minister, same people in all the key positions. And all the opposition parties included in it are those that Ben Ali approved of – with none of the parties that he banned ...

Tunisia's popular uprising sends ripples across Eurasia

The popular uprising that swept Tunisia's longtime leader from power last week is sending ripples across other regions known for their autocratic rulers.

Following President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali's ouster amid street protests, people in Central Asia, Azerbaijan, and Iran, have started to draw parallels between the situation in Tunisia and in their own countries ...

The brutal truth about Tunisia (Robert Fisk)

Tunisian academic: 'will not recognize this band of thugs'

Tunisia: 'Don’t allow your revolution to be stolen'

La centrale syndicale tunisienne ne reconnaît pas le nouveau gouvernement

La puissante centrale syndicale tunisienne UGTT, qui a joué un grand rôle dans les manifestations ayant précipité la chute du   président Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, a affirmé mardi qu'elle "ne reconnaît pas le nouveau gouvernement" de transition formé la veille.

La direction de l'Union générale des travailleurs tunisiens (UGTT), qui tient mardi une réunion extraordinaire près de Tunis, a pris la décision "de ne pas reconnaître le nouveau gouvernement", a indiqué à l'AFP son porte-parole,   Ifa Nasr.    

L'UGTT a appelé ses trois représentants au gouvernement à s'en retirer, a ajouté ce porte-parole, soulignant que ceux qui s'y refuseraient ne représenteraient qu'eux-mêmes.    

De nombreuses voix s'élèvent en Tunisie, notamment au sein de la gauche et   de la mouvance islamiste contre la présence de membres de l'ancien gouvernement   du président déchu Ben Ali dans la nouvelle équipe de transition formée lundi.

Auto

What's the deal with Slim Amamou? He has the Sab Cat as his Twitter bacground - but I take it he's not an Anarchist or an Anarcho-Syndicalist?

According to the Guardian

It's a sign of the dizzying speed of change in Tunisia that today he was being sworn in by the prime minister as minister for youth and sport, live-tweeting that the first clash between members of the ruling RCD party was over the fact that "I'm not wearing a tie.".

Amamou is the CEO of a web development company and calls himself a "partisan of the neutrality of the net". A member of the Pirate Party, inspired by the Swedish movement, he has been active on the underground blogger's circuit for many years.

I can't say I know anything about the Pirate Parties beyond what I've read on wikipedia.

More from the liveblog

1335 GMT: BBC's Lyse Doucet: "Protestors in Tunisia carrying olive branches, pushed olive trees in pots across street to stop police cars. They did."

1324 GMT: A spokesman for Slim Amamou, the prominent blogger and new Minister of Youth and Sport, tells the BBC that he will not leave the Cabinet.

Amamou confirms, "Je ne demissionnerais pas pour faire comme les autres, je démissionnerais quand je le deciderais." ("I will not resign like the others. I will resign when I decide to.")

1320 GMT: BBC's Lyse Doucet: "Protestors running again. Tear gas fired. Taste it. Smell it." And a few minutes later: "In this area, streets shrouded in tear gas. Police & army taking positions on corners. Protestors scattered."

1315 GMT: Video has been posted of a rally in Gabes protesting against a government which includes the Constutional Democratic Rally (RCD).

1245 GMT: Another twist in the protests, according to BBC's Lyse Doucet: "Extraordinary scene earlier..army stood between protestors and police. Told police to move back. Crowds cheered. Some hugged soldiers."

1225 GMT: BBC's Lyse Doucet reports, "Army still firing shots in air..but most protestors have scattered."

The Saudi plan for the Islamization of the Tunisian Uprising (angryarab.blogspot)

The Tunisian Uprising (it is not a Revolution as of yet--it all depends whether it leads to thorough deep social and economic and political changes in Tunisia--and please stop using those cute Western labels like Jasmin Revolution and Batata Revolution, they annoy me a great deal) is going through a crucial phase. It all depends. No Revolution succeeds with one strike: the success of Revolution is a function of pushing through AFTER the initial successes.

The old regime is trying--with US/French/Saudi (and Arab state system) to be resurrected. The old regime bizarrely kept the key four ministries of the Tunisian cabinet. Leftist and nationalist rebels in Tunisia are aware of those dangers, as they tell me. They can't succeed until they push ahead for more radical changes.

Yet, there is also a danger to spoil what has been a secular uprising: Qatar AND Saudi Arabia are both pushing and promoting the lousy Tunisian Islamist, Rashid Ghannushi who will be returning to Tunis.  Ghannushi freely admits that he and his lousy Nahdah Party had no role whatsoever in the uprising and yet he is being promoted because the Arab state system is afraid of the consequences of a secular Arab uprising. The lousy tele-Islamist, Yusuf Al-Qaradawi, is a friend of Ghannushi and he also pushes for his promotion--presumably at Aljazeera where Qaradawi unfortunately still wields great influence.

From a blogger in Tunis...

Tuesday 18 January 2011

As night rolled around, I had just started changing out of my daytime clothes into my all black, athletic nighttime ensamble when I heard gunshots.

I was just starting to go outside to see what was going on, when a female canadian friend of mine who lives in my neighborhood (we're the only westerners here) called me. Her Tunisian boyfriend was out on the street already and she wanted to know if I had seen him or knew what was going on. Per usual I had no idea whatsoever what was going on and she told me that the shooting was coming from Rue Imam Muslem, and that she had seen people running down the street carrying electronics and other valuables. 

I ran over there and saw a huge group of people standing around a large, well built house with broken windows. There was an Army truck outside and soldiers were shooting in the air to make people give them room.

I saw my friend Leila there and she told me that the house belonged relatives of Ben Ali. The relatives had fled the country and now people were looting the house.

The soldiers had come on the scene midway through, but since everyone hates Ben Ali, the soldiers allowed people to take anything they could carry away. After everything was gone the people had wanted to burn the house down for good measure.

While the soldiers here are typically laisse faire when it comes to robbing the former ruling families, they have a strict "no burning anything" policy and began firing in the air to stop people from setting things on fire.

They then talked to a local group of stick wielding citizens who built a barricade around the house.

Then i went up the street and played soccer (football for all you non-Americans) with a bunch of kids at a barricade.

From the same blog

xerocada asked

Would you define "pro-army/government police"?

BBC's coverage today indicated that there is still a lot of sporadic violence in the capital as well as confusion as to the composition of the interim government. Please comment.

The worst violence  of the last few days involved the army and local citizens groups fighting (unidentified and partially identified) well armed and well organized cells of terrorists.

I generally have referred to these people as "terrorists" and Tunisians have been using the term "militia." They are the ones going around shooting random people and soldiers and burning down government buildings.

This "militia" is almost definitely made up of former security forces, most likely certain elements of the presidential bodyguard and/or high ranking "special police" linked to the interior ministry.

In the first day of the violence these men kept their uniforms on during the day, and my friend saw a bunch of non-military security forces in black uniforms open fire on a group of people peacefully celebrating the end of the regime.

At night they changed into plain clothes and drove around killing soldiers and civilians and generally doing nasty things.

These are the anti-military/government police.

However, it seems that most local police were not involved in this terrorism and they are currently working with the army, especially during the day. These are who i mean by the pro-army/government police (ie. they are not shooting at soldiers and they are not trying to terrorize the new government out of existence.

The clashes in Tunis have been protests, and I haven't heard of anyone being shot at them yet. As of yesterday my friends were seeing heavy-machine-gun toting Militia exchanging fire with Army helicopters. As far as I have heard those pitched gun battles are over.

Video: interview with Arabist about the impact of the Tunisia uprising in Egypt

Tunisia and the region (Arabist)

The elation felt across the Arab world over the Tunisian uprising is deep and palpable. It is not simply that, like most people, Arabs are pleased to see a long-repressed people finally have a shot at gaining their freedom. It is also that many recognise themselves in the Tunisian people and share their hopes, their fears, and also their guilt.

Living in a dictatorship is not simply about shutting up and putting up. It is a humiliation, an abasement of the human spirit, that is reinforced on a daily basis. Every time you lower your voice when mentioning a political leader, every time you shrug off rampant corruption as a fact of life that has no redress, every time you bend the rules in a country where connections systematically trump the rule of law, every time you consider emigration simply to get away from the ambient mediocrity and stasis, you forfeit a little piece of dignity.

Tunisians lived this way for decades, and the Ben Ali regime, which inspired such dread, turned out to be rotten and hollow. This small, well-educated and relatively prosperous country of 10 million – despite the rioting, looting and score-settling that has taken place over the past week – has a real chance at making an unprecedented breakthrough for this region and become genuinely democratic. And if successful, this breakthrough will have been made in spite of western support for the Tunisian regime, and without palace plots and military adventurism. It may yet turn out to be the genuine item, a progressive popular revolution...

The denial of denial is confirmation (Egyptian Chronicles)

The denial of denial is confirmation, something we have learnt in Arabic grammar and this is what the Mubarak regime is doing now day and night to prove to us that what happened in Tunisia can’t happen in Egypt despite all the bets and expectations, despite all the tensions and despite all the fiascos on all levels.

(...)

Yesterday in a basketball match in Alexandria the Alexandrian fans chanted “Tunisia, Tunisia, Tunisia” when they were harassed by the security by the way...

[youtube]wmbCyqp0k28[/youtube]

Tunisia crisis: live updates (Guardian)

2.06pm: There's more evidence of protests spreading in the Arab world, this time from Yemen.

Videos have emerged of a demonstration in support of the Tunisian uprising in the capital Sana'a. Here's a sample:

[youtube]gdzsqRQlz6o[/youtube]

Photos from a demo in Bizerte today (nawaat.org)

BBC videos

Taking the temperature on the streets of Tunis

Will the new Tunisian national unity government be enough to satisfy people demanding complete change at the top? And will it cool the temperature on the streets?

Lyse Doucet talks to people in the shops and restaurants of the capital Tunis to find out how they feel.

Broadcast on Monday 17 January 2011

Tunisia's new national unity government in tatters

Tunisia's new National Unity government looks to be in tatters just a day after it was set up.

Several ministers resigned on Tuesday and the streets of Tunis erupted again, with protesters angry at what they see as the survival of the old regime under a new guise.

The interim president and prime minister have now said they are leaving the ruling party as Rupert Wingfield-Hayes reports.

Protest and clashes between school students and police in Nouakchott, the capital of Mauritania on Tuesday (machine translation).

On twitter: 'There have been protests inspired by Tunisia in Oman in front empty govt offices since bureaucrats work until 14:30.'

Also on twitter: 'Majority of European Parliament rejects resolution supporting Tunisian people.'

This decision, in extraordinary circumstances, reflects the values and principles which define our movement and the position of the International on developments in that country.

Quite

Picking up on one of those stories...

French industry eyes Tunisia

France's industry federation chief said on Tuesday that following the expulsion of former president Zine Al Abidine Ben Ali, he sees major possibilities for future French investment in Tunisia if corruption and nepotism are dealt with. 

Former colonial ruler France is the North African nation's top business partner with about 1,250 companies operating there. French firms invested about 139 million euros ($185.5 million) in Tunisia in 2009.

"I am extremely hopeful," MEDEF President Laurence Parisot told reporters. "There is a huge potential that was completely shackled by nepotism and corruption," she said.

(…)

"I've spoken previously to big French companies that wanted to set up in Tunisia, but they couldn't because they simply had to refuse (certain) conditions," Parisot said.

Many foreign firms that did business in Tunisia were forced to enter into partnership with relatives of Ben Ali and his wife Leila's Trabelsi family.

One question at the back of my mind has been what will happen to the large sector of the Tunisian economy that was directly owned by members of the families of Ben Ali and Leila Trabelsi. Nationalisation? Sale to foreign investors? Privatisation with an asset grab by the Tunisian business and political class? Attempts at self-management?

What Tunisia proved - and disproved - about political change in the Arab world

The Tunisian uprising raises so many questions that it is difficult to focus on only one or two, but one of the intriguing aspects of the January 2011 events is that they simultaneously strengthened and smashed several longstanding pieces of conventional wisdom about how political change might come to Arab countries.

(…)

Until the recent events in Tunisia, however, the theory went that even with all those reasons for public discontent, no Arab population could overthrow an authoritarian leader without a cohesive opposition movement. Analysts cited the weakness of political parties in the Arab world as one of the main reasons for the persistence of authoritarian governments. And yet the Tunisian opposition was among the weakest in the Arab world: none of the three small opposition parties (the Democratic Progressive Party, Renewal Movement, and the Democratic Forum for Labor and Liberties) that initially joined the transitional government, nor the exiled Islamist Renaissance (Nahda) Party, played a significant role in the uprising. They certainly did not form a cohesive front capable of putting pressure on the government, and none of their leaders are charismatic figures who inspired protestors. Nor did labor unions, professional syndicates, or other organizations fill the organizational role in a major way. And so it apparently is possible for a population to put enough pressure on an Arab authoritarian leader to step down even if it lacks strong opposition organizations and compelling leadership.          
 
Tunisia has its own peculiarities—a population prosperous and educated enough to have high expectations, more equality of the sexes than exists in other Arab countries, and a relatively weak Islamist political movement—that undoubtedly contributed to the fact that the Jasmine Revolution occurred there and not elsewhere, and that it had a strikingly liberal and secular countenance. It is far from certain where Tunisia will go from here, and whether the country will move smoothly from a revolution with relatively little bloodshed to a truly democratic political system.
 
Still, whatever happens from now on, the Tunisians have taught all observers at least three unforgettable lessons: first, widespread economic grievances such as youth unemployment can indeed quickly translate into specific demands for political change, and second, this can happen even in the absence of strong opposition organizations. The third lesson of Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolution was perhaps the most memorable of all: when long-postponed change finally comes, it is often startling how relatively little effort and time it can take.
 
Michele Dunne, Arab Reform Bulletin

Tunisia crisis: live updates (Guardian)

Tunisia liveblog

1145 GMT: AFP reports on this morning's protests in Tunis....

Demonstrators chanted, "Parliament and a new Constitution", "Revolution against the remnants of Ben Ali", "Minister of Finance [Ridha Chalghoum], Friend of Tripoli", "Ben Ali's party, go", and "Victims of police participated in the revolution" before singing the national anthem.

Security forces prevented the rally from walking along Habib Bourguiba Avenue toward the Ministry of the Interior. Police Colonel Najm al-Din Ziguli said, "Instructions have been given not to confront the protesters and not to fire tear gas. They can protest in front of the Democratic Progressive Assembly without passing near the Ministry of the Interior."

(…)

1050 GMT: Ben Wedeman of CNN writes that demonstrators are back on the main avenue in Tunis, "Big protest brewing in Habib Bourguiba but so far its peaceful." The current estimate is 700 to 800 demonstrators.

(…)

1025 GMT: Earlier this morning, we closed our analysis of the Tunisian Government's position with an observation on prominent blogger and Minister of Youth and Sport Slim Amamou: "[He] said he would resign when he decided, not when others did. But that only brought further - questions. What should he decide?"

Well, Amamou has given an immediate answer to the BBC World Service: "This is a temporary government in special conditions. The purpose is to set up elections as soon as possible. We are not the real government, we are not here to govern for a long time. It's for the good of the country just to pass this period."
He assured, "I'm free to say whatever I want, and to report what's going on in government."

Pues eso: revolución

One of the better reports I've seen from the ongoing protests in Tunis. In Spanish unfortunately.

Without God on our side

One of the most refreshing things about the Tunisian uprising – and very unusual for the Middle East – has been the lack of meddling by external interests. Apart from a few mouse-like squeaks from the state department, the US stayed out of it and so too did God, along with his self-appointed representatives on earth.

In most Arab countries, Islamists are seen as the main alternative to existing regimes – which suits the regimes fine because it scares people into supporting them. In Tunisia, though, as George Joffe explained, the organisational strength of the uprising came mainly from the country's biggest trade union, the UGTT, with students and thousands of disaffected citizens also joining in. The rhetoric was broadly leftist rather than religious.

Hopefully, what Tunisia can provide for the Middle East is a new model – a secular alternative to the Iranian revolution. There are no ayatollahs waiting in the wings. The Islamists will probably resurface after two decades of suppression, but there are no indications that they have a large popular following in Tunisia and they are unlikely to play anything more than a minor role in the country's political future.

If the Tunisian revolution continues on its current path, we could even see the beginnings of a post-Islamist phase in the Arab countries.

Brian Whitaker

CEMB forum -- Ex-muslims discussing Tunisia

Here's a report from the Telegraph that's interesting because in passing it mentions 'revolutionary committees of workers ... set to strip power from state-appointed directors'. It doesn't give any more details and there's nothing to say how widespread this is, how these committees operate or how far they are going.

Some of the reporting that has come out of Tunisia has actually been quite good after the initial delay, but I suspect journalists may be missing things which are important but don't fit in with their worldview. There's plenty been written about role of the internet and the supposed Islamist threat etc, but very little about the organisation of the uprising, the unions and the left.

It's also worth noting that not much is being written about what is happening in the back country towns where the uprising began. If you take the view that politics is about the formation of governments and what goes on in the capital city then that makes a kind of sense but I'm not sure how far it deals with what actually matters in Tunisia at the moment.

Tunisia's new government implodes on day one

The revolt against the apparatchiks who wielded unquestioned power under Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali, the ex-president, spread inside official buildings and institutions linked to the former dictator and his family.

Revolutionary committees of workers were set to strip power from state-appointed directors. At Presse, a French language newspaper that was the mouthpiece of Ben Ali, a faction of the workforce deposed the editor-in-chief. Ex-propagandists proclaimed their loyalty to the so-called Jasmine revolution that forced Mr Ben Ali to flee.

"The Jasmine revolution is good and we must say so," declared Souad Ben Sulieman, the culture editor. "Tunisia has no legitimate government until the revolution is won."

Mayoral offices across the country were reported to be besieged by crowds numbering up to several thousand and employees were demanding that hated local leaders step aside...

From the New York Times

The press watchdog Reports Without Borders has repeatedly listed Ben Ali among the world's 40 top "predators" of the media.

"Journalists and human rights activists are the target of constant bureaucratic harassment, police violence and surveillance by the intelligence services," the group says in its 2010 report. Independent journalists suffered reprisals, and foreign journalists are assigned minders by a regime "almost obsessive about control of news and information."

Such pressures were a daily reality for journalists at the state-run paper La Presse. Inspired by the new climate, they revolted and dismissed their boss, Gawhar Chatty, and set up their own interim committee to run the paper.

When Chatty showed up at the office Monday after a call advising him to stay home, cartoonist Lotfi marched into his office for the final farewell.

"We informed him (by phone) that we're taking charge of the paper and if he comes in we'll break his face, excuse the expression," managing editor Faouzie Mezzi told AP Television News.

Protests spread to the BBC?

BBC Arabic staff on strike over extra working hours (Al Arabiya)

Journalists in the Arabic section of the British Broadcasting Company (BBC) went Tuesday on a two-day strike in protest of extra hours added to their working schedule with no financial compensation.

(…)

Tuesday’s strike is the first in a series of other strikes planned by NUJ members at the BBC Arabic service, said Bassem Kamel, news anchor head of NUJ at BBC Arabic. 

“NUJ members at the channel will stage several other strikes, each lasting for 48 hours, in order to put pressure on the administration to go back to the negotiating table,” Kamel told AlArabiya.net.

(…)

AlArabiya.net tried contacting the administration of the BBC Arabic service to gauge its reaction on Tuesday’s strike. However, the administration refused to comment and only issued a statement expressing its resentment at what it labeled an “unjustified” action…

From the liveblog

2135 GMT: Elaph reports that about 50 people are continuing a sit-in protest on Habib Bourguiba Avenue in Tunis, breaking the 8 p.m. curfew.

2045 GMT: Al Arabiya reports that 1800 political prisoners have been released in Tunisia.

1945 GMT: Tunisian TV says 33 members of deposed President Ben Ali's family arrested. It is showing seized gold, jewelry, credit cards, and property confiscated from old regime figures.

1710 GMT: Minister of Regional Development Najid Chebbi said that Tunisia has freed all remaining political prisoners, including members of the banned al-Nahda Party.

1515 GMT: Angelique Christafis of The Guardian of London reports, "Real change: peaceful protestors chant 'RCD out'. No teargas. Police letting them demonstrate."

1500 GMT: Peter Beaumont of The Observer of London writes: "In Tunis. Mood good-natured in city centre. Someone's put flowers on the tank at one end of Avenue Habib Bourguiba. Demo at other but no [tear] gas."

1305 GMT: Reuters reports that Switzerland is freezing the assets of deposed Tunisian President Ben Ali.

[youtube]RBmL_OqaS_I[/youtube]

Since Friday, Yemen sees daily anti-government protests (Al Arabiya)

Hundreds of Yemeni protesters inspired by the Tunisian revolution took the streets to chant anti-government slogans in a university in Sanaa, Middle East Online reported on Wednesday.



Yemeni police fired warning shots to disperse the demonstrators in Sanaa University. No injuries were reported despite the ani-riot police resorting to gunfire. Several students were also arrested, but according to a security official the arrested students were soon released.



The police failed to break the protest and were able only to contain it at the university’s campus.

Demonstrators at the university chanted in support of Tunisia in the wake of popular protests that toppled the North African's country's iron-fisted leader, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali .

"Revolution, revolution, people against the frightened leader," they shouted. "Liberty's Tunisia, Sanaa salutes you a thousand times," shouted the students. "Toppling the corrupt (leader) is a duty." 

Similar protests have been ongoing on a nearly daily basis in Yemen since Friday, when Ben Ali escaped to Saudi Arabia, ending his 23 years in power.

[youtube]g619tp3UNhE[/youtube]

Photos

Video: RCD out

Video: how to leave the RCD

More videos

liveblog

1050 GMT: CNN's Ben Wedeman reports from Tunis, "Shooting in air [by] soldiers blocking entrance to RCD [Party] headquarters."

1045 GMT: The first video game featuring former President Ben Ali as the target, "Mon Sniper", is now on the Internet.

1030 GMT: Hundreds of students from the University of Boukhalfa, near Tizi Ouzou in northern Algeria, marched on Thursday morning to police headquarters. They protested living conditions and chanted slogans against the Government.

The protesters, who came by bus, were blocked by a cordon of police. The demonstrators refused to divert the march as they chanted, "Stop Corruption" and "Terrorist Government", displaying a banner, "Only the struggle pays!"

0845 GMT: News is breaking that all members of the Tunisian Cabinet who were in the Constitutional Democratic Rally, which had held power since 1956, have left the party.

Al Arabiya reports that Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi has turned down the request of deposed President Ben Ali to return to Tunisia, saying it is "impossible".

0825 GMT: Al Jazeera clarifies that the release of all political prisoners in Tunisia is expected today.

0750 GMT: The Tunisian Central Bank has taken control of the Zaytuna Islamic Bank, which had been owned by Sakher El Materi, the son-in-law of ousted President Ben Ali.

Materi founded the bank in 2009 and it began activities last year.

0745 GMT: The social media network of the US State Department is pushing this line via Twitter: "The people of Tunisia have spoken. The interim government must create a genuine transition to democracy. The United States will help."

0735 GMT: All appears to have been quiet overnight in Tunisia. Indeed, there was a reduction in tension throughout Wednesday, with a protest in Tunis proceeding without confrontation and with the curfew eased to 8 p.m. 

(…)

CNN, meanwhile, is looking beyond Tunis, "Jordan Protesters Inspired by Tunisian Ripple":

Long before Tunisians took to the streets, Jordan was already mired in a deep economic downturn that prompted a series of protests.

But when several hundred demonstrators peacefully gathered outside the parliament in Amman last Sunday, they added a new slogan to their often-repeated complaints about government corruption and the soaring cost of living. "A salute," they shouted, "from Amman to proud Tunis."

Video: demonstrators demand new democracy

Mood in Tunisia lifts, but revolution may not be over (Guardian)

Welcome to post-Islamism (al-bab.com)

Some barricades being removed

My neighbors who are relatives of Ben Ali (the ones in the nice house I mentioned earlier) supposedly got attacked today. It was nothing major though.

Rumor is that they had taken out some loans when their relative was President and never paid them back because they didn't have to. Supposedly, now that their license to steal is gone, the people who they owe money to were trying to get some of it back.

Anyways I guess the lenders punched a guy and threatened them, and now a squad of 5 or 6 military guys is posted up on my block.(unfortunately they were the first people I have met in this conflict who refused to have their pictures taken) This is a good thing, as it makes us extremely secure, and as a result we didn't even bother building the barricade on my street tonight. (we take it down every morning so people can use their cars and park for the stores and mosque)

Since our houses are safe, My neighbor invited me to come hang out at his friends barricade. His friend lives on a main street close to my house, so we grabbed our Assahs (sticks used for defense) and walked over.

On the way over, we stopped by a black market beer shop and picked up a bunch of beers. The beer dealers were operating out of a somewhat run down house and got down just like dope dealers in America...a bunch of big older guys were sitting around watching, and 14 year olds would take your money and give you the beer.

We got to the barricade and chilled out and gave beers to the guys who don't pray. We had checked about five or ten cars when a military truck came rumbling by. He said that though the situation was still not settled, things has improved enough that the Soldiers wanted us to remove the barricades on the major streets, although we could still keep them on the side streets.

We quickly removed the the main barricade but still controlled access to the side streets. The local police are driving around now, but in every car of three policemen must have one soldier in it. This is because neither the military, nor anyone I have talked to, trusts the police.

When one of these mixed cars drove by our barricade, one of my new friends yelled at it something that basically means "much respect to the soldiers, fuck the police."

Eventually I headed back towards my house and went to my other friend's corner, where practically the entire block was out drinking coffee and eating cake.

As much as I hope things get back to normal, I hope the blockparty-like atmosphere atmosphere in my neighborhood continues.

Palestinian authority blocks Tunisia rally

The Palestinian Authority refused to grant permission for a rally to celebrate the overthrow of Tunisia’s authoritarian president on Wednesday in Ramallah, the administrative capital of the West Bank.

The French newspaper Le Monde reported that a few dozen Palestinians who defied the ban arrived in the square in Ramallah where the rally was to take place only to find that they were outnumbered by members of the ruling Fatah party, who chose the same time and place to stage a demonstration in support of Palestinians held in Israeli jails.

According to the Palestinian Maan news agency, “It was not clear whose demonstration was planned first.”

A correspondent for Le Monde, Benjamin Barthe, observed that a police cordon around the square and “the presence among the demonstrators of many mukhabarat (secret police) officers left little doubt about the Palestinian Authority’s intention to prevent any expression of solidarity with the ‘jasmine revolution’ ” in Tunisia, which led the president, Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, to flee into exile.

The reporter added that just as one young Palestinian began to wave a Tunisian flag, an officer grabbed it, on the grounds that it was disturbing the demonstration in honor of the prisoners.

Omar Barghouti, a leading Palestinian human rights activist who was present at the thwarted celebration, told the French newspaper: “It’s unbelievable. … The police are in the process of confirming the charge that the Palestinian Authority is on the side of Ben Ali and that it also fears the people and the street.”

(…)

Shawan Jabarin, the director of al-Haq, a Palestinian human rights group, told Le Monde that it was the president’s office that had banned the demonstration and “all use of the Tunisian flag.” He added that his contacts in the Palestinian government indicated that “they were scared of the slightest spark leading to an uprising against Israel or people demanding accountability from the Palestinian Authority.” ...

Protests erupt in Yemen, president offers reform

Thousands protested in southern Yemen on Thursday to reject political reforms proposed by the government, including a limit on presidential terms, saying they did not go far enough.

The government announced its reform plans in the face of growing discontent that sparked sporadic protests this week.

Opposition parties said they would meet on Saturday to discuss the offer, as thousands of people demonstrated in the southern town of Taiz.

President Ali Abdullah Saleh has ruled Yemen for over three decades.

(…)

Yemenis in the north said dwindling protest turnouts in the capital Sanaa meant widespread revolt was unlikely. Analyst Abdulkarim Salam in Sanaa said the tribal systems that dominate Yemeni life were the biggest impediment.

"Of course it's hard to know what will happen in the coming days, but the situation here is different because allegiances here lie first with tribes, clans or even families" he said.

Yemen, the Arab world's poorest country, is facing soaring unemployment and the oil reserves that buoy its economy are dwindling. Almost half of its population of 23 million lives on $2 a day or less.

Two protests this week at Sanaa University criticised autocratic Arab leaders, including Saleh. Protesters held signs with the warning: "Leave before you are forced to leave." ...

Edited to add: Yemeni protesters target Salih (al-bab.com)

On twitter

Important upcoming dates for protests: Algeria 22 Jan, Egypt 25 Jan

A warning message to the Algerian government, video version: http://is.gd/U9uc1E

The sixth in a series of daily reports from Tunis...

El sexto día del pueblo tunecino: haciendo planes

En el sexto día del pueblo tunecino circula un chiste entre la gente: “hemos echado a Ali Babá, pero se han quedado los 40 ladrones”.

Por sexto día consecutivo, cientos de ciudadanos violan la ley marcial, que impide reunirse a más de tres personas, y alcanzan esta vez la Avenida Bourguiba, invadiendo el boulevard central. La policía deja hacer. La atmósfera, bajo un cielo a franjas blancas y azules, es completamente distinta del día anterior. Toda la tensión se ha esfumado. Se tiene la certeza de la debilidad del gobierno o al menos de que su estrategia, a la espera del consejo de ministros aplazado hasta el jueves, pasa por no usar la fuerza. De hecho, hemos llegado hasta allí por calles de nuevo populosas, con muchas tiendas abiertas y felizmente abastecidas, y en medio de un tráfico relativamente nutrido. Los bancos, que aún no entregan dinero, están también abiertos. Pero no es la normalidad. O sí: es precisamente la normalidad. Da la sensación de que, por primera vez en 23 años, en Túnez ocurre algo normal. Como si se hubiese levantado la tapa del cielo sobre sus cabezas.

En el boulevard de la Bourguiba, los manifestantes manifiestan, al mismo tiempo que su rechazo al RCD, su simple existencia, su anchura y longitud, el despliegue máximo de su realidad compartida. Gritan de nuevo consignas vigorosamente abstractas (“Pueblo, libertad, patria, dignidad”), hacen ondear la bandera de Túnez, cantan una y otra vez el himno nacional. Abren sus apretadas filas para que pasen los tranvías, que exhiben en los parabrisas leyendas contra el RCD y el ilegítimo gobierno de coalición, y se cierran de nuevo para seguir alzando sus voces. Se dejan llevar por la sensación, quizás peligrosa, de que ya han vencido. Y convierten el boulevard en una concentración, pero también en un desfile festivo, donde cada participante expresa a su manera, en un trozo de papel, mediante una frase o una imagen, su decisión: “Respetad la voluntad del pueblo”, “Bel Ali+RCD=terrorismo”, “Fuera Ghanouchi”. Seis jóvenes vestidos de negro pasan muy deprisa, adelante y atrás, cargando sobre sus hombres un ataúd en el que está escrito: “RCD, al basurero de la historia”. Y todos nos conmovemos cuando pasa un hombre mostrando un montaje fotográfico en el que aparece Mohammed Bouazizi, el mártir de Sidi Bousid, con la cinta presidencial cruzándole el pecho sobre una leyenda que dice: “Bouazizi, presidente”.

Hay alegría y orgullo; de pronto los tunecinos se han convertido en el símbolo de la resistencia contra las dictaduras y muchos no se creen lo que han sido capaces de hacer. Ines Tlili, cámara de cine, dice exultante de felicidad: “Ayer veía las noticias en la tv y me sentía perpleja y feliz: ¡somos nosotros!”.

Grupos de militantes e intelectuales discuten en corros excitados. Se cita a Lenin, a Rosa Luxemburgo, la revolución francesa, la rusa, la china. También se citan los casos de Cuba y Venezuela.

- Podemos organizarnos de manera autónoma -dice el hermano de Ben Brik, el famoso periodista perseguido por el régimen, y continua: - Hay que aprovechar la autogestión defensiva de los barrios para formar consejos y comunas.

- Necesitamos una alternativa organizada -dice otro.

- Precisamente no hay nada más organizado que la espontaneidad.

- Pero piénsalo un poco. La economía de nuestro país depende del turismo, la emigración y el sector textil en manos extranjeras. En un mes todo eso puede venirse abajo. Pueblo y libertad son ideas abstractas. Necesitamos un plan concreto. ¿Lo tienes?

- Lo tengo. Jóvenes organizados en los barrios y un gobierno de unidad nacional formado por la UGTT y los partidos de izquierdas.

Que el régimen siga en pie, que las milicias de Ben Alí no hayan sido derrotadas, que la ruptura no se haya consumado, no es obstáculo para esta eclosión de febril actividad constructiva. Hay formas de alegría que demandan precisamente planificación, aunque no se disponga aún de los medios para ello.

Amira, joven actriz, hace también planes para difundir la cultura en los pueblos más castigados y en los sectores más desfavorecidos de Túnez. “En el sur la vida de los jóvenes es desoladora. El único recurso que se les ha proporcionado es la prostitución del turismo. No hay cine ni centros culturales ni teatro ni nada. Es necesario llevarles todo eso como factor inseparable de la soberanía política y de la conciencia colectiva, quebrada intencionadamente por la dictadura de Ben Ali”.

Las situaciones de excitación revolucionaria actualizan todos los mitos, que son en realidad atajos celerísimos hacia la armonía total. Najib es un contable cuarentón que trabaja en una institución pública. Se ha mezclado con los intelectuales y militantes y ha discutido con ellos en pie de igualdad, haciendo gala de una vasta, aunque vacilante, cultura histórica autodidacta. Se define como musulmán, aunque declara enseguida que no votaría jamás por el Nahda. Tiene su propia solución: no se trata de acabar con el RCD sino con todos los partidos, todos los sindicatos, todas las instituciones. ¿Y entonces? ¿Cómo gobernar el país? “El pueblo”, dice con aplomo, “el pueblo tunecino está preparado, es inteligente, es genial. Cualquier tunecino puede poner en marcha un avión o gestionar un hospital”. Después de lo que el pueblo ha hecho en los últimos treinta días, es fácil creer en los milagros.

Se canta, se baila, se cuentan, por lo demás, historias que abonan la excitación emancipatoria. En distintos lugares de la ciudad los trabajadores habrían expulsado a sus patrones y tomado sus centros de trabajo. Los empleados de la compañía de seguros Star habrían obligado al director a abandonar descalzo el edificio de la compañía. De otras ciudades de Túnez siguen llegando noticias de asaltos a sedes del RCD. Se anuncia además un inminente comunicado de todos los partidos de izquierda, reunidos para coordinar una estrategia común frente al gobierno de Ghanouchi.

De vuelta a casa, en un Túnez extrañamente festivo en el que los tanques alegran casi la vista, nos emociona ver a un viejo que reparte su baguette de pan, mendrugo a mendrugo, entre los paseantes y más adelante un pequeño puesto de verduras en el que puede leerse el siguiente anuncio: “el que tenga dinero que pague, el que no que coja gratis”.

Unas ochenta personas permanecen toda la noche en la Avenida Bourguiba para esperar el aluvión del día siguiente.

Estamos a punto de engañarnos y acostarnos contentos.

Pero a las 10.30 llegan noticias del Mourouj. Las milicias del dictador están asaltando el barrio y se enfrentan a tiros con el ejército, que ha pedido a los comandos de autodefensa que se refugien en las casas para evitar víctimas civiles.

A veces los humanos han cambiado ya mientras las estructuras siguen en pie. Y eso es bueno si se quiere tumbarlas.

Alma Allende

A rough translation of a few extracts from this article:

"We can organise ourselves in an autonomous manner," says the brother of Ben Brik, the famous journalist persecuted by the regime, and continues: "It's necessary to take advantage of the defensive self-management of the neighbourhoods to form councils and communes."

Najib is an accountant in his forties who works in a public institution. He has mixed with the intellectuals and militants and has argued with them on an equal footing … He defines himself as a muslim, although he declares straight away that he will never vote for El Nahda. He has his own solution: it consists not of finishing with the RCD, but finishing with all the parties, all the unions, all the institutions…

In different places in the city the workers have thrown out their bosses and taken over their workplaces. The employees of the Star insurance company have forced the director to abandon the building barefoot. News keeps on arriving from other cities than Tunis of assaults on RCD offices…

Entdinglichung

an interview with an exiled Socialist from Tunesia: http://cpgb.org.uk/article.php?article_id=1004236

For anyone who hasn't clicked on the link here is part of that interview with London based exile Nadim Mahjoub.

It is said that there are decades when weeks happen and weeks when decades happen. Clearly in Tunisia we are witnessing a shift from the former to the latter...

In 2003 we also saw large-scale demonstrations of students and trade unionists against the regime, but these were suppressed. What has changed now?

Something deeper has happened - I have never seen such determination from people on the streets. For them it is not about Ben Ali, but about toppling the whole regime. The current protests can certainly be seen as a continuation of the opposition organised by, for example, the leftwing coalition of trade unions in 2003. These demonstrations were organised independently of the UGGT (Tunisian General Union of Labour), which really has been a tool of the state in maintaining social peace. Just like in 2003 it is the trade unions that organised the protests and demonstrations, but what we are seeing now is on a different scale - the army has sided with the protests, for example.

What about the student movement? What explains its relative strength?

The student movement has always played an important opposition role. The regime made a big mistake because, although it tried to clamp down on all currents in the student movement, its focus was on the Islamists. So leftwing students had more leeway and continued to organise. Now that the universities have been closed down, thousands of students are on the streets, alongside workers and a section of the middle class and intellectuals.

(…)

What are the main forces on the left?

I will not speak about those supposedly ‘left’ groups who joined the coalition government. Of the rest, the Workers Communist Party of Tunisia is the biggest and has been dominant in the student movement for quite a long time. In addition there are various Trotskyist groupings which are very small in size - it is very difficult to assess their relative strengths without being on the ground, but they too were largely confined to the university campuses. The WCPT is in part successful because it combines underground activity with open work in the media - it has appeared on Al-Jazeera, France 24, etc. But they are not a large force across the country as a whole, and tend to be concentrated in particular areas amongst students and union militants.

The WCPT’s call for a constituent assembly is finding some resonance amongst the trade union left: ie those leading the marches and demonstrations currently. With such agitation there is a good chance that they can spread this message and even influence the army. This is crucial actually. As long as the army is on the side of the protestors then there is a real possibility of the movement spreading. But all this is very difficult to predict at the moment.

(…)

I am involved in the Tunisia Solidarity Campaign (although I am giving you my personal view). We are holding our second meeting this week and one of the things we will be discussing is how to link the British workers’ movement with trade unions in Tunisia.

(…)

What is your own political background?

I left Tunisia legally in late 2000, having previously been deprived of a passport for seven years. I was tortured in 1991 for distributing a tract. I was banned from teaching in state schools because of my political activities in the underground Communist Union of Tunisian Youth, which is linked to the WCPT and is very active in the universities. I am no longer involved, but I am pleased the party refuses to join the ‘national unity’ government coalition.

The 9 Points of the Workers Communist Party of Tunisia

1. The success achieved so far is only half of the way and the other half is achieving the wanted democratic change and implementing it on the ground.

2. The democratic change cannot spring from the same party, the figures, the institutions, the apparatuses and the legislations that maintained the dictatorship and deprived the people from basic rights for more than half a century, 23 years of which under Ben Ali.

3. The interim president is one of Ben Ali’s clique and a president of an appointed body which does not represent the people in any aspect whatsoever, and the plan to hold presidential elections in a 60-day time has no purpose but to maintain the continuation of the dictatorial regime through one of its former leaders.

4. The most dangerous of what could happen now is robbing the Tunisian people of their victory and their legitimate ambitions for freedom and a dignified existence and sacrifices through preserving Ben Ali’s regime without Ben Ali and through forming a democratic decor around it.

5. The democratic change, with its political, economical, social and cultural dimensions, requires a real end of the repressive regime by taking a direct step which consists of forming a provisional government or any other body that has executive powers and undertakes the task of organising free elections for a Constitutional Assembly which would establish the bases of a real democratic republic in which people would enjoy freedom, social equality and national dignity.

6. All the forces, whether they are political organisations, unions, human rights groups, cultural organisations, organised or non-organised, and the people, that have played an effective and decisive role in toppling the dictator, have the task to decide on Tunisia’s future, and no one could replace them in their negotiations or contacts with the authority.

7. It is of a high urgency that the democratic forces form a national and unified body to carry out the democratic change and has the tasks to protect the gains of the revolting Tunisian people and to negotiate with the authorities to yield power to the people in a peaceful way.

8. All the democratic forces all over the country have to unite in organisations, committees, or local, regional and sectorial councils in organising the popular movement and to undermine the manoeuvre of reaction and the acts of looting and vandalism perpetrated by hidden groups aiming at spreading fear among the citizens, threatening their safety and scaring them of a democratic change to compel the people to surrender to the repressive apparatuses.

9. The armed forces, which consists in the main of the sons and daughters of the people are required to provide safety for the people and the motherland and respect people’s aspirations towards freedom, social justice and national dignity, which requires lifting the state of emergency as soon as possible so that it doesn’t become an excuse that prevents the Tunisian people from continuing their struggle and achieving their goals.

For a provisional government

For a constitutional assembly

For a democratic republic

Hamma Hammami, Workers Communist Party of Tunisia 15 January 2011

Translated from Arabic by Nadim Mahjoub

Tunisia Solidarity Campaign

The Tunisia Solidarity Campaign is campaigning for a fundamental change in Tunisia. Our main task is to support the ongoing movement for a free, progressive, secular and a democratic Tunisia. Our specific objectives are:

• to show solidarity with the Tunisians who yearn to a real change in Tunisia through linking with them and reporting on their struggle.

• to reply to any media distortions of what is happening in Tunisia.

• to draw attention to the human rights situation in Tunisia, and to oppose the criminalisation of any social protest.

• to link with other solidarity campaigns in the UK and abroad.

• to oppose any foreign state or imperialist intervention believing that this will only oppose the will of the people, maintain the status quo and thus abort any real change in the country.

• to draw attention to the role that is played by the successive Western governments, companies and institutions in supporting the Tunisian regime, plundering the country and exploiting the majority of the people.

liveblog

1040 GMT: I guess the protests are getting boring for correspondents. CNN's Ben Wedeman writes from Tunis, "Another big demonstration on Habib Bourgiba Avenue...but off to do something different today."

0900 GMT: Tekiano reports on a strike on Thursday at Tunisia Telecom, where employees asked management to explain several cases of suspected fraud, including the awarding of contracts. The strikers also criticised cronyism and favoritism in recruitment policy.

[youtube]1xFB6cq2_G8[/youtube]

International anarchist communist statement

‎تونس.الثوره لم تنتهس بعد

Tunisia: the revolution is not over

After a month of popular insurrection, the tyrant has fallen. Ben Ali and his gang have chosen the road to exile. It's a huge victory for the Tunisian people, and one that cannot but be welcomed by every freedom-loving person. It is also an example and a great hope for all the peoples of the region living in police States.

But the revolution is not over, the Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) still holds power with 161 out of 214 seats in parliament, and interim president Fouad Mebazaa and prime minister Mohamed Ghannouchi are pillars of the dictatorship. Rather than real change, the first steps taken in the emergency mostly show the desire of those in power to calm the streets. There will be elections in sixty days but they will be held according to the rules of the current constitution, tailored by the RCD. Consultations for the establishment of a government of national unity have begun, but the RCD is choosing which parties can participate. The aim of the operation is clear: to nullify the victory by the people by channeling the revolt into the political ground. There is a serious risk that the ruling party will co-opt the servile opposition and introduce a sham democracy once the fires of rebellion have died down. Neither can we rule out the possibility of the rise of a new dictator who, like Ben Ali, will have the backing of the Élysée Palace and the White House.

Ordinary Tunisians are aware of the pitfalls that endanger the freedom they have just snatched at the cost of dozens of deaths. Across the country, they are organizing themselves into self-defence committees in order to fight against the militias of the Ben Ali-Trabelsi clan that continue to ravage the country. They are not fooled by the manoeuvres to keep the RCD in power. Defying the state of emergency which is still in force, protesters were again on the streets on 16th January demanding real change, shouting: "We did not revolt so that a new government of unity could be formed with the cardboard opposition parties".

The revolution is not over, because none of the substantial issues have been resolved: poverty, mass unemployment, corruption, cronyism, inequality, and so on. In addition to that of setting up a democratic system, the social question remains the central concern of Tunisians. The problems facing the country can only be solved by an active policy of redistributing wealth, breaking with the dictatorship of the markets.

Our organizations affirm their full solidarity with the struggle of the Tunisian people for freedom and social justice and our support for militant anti-capitalist Tunisians. We condemn the attitude of the Western States and more generally their political classes, both right-wing and social democratic, who have always actively supported the authoritarian power of Ben Ali.

19 January 2011

Alternative Libertaire (France)

Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchici (Italy)

Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (Switzerland)

Union Communiste Libertaire (Québec, Canada)

Libertäre Aktion Winterthur (Switzerland)

Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (South Africa)

Primera semana del pueblo tunecino: siempre adelante

Lo importante - lo impresionante - es que todos están organizándose sin esperar a tener un gobierno. Por la mañana leo la iniciativa de un grupo de ciudadanos que propone la creación de un Frente de Liberación Popular de Túnez, al margen de los partidos pero que también los interpela, para expresar algunas reivindicaciones comunes a todos: “llamamos a continuar la creación de comités populares sobre todo el territorio tunecino y en el extranjero y a su coordinación, a fin de organizar la lucha del pueblo y alcanzar su derecho legítimo: el acceso al poder”. El comunicado llama también a la defensa del país por parte de estos mismo comités en colaboración con el ejército -al que invita a reforzar la confianza del pueblo - al mismo tiempo que pide la disolución del gobierno, de la policía política y del RCD, la nacionalización de los bienes del partido y del clan Ben Alí y el juicio de todos los responsables del saqueo de la nación. Más importante que todo esto: en el interior del país se forman ya consejos que gestionan las vidas de los pueblos. En Qasserine, uno de los símbolos de la revolución tunecina, tumba de mártires, cuna del nuevo día, una verdadera Comuna formada por sindicatos, partidos de izquierdas y células juveniles, han pasado a dirigir el “gobernorado”, devolviendo a las fuerzas del orden a sus cuarteles. Aquí y allí todos reclaman la disolución del RCD y el gobierno provisional y el establecimiento de una asamblea constituyente…

Parallels between Tunisia and Portugal in 1974, continued...

photo from Tunisia

photo from Portugal

The calculations of Tunisia's military (Foreign Policy)

Aren't Middle Eastern militaries supposed to crack down and kick butt? Aren't they supposed to be the "backbone" of regimes? The guarantors of last resort? The ultimate instrument of political control? Read any account of civil-military relations and the Middle East -- including my own -- and the answers to these questions are a resounding yes. So when the Tunisian armed forces, allegedly at the command of General Rashid Ammar, told Tunisian President Zine Abidine Ben Ali that the military would not shoot protestors demanding the strongman's ouster and then pushed him from power, the commanders were clearly not playing to type. The role that the military has played in the Tunisian uprising thus far is intriguing and as Tunisia grapples with phase two of the post-Ben Ali era, what the military does (and doesn't do) will be critical in the country's political trajectory...

On twitter

'Wow! this could be very interesting RT @dima_khatib: Demos in#Jordan. At least 10k in Amman. Asking government to step down'

Samotnaf

If you're going to make a comparison with the Portuguese revolution, which seems very premature imo, the idea of an army liberating the people is a dangerous one, since reliance on the army in Portugal, reliance on its left-wing, was one of the weaknesses of the movement - people looked too much to Cavalho to protect them against the right, which was partly a result of failing to seize arms directly;

I agree that the idea of the army liberating the people is dangerous, and I've read the occasional, and rather alarming, statement that is quite favourable to the idea of a military takeover of some kind. This may owe something to political naivety, but also to the fact that the army has been on the streets of Tunis shooting it out with elements of the police and the RCD, in some kind of coordination with the opposition and the people manning neighbourhood barricades. So far there doesn't seem to be much sign of conflict between the army and the opposition but quite likely it will happen sooner or later and maybe ideas will develop accordingly.

In comparing Tunisia to Portugal I'm not trying to make a value judgement, I'm just looking for anything that might help in understanding what is happening and how the situation might develop. Portugal might also offer some lessons in how not to do things. My thoughts on all this are very tentative though and I'd welcome anyone else's opinions.

By the way why do you think making a comparison with the Portuguese revolution seem premature?

sure, Portugal was more compicated than this (for one thing, there was a lot of open discussion in the army a bit like the Agitators during the English civil war) but hope from the army, as opposed to hope from a mutiny in the army, was still an expression of the limitations of the autonomous aspects of the movement.

I get the impression that decisions in the Tunisian army are coming from the top, rather than from discussion in the ranks, or at least I haven't seen anything to suggest otherwise.

"We can organise ourselves in an autonomous manner," says the brother of Ben Brik, the famous journalist persecuted by the regime, and continues: "It's necessary to take advantage of the defensive self-management of the neighbourhoods to form councils and communes."

Is there any evidence that this is more than wishful thinking on the part of this guy - I've seen cars going through popular areas being stopped and searched by the movement, but anything else happening?

[/quote] I'm not sure tbh. The quote is in the context of random opinions from people at a protest in Tunis so I'm not sure how much to read into it, but I thought it was interesting that this kind of idea is even being suggested.

The situation may be different outside Tunis. For example that last report in Spanish claims that Kasserine is under the control of the movement with the army back in barracks. The writer describes it as a 'real commune formed by unions, parties of the left and cells of the young'. There could well be some wishful thinking here as well, but with very little reporting of what is happening outside Tunis there isn't a lot to go off.

.

Edited to add this comment from an American blogger in Tunis:

The attitude at the barricades is very apolitical. Everyone I have talked to has expressed hatred of the former regime, but this was because of their corruption, brutality and incompetence, not their ideology. Also people often praise the army and hope for "stability." So far I have heard no endorsement or even much mention of any political party, or ideology.

Tunisia's civil servants revolt

Tunisia's revolution reached the corridors of power yesterday as civil servants rebelled against the new caretaker government.

Street protests also continued in an attempt to rid the country of the remnants of the old regime.

At the Ministry of Youth and Sport, staff packed the corridors and stairwell to force the departure of their new minister and his old, politically appointed chief of staff.

The aim of the civil servants' uprising was to force the national unity government to drop members of ousted president Zine El Abedine Ben Ali's ruling Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) party. The new government said yesterday it was confiscating all assets of the former ruling party.

At the ministry, staff quickly convinced Slim Amamou, the new Secretary of State and a former jailed dissident blogger who was on his first day on the job, not to start work.

"I went to the Ministry of Youth for the transfer of power. There was a demo, no transfer but a big argument," he said on Twitter. "The officials of my ministry don't want any government, including me and my minister."

Mr Amamou later attended the first cabinet meeting and tweeted live from inside the room. "Everyone hates Ben Ali," he reported.

Hrichi Hedi, the chief of staff at the Youth Ministry, put up more resistance to stepping down. Civil servants crowded around his office door, remonstrating with him. Finally, he agreed to leave the building. He was escorted to the car park by his own rebellious staff, who took the keys of his official car. To cheers, he left in the car of a friend.

"We just want to put an end to the RCD," one civil servant said. "Now we will return to our offices to wait."

Similar staff uprisings have already taken place at state television, two state-run newspapers and, it is reported, at private firms controlled by the former president's family. Filmmakers held an extraordinary meeting to oust the party-approved head of their union.

The protests shifted yesterday from the hated Interior Ministry to the RCD's skyscraper headquarters on Avenue Mohammed V, blocking the main artery into the city. Thousands of demonstrators gathered outside, tearing down the party sign. Soldiers fired into the air but demonstrators later put flowers in the barrels of their guns.

"We are demanding the departure of the RCD because the RCD is not a party. It's an intelligence service. It's an armed militia," said Hafeh Mesrati, a physics professor.

"They destroyed the country. They follow people and threaten them. That is what they do. We have to destroy the RCD machine because it's dangerous." ...

[youtube]XhOgPPNG2Ag[/youtube]

liveblog

1955 GMT: AmmanNet has posted a series of photos from today's march in the Jordanian capital, with up to 10,000 people (see 1405 GMT):

1900 GMT: Tension may be rising in Algeria. The opposition Rally for Culture and Democracy has called for a march on Saturday but officials in Algiers have said the gathering is prohibited because it is "without authorization of the competent administrative authorities".

The Algiers authorities "asked citizens to exercise wisdom and vigilance and not to respond to any provocation intended to undermine their peace and their serenity".

The RCD maintains, that it followed procedures in submitting an application for a march and, as it was denied without explanation, the party will proceed with the rally "demanding the release of prisoners arrested during recent demonstrations, the lifting of emergency rule, restoration of individual and collective freedoms guaranteed by the constitution, and finally the dissolution of all 'elected' bodies".

Three buses with students of Tizi Ouzou University travelling to the rally were stopped at a police roadblock and ordered to turn back. The students got off the bus and tried to walk to central Algiers.

1845 GMT: Last week it was reported that Imed Trabelsi, the nephew of the wife of deposed Tunisian President Ben Ali, had been stabbed just before the fall of the regime and had died of his wound.

On Wednesday, we posted footage which claimed to be of Trabelsi just before his death but now it appears the video may be of preparation for a failed escape. Tonight Minister of Interior Ahmed Friaa has said that Trabelsi is alive and in prison in Tunisia.

1810 GMT: In Algeria, a group of 30 academics, journalists, and activists has called for democratic change with "the convergence of all...citizen initiatives, associations, unions, and political parties going in the direction of lifting the yoke of public life and for advent of democratic change in Algeria".

The statement has been disseminated by e-mail, Facebook, and the website of the Algerian daily Le Matin. Those signing include Among them, the academic and journalist Fodil Boumal, former legislator Haidar Bendrihem, academics Zoubir Arous, Lakhdar Hamina and Ahcène Bechani, war veteran Boudiaf Said, and editor Youcef Boussad Wadi.

1715 GMT: Tunisia's main trade union, the UGTT, has called for a "collegial national salvation government to be set up, in accordance with the demands of the street and political parties".

Earlier this week, the three union-backed Ministers resigned from the Cabinet.

Journalist Taoukif Ben Brik, who was jailed for criticising President Ben Ali, has said that he will run for President: "I feel I am the favorite candidate because I was the only one who during all those years openly fought Ben Ali."

Ben Brik follows opposition leader Moncef Marzouki into the race for the Presidency.

1640 GMT: Video of police in Tunis marching (see 1605 GMT) against the former ruling party RCD:

1625 GMT: More protests in Jordan on "The Day of Rage"....

In addition to the estimated 10,000 in Amman (see 1405 GMT) and the march in Irbid (see 1325 GMT), hundreds of Jordanians have protested in front of the Al Omari Mosque in Karak in southern Jordan, calling for the dismissal of the Government, dissolution of Parliament, and reduction in taxes on basic commodities.

Hundreds also marched in the southern governorate of Tafileh, chanting, "The loaf of Bread is a red line," and calling for an end to government corruption.

1620 GMT: In Saudi Arabia, an elderly man has attempted to set himself on fire in the village of Samtah.

1605 GMT: A story is emerging in Tunisia of police protests against the old regime. A Tunisian website reports that officers at the barracks in Boushousha have marched to support victims during the recent demonstrations and to protest their general situation. The site says there is news of other marches, such as in the city of Gafsa.

One of those marches, according to this video, was in Tunis.

1405 GMT: While Associated Press says 5000 people participated in the "Day of Rage" in two Jordanian cities, Al Ghad says that there were about 10,000 in Amman alone. The march moved from the Al-Husseini mosque towards the main square in the area of Ras al-Ain, protesting the living conditions and high prices.

Security personnel distributed bottles of water and juices to protesters at the start of the march.

1325 GMT: In Jordan, more than 5,000 people from across the political spectrum, including the Muslim Brotherhood, left-wing groups, and trade unions, staged a "Day of Rage" on Friday in the capital of Amman and in northern town of Irbid.

The protesters demanded the resignation of Prime Minister Samir Rifai and called for Jordanians to be able to elect their Prime Minister and Cabinet, who are currently appointed by King Abdullah II.

1315 GMT: Thousands of protesters, chanting anti-Government slogans, gathered along Habib Bourguiba Avenue and in front of the Minister of Interior this morning. Police blocked the protesters at the Ministry and prepared water cannons. Demonstrators dispersed, with many heading toward the headquarters of the main labour union UGTT, calling for a general strike.

A Trotskyist version of events... (follow the link for the full article)

Tunisia: the revolutionary initiative of the masses continues

Yesterday we reported that there had been demonstrations throughout the country of tens of thousands in every town and city, even the most remote. The growing anger against the government of Ghannouchi (Ben Ali’s prime minister) has developed into a national movement of protest which is spreading to all sections of society. Today there were even reports of a strike and demonstrations by police officers in Monastir, Bizerte and even parts of Tunis. Some were at work, directing traffic, but wearing red arm bands in protest.

The demonstrations continue and regional general strikes have already been called for today, Friday 21, in many different regions, with demands for the dismissal of the government of Gannouchi. “You stole the country’s wealth, but you will not steal the revolution – Resignation of the government – we will always be loyal to the blood of our martyrs” were amongst the slogans.

Yesterday we reported how a Provisional Council had taken over the running of all affairs in Sidi Bou Ali. We have now received a report that a similar development has taken place in the city of Siliana, in the North West where “the citizens have set up a local council for the protection of the revolution and the management of public affairs”. Their founding statement says that “faced with the vacuum of power created by the flight of officials linked to the RCD”, they have decided to create a local and a regional council “to protect the revolution and to manage the running of the city and the governorate.”

In a very significant development the Army seemed to be testing the ground as to how far they can go in restoring “order”, i.e. the old authorities, in the towns and cities which have been taken over by the peoples’ revolutionary committees. In the town of Sidi Bou Rouis, also in the Siliana governorate, the “Council for the Protection of the People's Revolution” has issued the following statement:

The Army Commander has called the Bou Rouis local committees and told them that within the framework of things being brought back to normal functioning, the return of council members and mayors has been approved.

As a result of this dangerous development ‘the Bou Rouis Council for the Protection of the People's Revolution’ has called an emergency meeting this evening to discuss the new situation and how to deal with it, and calls for the mobilisation of the whole people today and tomorrow in mass rallies and agrees the following urgent demands:

1) The formation of a national transitional government consisting of national figures known for their integrity and who were not involved with the former regime to run state affairs and draft a new constitution and new electoral rules.

2) The dissolution of the House of Representatives and the Council of Advisers, which lost all semblance of legitimacy during the people's revolution for freedom and dignity.

3) The issuing of a ban to prevent elements of the former regime from exercising any political activity on the grounds of complicity with the former ruling party which plunged the country into a dark period dominated by injustice and tyranny, corruption and unemployment and the wastage of an unprecedented amount of wealth of the country at the expense of the public who are subject to all forms of repression and deprivation.

Long live the People... Long live the Revolution

Glory to the people... Glory to the martyrs... Glory to the revolution of Tunisia for dignity and freedom.

Time: 15:40, Bou Rouis, 20 January

This is, again, an extraordinary state of affairs, in which the people have not only taken power in the whole of the Siliana governorate, but are standing strong in the face of the attempt of the Army to restore the old mayors back in power. We see how, like in the statement from the Provisional Council of Sidi Bou Ali, they call for a provisional government to be formed, composed of nationally recognized figures not linked to the old regime. We think that it should be the revolutionary committees and councils themselves who should organise such a transitional body, which should be charged with convening a genuinely democratic national assembly.

Meanwhile, the masses continue their direct action, deepening the scope of the revolution also into the workplaces. There are many reports of journalists in state owned newspapers, radio stations, TV channels, etc., which used to be nothing but disgusting mouthpieces of Ben Ali’s propaganda, getting organized and taking over the editorial line.

This is the case at the state-owned La Presse. El-Heni, a journalist in the foreign desk explains:

"We had an important meeting and decided to create two elected editorial committees to supervise the editorial line, and we told the boss that he would no longer have any editorial control… He is only here for finance and administration. He was clever enough to understand that."

One of the La Presse journalists, who had been sacked for political reasons, has been reinstated as the head of the journalists’ union in the paper.

In state owned companies, ministries and private companies owned or linked to the Trabelsi family, workers’ assemblies and strikes have been organised to drive out the hated RCD managers, CEOs and high ranking officials.

On Tuesday, January 18, UGTT workers at STAR, one of the country’s main insurance companies, went on strike and expelled the company’s CEO, Abdelkarim Merdassi, in protest at his links with the Trabelsi clan. This video captured the extraordinary moment in which the workers physically expelled him from his office while singing the national anthem.

Similar movements developed at the oil distribution company SNDP, where the CEO Rafaa Dkhul was also kicked out by the workers, who criticized his close links with the Trabelsi family. Dkhul had given the Trabelsi clan concessions of a number of petrol stations worth millions of euro. At the Banque de Tunisie, its general director Alia Abdallah and all high ranking officers have been barred by the workers, organized by the UGTT, from entering their offices, in order to prevent the destruction of potentially incriminating documents. The workers have seized all sensitive documents and computers.

Also expelled from their positions by the action of the workers and their trade unions are Moncef Bouden, from the Tax Office, Moncef Dakhli, CEO of the National Agricultural Bank and Montassar Ouaïli, CEO of Tunisie Telecom. The outgoing Minister of Sports, Abdelhamid Slama was prevented by the workers from entering his old ministry to pick up his things. The list of companies where the workers have taken action is very long. Today, the workers of the Tunis public transport went on strike also demanding the dismissal of the CEO of their company.

The Tunisian business press is full of articles complaining about the “lack of respect for the law” and asking “what is the Ministry of the Interior doing” about these actions on the part of the workers. An opinion article on the business website Web Manager Centre implored “Let’s not put businessmen on their knees”. Another was entitled “Discipline – ‘comrades’.”

The workers feel confident and are moving forward, not just against the bosses, but also against their own bureaucratic trade union leaders who until very recently were supporting the dictatorship of Ben Ali. An appeal is circulating for an extraordinary national congress of the UGTT to be convened in order to remove the current leadership...

Part of the previous day's article from the same group. Again I couldn't say how accurate the account or the interpretation is, or whether there's an element of wishful thinking...

Tunisia: as the ruling class manoeuvres at the top elements of dual power develop from below

In more than 30 towns and cities in the provinces massive demonstrations, mainly gathering outside the offices of the UGTT trade union, have marched on the RCD headquarters and occupied them. As a matter of fact, as the RCD controlled not only the national, regional and municipal governments, but also controlled all aspects of public life (professional associations, the police, the judiciary, etc), the destruction of the power of the RCD means that power is passing from the old regime to the masses on the streets and to the neighbourhood committees which have sprung up over the last week. These committees are tasked with maintaining public order and defending the population against the remains of the old regime (police officers, secret services, the presidential guard), which are still desperately trying to protect what is left of the old dictatorship.

The most advanced example of these emerging elements of dual power that we know of is in the town of Sidi Bou Ali, in Sousse, with a population of just over 10,000 people. There, on Sunday 16, the masses gathered in the town square and after deliberating about the “new” national unity government, decided to take power into their own hands. This is the statement that was passed which we reproduce in full:

Following the decision to entrust ‘Mohamed Ghannouchi’ with forming a new government tasked with overseeing the new presidential elections for the country; following the administrative vacuum and in the city of Sidi Bou, Sousse Governorate; we, citizens of the town of Sidi Bou meeting in the "People's Square" in the city resolve the following:

• We reject this decision which is based on an undemocratic constitution, not a peoples’ one, which has been violated many times and does not guarantee the rights of all national opinions in the country;

• Our rejection of the domination of the ruling party over the political life of the country, represented by all symbols in the current government and its lackeys;

• The public election of a provisional local council in order to manage all city affairs and to work at a local level, and in coordination at regional and national level, to maintain the normal functioning of civilian life, economic, cultural and political life in the country until the drafting of a new constitution of a democratic and popular character, which will pave the way for elections to ensure the peaceful transfer of power and without a monopoly over it, and ensures that all the national parties are represented.

• The functions of this Council will be:

• The formation of committees to protect the neighbourhoods and their coordination;

• To work to restore economic life and to secure the necessities of daily life for the citizens;

• To work to re-establish working civilian institutions (banks, hospitals, municipalities, schools, institutes, post offices, the tax office ...);

• To protect public property;

• Coordination with local and regional councils formed;

• Communication and contact with the national army as the only existing force in the country.

• We have decided on the distribution of tasks amongst the following commissions:

• The commission on Publicity and Media;

• Commission on contacts with the National Army;

• Defence Committee for the Protection of the Neighbourhoods;

• Commission on protection of municipal property;

• Commission of supply of essential goods;

• Awareness, leadership and culture Committee

This statement is most extraordinary, and we have no doubt that similar action has been taken in many other towns and cities. Faced with the vacuum of power left by the destruction of the old institutions the youth, the workers, the people in general, have taken it upon themselves to start building a new “institutionality”, based on democratic committees “publicly elected” in mass meetings.

In Sidi Bou Ali, the “provisional council” which has been set up is not just a committee of struggle, but has taken over the running of all affairs (public order, provisioning, the economy, the post office, education, etc). They have de facto taken power in the town.

These are in fact, in embryonic form, soviets (i.e. workers’ councils), the emergence of which is a true sign of a genuine revolution taking place. It is clear that in some cities it has been the local executives of the UGTT trade unions which have taken the initiative in creating such committees.

These are the first steps in the right direction. These committees must now be generalized in every factory, in every workplace, in every neighbourhood. The committees should be coordinated at a local, regional and national level through representatives elected democratically and subject to the right of recall, as the resolution from Sidi Bou Ali clearly points out.

We would like to make two comments on this statement which are relevant for the whole of the revolutionary movement in Tunisia. The first is in relation to the question of the Army. The statement talks of liaising and communicating with the Army. It is clear that the Army at this point commands a lot of respect amongst the people. As we have reported before, there were many instances of fraternization between the Army and the demonstrators during the uprising last week and it was the police and the presidential guard, rather than the Army, which played the key role in the brutal repression of the people which took between 100 and 200 lives. In the last few days, the Army has fought running battles with the remains of the Ben Ali loyalist police forces. This explains the attitude of the people.

However, we must warn that one thing is the rank and file soldiers and even some lower ranking officers who can be won over to the side of the revolution, but the Army as an institution and particularly its top command is a completely different matter. The Army is part of the capitalist state apparatus of the Ben Ali dictatorship and if the revolutionary movement of the people presents a decisive challenge to the capitalist system, it will either split down the middle along class lines or side with the ruling class.

In the last few days we have already seen incidents in which the Army has been used to “maintain order” as against the anti-RCD demonstrators. In the capital marchers were allowed to demonstrate but prevented by the Army to reach the Ministry of Interior. The reason is probably that inside the Ministry of the Interior, the Ben Ali henchmen are busy destroying any proof of their brutal repression, torturing and spying on the Tunisian people.

On the evening of January 19, a small group of a few hundred youth decided to challenge the curfew (starting at 8pm every night) declared by the “new” government. A detachment of the Army went to try and disperse them. A tense situation developed. The army officer in charge, a Colonel, was received with shouts of “long live the Army”. He argued that “the army is with the people”, that they had a “legitimate right” to demonstrate, and that the “Army would not fire on the people”, but that they had “to respect the curfew”, that “a palace of gold cannot be built overnight”, that they should be “patient” and “return the day after”. In the end the standoff ended in a draw and the protestors stayed, therefore breaking the curfew. The day after, January 20, when thousands marched on the RCD offices in Mohammed V Avenue, the Army fired warning shots in the air to try to disperse them. In the end the building was taken over by the protestors.

These are early days regarding the Army. The top generals know full well that they cannot use the conscript soldiers, infected by the virus of revolution during the last few weeks, against the people, and it would be foolish to try to do so. However, step by step, they will work to reclaim the streets, and if the revolutionary people lowers its guard, and withdraws from the streets, then the Army will be back in power as the armed wing of the ruling class and its state apparatus and it will be used to defend the interests of the capitalists, not those of the people.

For this reason, it is necessary to build and strengthen the links with the army ranks, with the soldiers and lower ranking officers which are closer to the people. They should be encouraged to set up their own committees and send representatives to the local revolutionary councils. The soldier’s committees must take it upon themselves to denounce the reactionary officers, all those who were directly involved in repression, those who had personal, economic and other ties to the ruling class and the Ben Ali regime and publicly expose them, arrest them and put them on trial.

Soldiers committees linked closely to the revolutionary committees of workers and youth would be a guarantee that no-one has either the power or the strength to make a move against the will of the people.

The second observation we would make on the statement of the revolutionary people of Sidi Bou Ali is that it talks about a new constitution, democratic elections and the representation of all parties (it is understood that the RCD would be excluded). We would say that this can be achieved through a constituent assembly, but who would convene such an assembly? As of yet there is no power which has the legitimacy to do so. The “new” national unity government is nothing but the continuation of the old regime. But if the revolutionary councils were to be linked at a regional and national level, they would have the legitimacy to convene such a constituent assembly to decide over the profound reorganization of the country’s life...

Does anyone have any thoughts on the above posts? It's important after all and I'm surprised there isn't more discussion on here about events in Tunisia.

Samotnaf

I'm surprised there isn't more discussion on here about events in Tunisia.

I'd guess that one of the reasons is that most people don't know all that much about Tunisia and also it's difficult to know what's happening.

I'm sure you're right about this...

One of my objections, though, to comparing with previous revolutionary movements is that it blocks people from seeing what is new by imposing a safely clear model from the past onto a situation which is often quite different. Sure, there might be useful comparisons - but generally they're more the comparisons with the limitations of previous movements to try to make sure they don't get repeated than with the strengths (strengths which failed to develop because of these limitations).

I think this is fair enough as well.

One of the limits of Portugal was the influence of the Catholic church amongst a large peasantry which generally played a conservative role there.

Was the Catholic influence on peasants in Portugal a big factor? There were plenty of farm occupations in the Alentejo (south of Lisbon) and this reflected patterns of land ownership with historical roots going back to the reconquest. Small owner occupiers of land in the north were probably more conservative. This is similar to Spain in the '30s. Anyway this is a discussion for another thread.

How much does Islam effect people in Tunisia? How powerul is the peasantry there?

Tunisia seems to be the most secular country in the Arab world, though it's a secularism that has been backed by a police state for decades. I've seen no suggestion from within Tunisia that Islamism is a major force and the main Islamist grouping doesn't sound at all hardline. Obviously Islamism isn't the same thing as Islam and the religious background must have a wider influence.

I don't think I've seen any mention of the peasantry in the reports I've seen so far, which doesn't mean that they aren't important. I'm guessing really but i'd imagine that there's a similar process going on to counties like Portugal, Spain and Greece, with the young moving to the cities leaving the villages full of old people. Guessing again I'd expect that process to be a couple of decades behind southern Europe.

Has anyone seen this about Albania? Mention this here, not to derail the thread at all, but because social movements throughout the world have an infuence on each other.

Yes, I started a new thread here as this one is getting unwieldy and the connection with Tunisia looks a bit tenuous. I agree that social movements around the world have an influence on each other though, even more so with the internet and TV coverage from the likes of Al Jazeera. I haven't looked back at coverage of European student unrest on Al Jazeera, but I'd hazard a guess that Millbank and the Italian protests were covered quite well, and without too much of the ideological filtering we get here. Tunisians and others would obviously have been watching.

I feel the next couple of years could see a far deeper social contestation globally but it would be terrible if what came out of these movements was a repeat of a hundred years ago - a turn towards state capitalism under the guise of socialism: as far as i can see, leftist parties, whether in Tunisia or Albania, are the ones making the most headway out of the crisis, or at least the ones trying to.

I think you may be right. It's interesting that the mainstream media are still determined to look for an Islamist threat in Tunisia and the existence of the leftist parties is hardly acknowledged.

One of the problems with trying to understand what is happening in Tunisia is that everyone (with the exception of neighbouring dictators and some hardline remnants of the old regime) now seems to support the revolution, but their own version of the revolution. So liberals and foreign journalists are seeing it as the Arab world's transition to democracy, Marxists are identifying the basis for the formation of workers councils and soviets and Islamists are celebrating the end of a secular dictatorship. No doubt there's some truth in all of this but it's easy for people to see what they want to see and harder to get an accurate overall picture.

Re Islamist interpretations I found this on angryarab.blogspot.com

Iran is insisting that Tunisian revolt are about Islam

B. sent me this: "Ahmadinejad said the same today at some meeting. It was shown and translated to English by PressTV, but I can't find a link to it on their website. If I remember correctly, he said that the Tunisian people overturned Bin 'Ali, because they want to establish Islamic law in their country. The station also presented a Tunisian woman, who said they had been fighting for the right to "be free", so they can wear what they want (and what they want is a hijab). Not a word about political freedoms. The coverage was rather grotesque on the background of the real events."

Which led me to this link from PressTV

'Tunisia revolution inspired by Iran'

The Imam of Washington DC Islamic Center says the Islamic movement in Iran has become the model for changes in Tunisia, which saw the first revolution in the Arab world.

“There are a lot of parallels that we can draw from what is happening in Tunisia today and what happened in Iran 32 to 33 years ago,” Muhammad al-Asi said in an interview with Press TV.

“The bottom line is that the religious or ideological components of Islam are the deepest and most authentic feelings of all the peoples of North Africa and all the peoples in Muslim countries,” he added.

He pointed out that Tunisian revolution is the first of its kind in the Arab world.

He argued that the word revolution has always been mistakenly used instead of coup d'état for referring to regime changes in Arab states.

Al-Asi compared Iran's Islamic Revolution in 1979 with the Tunisian revolution.

“Shah of Iran had his Westernization programs running way ahead of the democratization programs and it resulted eventually in the overthrow of the ancient regime in Tehran,” he said.

“You can see similarities right now with what is happening in Tunisia. Westernization has run away ahead of the democratization in that country.” ...

This isn't worth taking too seriously, at least as far as Tunisia goes, but if the uprising really does spread to other countries then the rise of Islamist movements may be a serious issue. In Iran the revolution initially involved Communists and nationalists and it wasn't obvious at first that the Islamists would end up in control. I'm old enough to remember reading an upbeat account of the Iranian revolution as it happened in Socialist Worker, before the Islamist reaction took hold.

An important report in Spanish on the revolution in Tunis.

Octavo día del pueblo tunecino ¿Cae o no cae?

According to this the leftist and nationalist parties are expected to announce the formation of the '14 January Front' today while Moncef Marzouki's Congress of the Republic is expected to form some kind of alliance with Rachid Ghanouchi's Islamist party Al Nahda.

Hamami Jilani , 'a trade unionist in the telecommunications sector and leading member of the Workers Communist Party of Tunisia' is quoted as saying:

The pressure implies two simultaneous elements: the demonstrations in the streets and the organisation of daily life. The so-called 'popular commissions' and 'councils for the defence of the revolution' have been formed in all corners of Tunis. Their initial mission to protect the neighbourhoods from the pro-Ben Ali militias needs to be extended to the management of municipal services in order to construct a new model of popular democratic management. Also in the workplace. Many bosses of companies, state-controlled as much as private, have been expelled in recent days by the workers.

Edited to add machine translation

Hundreds of political prisoners in Tunisia yet to be released (Guardian)

The new Tunisian government is still holding between 500 and 1,000 prisoners accused of often vaguely worded terrorism offences, despite a promise to release all political detainees.

While hundreds of prisoners of conscience have already been released since the fall of the government of the dictator Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali last week, concern is mounting over the uncertain fate of a second group convicted under draconian anti-terror laws.

According to those familiar with their cases many were tried under deeply flawed legal procedures or had confessions tortured out of them, often after being targeted for their religious beliefs.

"There is a question that needs to be answered about who is a political prisoner," said Denis Robiliard, who was with an Amnesty International team in Tunisia when Ben Ali was deposed.

"Most of the prisoners of conscience – people who had been imprisoned for their views – have been released. But there is a second group of people: those who were convicted under the anti-terrorism legislation. How many there are is a matter of dispute but people talk about between 500 and 1,000.

(…)

Samir Ben Amor, a Tunis lawyer who has defended some of those charged under the anti-terror legislation, agrees hundreds are still being held. "Yes there are people who tried to commit [terrorist] acts against the regime," he said, "but there are dozens, not the thousands who were prosecuted.

"People say that all political prisoners have been freed but there are still people in prison who are being held under the anti-terror laws who have had confessions tortured out of them. Part of the problem is that the government did not recognise the term political prisoner."

(…)

Despite the new government's repeated insistence that it has given a blanket amnesty to all political groups, including the banned Islamist opposition, protesters have complained that only a few hundred of those imprisoned for political reasons during Ben Ali's 23-year rule have been released.

(…)

In a sign of growing normality in Tunisia, which is still seeing daily demonstrations but without the violence that shook the country, the new government said schools and universities would reopen on Monday and sporting events, also on hold since last week, would resume soon.

[youtube]N3S1yCM2U34[/youtube]

Extracts from the liveblog (note that in Tunisia the RCD is the old ruling party while the Algerian RCD is an opposition party)

1430 GMT: During today's protests in Tunis, hundreds of demonstrators, carrying banners such as "No Place for Men of Tyranny in a National Unity Government", broke through a half-hearted police cordon at the office of Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi.

One demonstrator said, "We want to tell Mr Ghannouchi the definition of 'revolution' --- it means a radical change, not keeping on the same prime minister."

1413 GMT: The regional leader of RCD in Bejaia, 260 kilometres (160 miles) east of Algiers, Reda Boudraa, suffered a head wound and was taken away by ambulance. The parliamentary leader of the RCD, Atmane Mazuz, was also injured (see 1030 GMT).

1405 GMT: 14h40: The official Algerian press agency APS reports seven policemen were injured in clashes today.

1400 GMT: The website of Algeria's opposition RCD party is back on-line after reportedly being off-line for 14 hours.

1255 GMT: The headquarters of the opposition RCD party is still surrounded by riot police. A party member claimed 40 people have been injured, treated at a nearby clinic or taken to hospital.

An attempt to march to the Plaza of 1 May was immediately suppressed by the police.

1145 GMT: Photojournalist Bilel Zihan was arrested by police after he took pictures of a protester being injured. He has been released after questioning for two hours; sources say the memory card on his camera was erased.

1030 GMT: Back to our opening story about today's march in Algeria....

There is a large police presence, with several helicopters, which began about 5 a.m. (0400 GMT) to prevent the march of the opposition Rally for Culture and Democracy.

About 300 demonstrators have defied the ban. Dozens of police in riot gear have blockaded RCD headquarters, and several people have reportedly been injured by police batons outside the building Some were taken to hospital; others were treated at a special clinic set up nearby.

The parliamentary leader of the RCD, Atmane Mazuz, was arrested Saturday morning, released, and then wounded in the face in scuffles with police. He has been taken to hospital.

Earlier, thousands of demonstrators from Tizi Ouzou and Bejaia were turned back by police at checkpoints.

1020 GMT: About 400 police officers have joined hundreds of demonstrators in today's of march in Tunis.

The officers are seeking better working conditions and a change in their "unfair" portrayal in the media.

On Friday, police marched in several other cities in Tunisia.

0740 GMT: Meanwhile, in Tunisia, thousands of people marched on Friday in Tunis, persisting in the call for the complete dissolution of the former ruling party Constitutional Democracy Rally (RCD).

The rally was the biggest since the fall of the Ben Ali regime, bringing together a cross-section of workers, students, and activists, "Long Live the Revolution" and "Death to the Dictatorship". Police ensured that the march, along Habib Bourguiba Avenue, did not reach the Ministry of Interior but otherwise stood by and did not interfere

Tunisia's trade union confederation, UGTT, has called for a general strike today.

Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi, in what appeared to be another attempt to stem the calls for the Cabinet's dissolution before elections in March, said last night that he would not stand for office and would retire from politics after the ballot.

0720 GMT: The focus could shift to Algeria today, where the opposition Rally for Culture and Democracy party has insisted it will proceed with a march despite the refusal of Algiers authorities to grant a permit. "We claim the right to march peacefully in our capital," the RCD asserted yesterday afternoon.

The march is scheduled for 10 a.m. (0900 GMT) from the Place de la Concorde to the Parliament in central Algiers. Rallies are banned under a State of Emergency in force since 1992.

There were more developments on Friday. As we noted in updates, 30 academics, journalists, and academics praised the events in Tunisia and called for "the convergence of all...citizen initiatives, associations, unions, and political parties going in the direction of lifting the yoke of public life and for advent of democratic change in Algeria".

And then possibly bigger news: the Algerian League for the Defence of Human Rights (LADDH), four Algerian autonomous unions, and other political formations including the RCD and the Socialist Formations Front "created a coalition that will meet continuously". The new group will call for the lifting of the 1992 state of emergency and the "opening" of media and political activity.

In a sign that the big event may be deferred, the coalition did not reach a consensus on today's march. Instead, they declared plans for a rally on 9 February, the anniversary of the state of emergency.

Still, Mostefa Bouchachi, chairman of the LADDH, told Agence France Press that while the parties at the meetings had not officially endorsed today's rally, "Most people will participate, I think."

Protests in Jordan (al-bab.com)

The "Tunisia effect" continues. Several thousand protesters took to the streets of Jordan yesterday, for the second Friday in succession. More than 5,000 marched in the centre of Amman, with smaller demonstrations in several other cities, according to agency reports. The protesters are said to have ranged across the spectrum, from leftists and trade unionists to Islamists.

As in the earlier stages of the Tunisian uprising, the mobilising factor is economic hardship, though there are also calls for the prime minister and government to resign...

Video: Tunisians embrace new freedoms (BBC)

Raining on the Tunisian revolution

No sooner had longtime Tunisian dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled his country after a 29-day popular uprising than the race of the naysayers began.

On one side was the expected group: a host of Arab dictators. From kings and emirs whose monarchies ensured continuity to longtime dictators of republics on the verge of becoming dynasties, as sons inherit countries from fathers with the ease of a family estate changing hands, the men who rule the Arab world watched in horror as one of their own was kicked out of a country he robbed blind with one hand and suffocated into submission with the other.

Who among them could not imagine a similar ignominious end? If Ben Ali's perfect police state could crumble then, clearly, dictatorships just aren't what they used to be. If Tunisians had somehow imagined the unimaginable, who knew what your average Egyptian, Saudi, Yemeni or Libyan was thinking.

So it's perfectly natural for Arab dictators and those who do their bidding to insist their countries aren't Tunisia, that despite the uncanny resemblances in frustration, repression and autocracy, the Tunisian revolution was a one-off. And for those Egyptians, Saudis, Yemenis, Libyans et al who were getting ideas, they reminded us of the chaos that would surely ensue if we dared imagine a future without them.

The most uninhibited of our leaders, Libya's Moammar Gadhafi — who with 41 years in power is the world's longest-serving dictator — reminded us: “Tunisia now lives in fear . . . Families could be raided and slaughtered in their bedrooms.”

But let me tell you what really distresses me: a host of Western “analysts” and “experts” determined to outdo our despots in coming up with reasons why the Tunisian revolution will fail and why it's impossible to replicate.

(…)

“What pisses me off most about naysayers is that they conclude that Arabs are incapable of democracy, yet they demand that Arab societies democratize,” said Mauritanian activist Nasser Weddady. “There's an inherent double standard. Whereas Arabs are seen as inferior because of the state of their societies' lack of democracy — when historical opportunities to democratize come by, naysayers seem to be willing to trade Arab societies' freedom for their own (false) sense of security because of their fear of Islamists.”

So here, in the case of Tunisia — without an Islamist in sight — we watched people fed up with dictatorship tell the dictator to go to hell; a leaderless revolution driven to succeed by an unstoppable belief that Tunisians deserved better; thousands of people poured into the streets fuelled by dignity and self-worth. Millions of Arabs are watching in ecstasy and with restored hope...

Mona Eltahawy

[youtube]4XT83Ct9-jo[/youtube]

Photos:

Habib Bourguiba Avenue tonight: tribute to the Tunisian revolution martyrs

Protests in Algiers today

La Red Sindical Euromediterránea valora la victoria histórica del pueblo tunecino

Comunicado emitido por el 5º Encuentro de la RED SINDICAL EURO-MEDITERRÁNEA celebrado el 16 de enero en Orán (Argelia).

Nosotros, miembros de la Red Sindical Euro-Mediterránea, valoramos positivamente la victoria histórica del pueblo tunecino : esta victoria es de la juventud y de los defensores de los derechos humanos como abogados y sindicalistas. Les ofrecemos todo nuestro apoyo en el proceso de construcción de la democracia tan deseada por todos. Estos disturbios reflejaron el grado de crispación de la población ante el gobierno autoritario tunecino.

Los miembros de esta Red Sindical hemos participado en nuestros respectivos países en las concentraciones y manifestaciones de apoyo a las reivindicaciones legítimas de la población en Túnez y Argelia.

Desde que comenzaron las manifestaciones y reivindicaciones en la cuenca minera de Gafsa, esta Red no ha dejado de denunciar las acciones represivas de la dictadura del non grato Ben Ali.

En Argelia, los últimos acontecimientos han mostrado la cólera de la juventud privada de todo, especialmente de las libertades más elementales.

Mostramos nuestro total apoyo a todas las fuerzas que luchan en el país por hacer que se respeten los derechos que en nombre del “estado de urgencia” el poder burla constantemente. Mostramos nuestra solidaridad con la lucha de los sindicatos autónomos y la decisión de realizar este 5º encuentro en Orán es una muestra de ello.

Los disturbios producidos no son mas que una de las consecuencias de la especulación sobre las materias primas y la incomprensible subida exagerada de los precios, prueba de que también aquí se quiere hacer pagar la crisis a los más pobres, una crisis provocada por los mercados financieros con la complicidad de los gobiernos dictadores que les abren las puertas y les dejan repartirse suculentos botines.

Constatamos que otra de las libertades esenciales degradadas son las condiciones de trabajo, cada día peores y más precarias.

En Marruecos, los despidos se multiplican como en las multinacionales Mornatex y Cloman. En este país se están preparando importantes reformas que supondrán graves regresiones sociales en la función pública y que además van a hacer perder el empleo a un número importante de trabajadores donde los jóvenes son las principales victimas como lo denuncia la ANDCM (Asociación Nacional de Diplomados en Paro de Marruecos) con los sindicatos combativos.

Esta situación es semejante a la que se vive actualmente en Europa en la que los poderes políticos multiplican los planes de austeridad y la privatización y degradación de los servicios públicos que empobrecen cada vez más a la población.

En Francia se ha visto en la lucha de la población contra la Reforma de la Ley de Pensiones y el aumento de la edad de jubilación.

En España las movilizaciones fueron masivas el pasado mes de Septiembre contra la Reforma Laboral y ahora contra la Reforma de las Pensiones y el aumento del paro y la precariedad. Estas reformas empobrecen cada vez más a la población.

En cada país estas respuestas reflejan el desacuerdo de la sociedad con las políticas adoptadas por los diferentes gobiernos, contra la privatización de los servicios públicos, todas ellas comandadas por la OMC (Organización Mundial del Comercio) y el FMI (Fondo Monetario Internacional) que entienden que es la clase trabajadora y los más pobres quienes deben pagar su crisis.

La necesidad de una reacción coordinada entre todas las fuerzas combativas de ambos lados del Mediterráneo es ahora más necesaria que nunca. Nosotros hoy, en Orán, nos comprometemos a unir nuestras fuerzas y a trabajar por una buena organización.

De inmediato :

Exigimos la liberación sin condiciones de todos los detenidos en Argelia y Túnez.

La Red se marca como primer objetivo enviar una delegación a Túnez y continuar su trabajo de movilización en los países de la Red Euro-Mediterránea.

Exigimos el respeto de los derechos constitucionales y de libertades en Argelia y denunciamos las maniobras de acoso y represión a las que están siendo sometidos los sindicatos autónomos.

Exigimos el fin de los despidos masivos por toda Europa y en el Maghreb y denunciamos la dictadura de la OMC y el FMI.

Denunciamos la violenta represión hacia los movimientos sociales : detenciones, acusaciones, despidos de militantes,..

ODT (Organización Democrática del Trabajo). MARRUECOS

SNAPAP, CLA, CNES. ARGELIA

CGT. ESTADO ESPAÑOL

CNT, SOLIDAIRES. FRANCIA

Edited to add machine translation

Video: several injured in pro-democracy march in Algiers (BBC)

Tunisian PM Mohamed Ghannouchi pledges to quit politics (BBC)

Samotnaf

If cops in the UK asked to be forgiven, say for the death of Ian Tomlinson, you'd know it was just part of their sick 2-faced mentality. But in Tunisia...? Any thoughts?

This is only speculation but I can think of a number of possible reasons. Fear of losing their jobs, trying to preempt being victims of a kind of denazification process if the RCD is banned or disbanded, fear of being held to account for the repression of the previous regime. It's also quite possible that many of them genuinely didn't like the regime and were uneasy about the orders they were being given but were doing the job anyway.

Samotnaf

Btw, a friend pointed out that in Tunisia the vast majority of the army is made up of conscripts - hence the fraternisation with the demonstrators - it's their friends and relatives, in the same shit as them, that they're embracing.

One of the IMT articles (#357) says something similar:

These are early days regarding the Army. The top generals know full well that they cannot use the conscript soldiers, infected by the virus of revolution during the last few weeks, against the people, and it would be foolish to try to do so.

I also read something, I can't remember where, about conscripts being treated quite badly by their officers and by the professional side of the military generally.

Statement from the French CNT-AIT

'Liberation caravan' heads to Tunis (Al Jazeera)

Hundreds of Tunisians have defied a nighttime curfew and travelled hundreds of kilometres in what they call a "Liberation Caravan" to join protesters in the country's capital, where anger at the interim government continues to grow.

The protesters began marching on Saturday night from Menzel Bouzaiane, a small town in the same province as Sidi Bouzid - the site of the self-immolation suicide attempt that set off a month of protests and ultimately ousted former president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.

The crowd walked on foot for about 50km before boarding buses to Tunis, where they arrived on Sunday and began assembling in front of the interior ministry - the site of many anti-government demonstrations.

As more people continue to file into the capital from Sidi Bouzid, they are expected to begin demonstrating in front of the prime minister's office...

Videos of the overnight march from Sidi Bouzid

liveblog

1005 GMT: The overnight march (see videos) from Menzel Bouzaiane in Sidi Bouzid, where Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation started current protests, has reached Tunis.

About 1000 demonstrators on the "Caravan of Liberation" are demanding the resignation of Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi, who also held the post under ousted President Ben Ali.

Noveno día del pueblo tunecino: Se estira se estira y no se rompe

Debemos recordar que en estos momentos, mientras la vida reprimida estalla por todas las costuras, hay muchas sectores organizados haciendo cálculos en la oscuridad: de Gadafi a los EEUU, de las milicias negras a los dirigentes del RCD, de la Unión Europea a los islamistas. ¿Qué está haciendo la izquierda?

Sumergido en el torbellino, uno apenas si puede hacer otra cosa que imaginar. Y yo imagino las cosas así: el gobierno gana tiempo; la UGTT lo pierde en discusiones sin salida; la pequeña burguesía empieza a a añorar un poco de orden y estabilidad; los artistas e intelectuales componen odas a los mártires y festejan la libertad de expresión en teatros y centros liberados; los islamistas, minoría debilitada, comienzan a asomarse a la calle; y el ejército, que algunos consideran la baza de los EEUU, se deja querer por el pueblo y se mantiene a la expectativa. Resta saber qué ocurre en el resto del país, sobre todo en el centro-oeste, donde empezaron las protestas y donde probablemente se está decidiendo la situación a espaldas de la capital.

(…)

De algún modo el perfil social de los manifestantes ha cambiado. Son más bien familias completas, ellas -madres e hijas- con velo; ellos con barba y estigma de oración en la frente. Está claro que los islamistas, muy minoritarios y estos días casi completamente ausentes (el propio Rachid Ghanoushi, líder del Nahda, ha confesado su nulo protagonismo en la revolución) se atreven a hacerse ver y sustituyen en parte a los estudiantes, intelectuales, profesores, que ayer gritaban en la Qasba y que ahora festejan su libertad nueva en la Avenida Bourguiba, a doscientos metros de la policía rebelde, entre el Teatro Municipal y el café Univers.

Allí voy de nuevo y le manifiesto mi preocupación a Inés y Mohamed:

- Vosotros estáis aquí tocando la guitarra mientras los islamistas presionan al gobierno. Desde fuera da la impresión de que en estos días es cuando se decide todo, y cuando también se puede perder todo.

Sabi, un hombre mayor, de aspecto muy inteligente, periodista tunecino ya retirado que ha vuelto del exilio en Francia para participar en el movimiento de transformación, interviene para decirme que hay que darse tiempo, que hace sólo ocho días que se expulsó al dictador y cita la Revolución de los Claveles en Portugal.

- Pero precisamente: esa revolución se perdió.

Dice, en todo caso, algo muy serio. No se puede medir la consistencia y dirección del proceso a partir de la capital. Una de las características singulares de la revolución tunecina es que no se ha impuesto desde la ciudad de Túnez al conjunto del país sino que, al contrario, ha comenzado fuera, en el centro-oeste, en las zonas más deprimidas y abandonadas, para alcanzar sólo al final el núcleo económico y administrativo de la capital. Es allí -en Sidi Bou Sid, en Thala, en Menzel Bouzaine, en Reguev, en Qasserine- donde la gente se está organizando, apoyada por el sindicato, pero a partir de un impulso enteramente propio. Un comunicado firmado el 20 de enero en Qasserine por el Consejo Local de Defensa y Desarrollo de la Revolución así parece demostrarlo. En él, tras reclamar la disolución del gobierno, el enjuiciamiento de los represores y asesinos y el establecimiento de una asamblea constitucional, se habla de los enemigos internos y externos que quieren invalidar el sacrificio de los “mártires” en favor del “imperialismo, el sionismo y los regímenes árabes reaccionarios” y reclama “justicia social” y “reparto equitativo de la riqueza” entre los sectores más desfavorecidos.

Casi al mismo tiempo Inés me entrega otro comunicado. Por fin se ha constituido el Frente 14 de Enero, anunciado ayer. Lo forman la Corriente Baazista, la Liga de la Izquierda Laborista, los Patriotas Democráticos, el Movimiento de Patriotas Demócratas, el Partido Comunista de los Trabajadores de Túnez, el Movimiento Naserista, el Partido del Trabajo Patriótico y Democrático y la Izquierda Independiente. Su programa, que coincide en lo básico con las reivindicaciones mayoritarias, incluye algunos puntos concernientes a la política social e internacional: “la construcción de una economía nacional al servicio del pueblo que ponga los sectores vitales y estratégicos bajo el control del Estado, con la nacionalización de todas las empresas e instituciones privatizadas” y “el rechazo de toda naturalización de relaciones con la entidad sionista, así como el apoyo a todos los movimientos de liberación nacional del mundo árabe”...

.

So the '14 January Front' has been formed, calling amongst other things for "the construction of a national economy at the service of the people which puts the vital and strategic sectors under the control of the state, with the nationalisation of all the privatised companies and institutions" and "the rejection of all normalisation (?) of relations with the Zionist entity, in that way the support for all the national liberation movements of the Arab world"...

Edited to add machine translation

[youtube]6r1EolMHPBw[/youtube]

Russia: bloggers on lessons of Tunisian revolution

Al Jazeera videos:

Tunisian media free of fear

One of the outcomes of Tunisia's revolution has been a clear increase in media freedoms. The La Presse newspaper in Tunis has a new editor and a new outlook. The paper that tended to carry the president's picture on the front of each edition is now focused on reporting that is free of fear. Books once banned are now on display publicly, and radio stations host call-in shows where people are free to air their views.

Exiled Tunisians gather to receive passports that will allow them to return home after years

Exiled Tunisians in France are proud of the revolution back home, and excited about the prospect of a new democracy. They are lining up before the country's consulate in Paris to reclaim their passports. Prevented from going home for political reasons, many have not visited Tunisia in decades. But it has taken time for them to build up a life in France, so some remain cautious about returning to Tunisia for good.

Tunisia's ex-president's homes looted

After Tunisia's former president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and his family members fled the country, looters ransacked many of the villas they owned in Tunis, the capital. Al Jazeera's Nazanine Moshiri reports on the anger of the Tunisian people towards their former rulers.

Birthplace of Tunisia's revolution

Sidi Bouzid is the Tunisian town that sparked the nationwide protests that eventually toppled the rule of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.

 Just a month ago, protesters brought the area outside the city hall to a standstill, following the suicide of Mohamed Bouazizi, who set himself on fire in despair with a government that constantly failed to meet the needs of its population.

Suicide that sparked a revolution

Tunisia's political upheaval began last month after a young vendor set himself on fire after police confiscated the fruits and vegetables he sold. The act of self-immolation sparked a series of protests and riots that ultimately led to the end of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's 23-year rule. Al Jazeera's Ayman Mohyeldin traveled to the man's hometown of Sidi Bouzid for this exclusive report.

Rural Tunisian protesters demand removal of old guard (Guardian)

Protesters from Tunisia's impoverished rural south and centre demonstrated outside the president's office today to demand the removal from government positions of former allies of the deposed President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali.

The demonstrators swelled a crowd of several thousand who soldiers allowed into the courtyard outside the office of the interim prime minister, Mohamed Ghannouchi.

Many had travelled to the capital by car, truck and motorcycle in a "freedom caravan" from Sidi Bouzid, the central city where a young market trader's self-immolation sparked the nationwide revolt.

(…)

"We left Sidi Bouzid at five o'clock this morning," said Mafouwalhi Chaouti, lying on a blanket with several other exhausted young men. "Where we come from there is no industry. No agriculture. We want the same chances as others."

Mahfouzi Chouki, from near Sidi Bouzid, said: "We are marginalised. Our land is owned by the government. We have nothing."

Nizar Faleh said "We're here to chase out the RCD-ists [in the government].They have to go completely."

The daily demonstrations have created an increasingly tense stalemate between former Ben Ali loyalists in the government – who control key ministries – protesters, and an army whose role in the revolution remains uncertain.

Indeed today it was soldiers guarding the presidency and finance ministry who lifted barriers and coils of barbed wire to allow people to enter the presidential compound.

"I'm afraid," said artist Amel Ben Salah Zaiem. "The government is not backing down and the people are not either. The government does not want to relinquish power. I am worried that the army might intervene."

Amin Kahli, also from the Sidi Bouzid region, said he was honouring the memory not only of Bouazizi but dozens of others who died when demonstrators took on Ben Ali's armed police.

"My brother was leaving home for work when a sniper shot him in the chest," he told Reuters. "He was only 21. I want justice for him and I want this government to fall." ...

From the Moor Next Door blog

Second thoughts on the overthrow of Ben Ali

A journalist emailed this blogger with question: What are your thoughts on the Tunisian revolution, where is it headed and what kind of democratic developments do you think are possible? The answer is: Too soon to tell (regardless of how much is written here or elsewhere) ...

Kaplan on Tunisia, or defending autocratic stability

From the Arabist blog

Tunisia diary: Arrival (1)

Where to start? I haven't had time to post much in the last few days — I was transiting through Rome (...) — and then made the enormous sacrifice of not spending a weekend in one of my favorite cities stuffing myself and headed straight to Tunis. I'll be reporting from here for various publications, but most of it won't be news — it will be long pieces to try and dig deeper into the Tunisian revolution and where it's headed, also providing some historical perspective.

(…)

I've only spent two days or so here so far, so obviously the range of people I've met has been limited. What I can say with certainty is the following: Tunisians are incredibly proud of their revolution, as they should be, and that pride is infectious. In conversations one of the themes that comes up again and again is that people feel they can stand tall again after years of submission, their fear has evaporated. Well, perhaps not entirely: they have new concerns now, but these are fears they intend to confront straight on: the country's economic situation, the risk that elements of the former regime will make a return (whether at the level of the cabinet with the RCD ministers, or more problematically, with the party structure across the country), the risk that what so far has been a revolution remarkable for its orderliness may become more chaotic, and the risk of foreign interference (whether Arab or Western).

Tunisians are not happy with their political class. They are conscious that these people did not topple Ben Ali and that many of them were latecomers to the uprising. Ordinary people I speak to keep on repeating that this was a revolution of the young, and yes they do stress the importance of Facebook. In fact there seems to be a kind of division of labor: older people tell me that they are working overtime to allow younger people, who led this movement, be full-time activists. They feel too old to take part in the demonstrations, but want to support the movement by enabling their sons and daughters, nephews and nieces, to keep pressure on the government.

There is a a tremendous awareness that the pressure must be kept on the government. Former regime figures of all levels are laying low, "hiding in their houses" as people tell me, and they want to keep the transitional government honest. An interesting development this morning is that the primary and secondary public schools have reopened, and the national union of teachers is striking for the removal of the RCDist ministers (private schools are reopening normally). Teachers have showed up to school to explain to parents their decision — obviously for many working parents this could be very inconvenient. This could be a big debate and I think the government will dispatch ministers from the legal opposition to negotiate with the teachers — although, remarkably, they don't seem to have demands relating to their job (higher pay and benefits, etc.) and their strike is strictly political. 

The UGTT, a federation of trade unions, is seemingly playing a key role here. Many are puzzled that the UGTT first joined the government and then left it — why did it join it in the first place if it didn't like the presence of the RCDists? The explanation appears to be splits within the UGTT, and with the refusenik faction eventually convincing or dominating the faction in favor of participation. It could also be a gambit from greater representation on the transitional government. It does reflect a certain lack of strategy, a political immaturity that is telling of the political vacuum that existed under Ben Ali: people simply don't have that much experience in these situations or at political brinksmanship. Some feel the UGTT is trying to claim credit for the uprising (where it did play, later on, a significant role). But I think there will be tremendous resistance to that, and a key question today in Tunisia is who wields moral and political authority. It's certainly not the transitional government, and there is no politician who can claim that. It will all be decided in the next few weeks. 

In the meantime, the political factions are trying to rebuild themselves and expand their bases. Yesterday morning I went to a political rally by Ettajdid, a political party composed of former Marxists and social-democrats. The conference hall at a neighborhood cultural center had a capacity of about 600, there must have been closer to 1000 people in the room, though. A feeling that you got there, like elsewhere, was that there is a great level of excitement about what's happened and a repoliticization of people. In fact I imagine that Tunisians today must be the most politicized people in the world — as a sales lady in mobile phone store told me, "we're a country of 10 million politicians now." There's a lesson to learn for the very depoliticized people of Western democracies too here...

Anti-government clashes erupt in Tunis (Al Jazeera)

Police have fired tear gas at stone-throwing protesters in the Tunisian capital, Tunis, after hundreds of demonstrators gathered outside the prime minister's office to pressure the interim 'national unity' government to step down.

Protesters had begun gathering at government buildings since last night, in contravention of a curfew. When they surged through a police picket, tensions spiked and the police fired tear gas to clear the crowd.

The Reuters news agency also reported that several windows of the finance ministry building had been broken.

Before the skirmish, protesters said the situation outside the buildings was "very, very tense as they spent the night outside... They were told by security forces to leave the area, and tension mounted for some time", Al Jazeera's Hashem Ahelbarra reported from the site of the protest on Monday morning.

The protesters said they would "continue [their] sit-in for as long as it takes, until [they] topple the government", Ahelbarra said.

More tension is expected in the capital, as members of the national unity government cabinet, which includes members from both the RCD (ousted President Zine El Abedine Ben Ali's party) and the opposition, are expected to hold a meeting at the government buildings being surrounded by the protesters.

"Thousands, we've been told, will gather ... in this area to prevent the government of national unity, particularly the ministers... [from] starting their business," our correspondent said.

Security forces have sealed off the entrances into the area immediately surrounding the prime minister's and interim president's offices, on concerns over the build-up of protesters.

Monday also marks the end of a period of national mourning that was called by the unity government to remember those who have died in the protests so far.

The country is not likely to return to business as the  General Union of Tunisian Workers (generally known by its French acronym, UGTT) has called an indefinite strike. The UGTT has refused to recognise the current government, and has demanded the ouster of all former ruling party officials from the governance structure.

"We support the demands of the people. The UGTT will never abandon the people in their struggle to demolish the old regime," Nabil Haouachi, a representative of the teachers' union within the UGTT, told the AFP news agency.

The teachers are demanding that RCD head-teachers and senior management leave their posts.

Earlier, Tunisian protesters travelled hundreds of kilometres in what they call a "Liberation caravan" to join demonstrators in the country's capital.

(…)

The crowd walked on foot for about 50km before boarding buses to Tunis, where they arrived on Sunday and began assembling in front of the interior ministry - the site of many previous anti-government demonstrations.

Al Jazeera's Ahelbarra, reporting from Tunis, said that the security services outside Ghannouchi's office were "completely overwhelmed".

"They're chanting the same slogan that has echoed across the country - 'Down with the regime, down with the former party, down with the interim president and with the prime minister,'" our correspondent said.

"They're saying that the fight will continue for as long as it takes, until they see a radical change in Tunisia."

(…)

Al Jazeera's Ayman Mohyeldin said that the fact that protesters - who in previous days have been joined by police officers and members of the national guard - have now defied a curfew and poured into the capital from the countryside is quite significant.

"It shows you that it's not an isolated, handful of people that are leading these protests," he said, reporting from Tunis.

"It's people from all different walks of life, from all different parts of the country."

Ahelbarra said that the protests were "spontaneous" and "unorganised", adding that those who were demonstrating on Monday morning were "saying they were the backbone of the revolution and that they do not belong to any political party"...

Décimo día del pueblo tunecino: Las vastas afueras toman la ciudad

Una revolución, ¿se puede convertir sencillamente en una costumbre? ¿Es compatible esa costumbre con las tareas normales de gobierno, la reproducción de la vida cotidiana, el desfallecimiento natural de las fuerzas? El gobierno espera lo que los manifestantes temen: el cansancio. Pero en este domingo de transición hacia “el primer día de normalidad”, en el que habrá que poner a prueba la capacidad del pueblo para quebrarla de nuevo, la avenida Bourguiba sigue efervescente bajo una luz tan pura, tan radical, que los edificios y los árboles parecen desnudos y hasta sin piel. Lo que sorprende estos días en Túnez es que las cosas se repitan; la costumbre de seguir movilizados, gritando, coreando consignas, protestando. Ahí están los corros asamblearios, los cafés convertidos en comisiones parlamentarias, los grupos de manifestantes que, como en un carillón, dan vueltas una y otra vez al bulevar. Ahí siguen los policías, vestidos o no con sus chalecos blancos, acompañados de sus mujeres, enarbolando sus pancartas y proclamando a gritos su inocencia de los crímenes del benalismo; y ahí están las familias ociosas que, en lugar de ir al Lac o al Belvedere, van con sus hijos a fotografiarse delante de los tanques. “Manifestarse se ha convertido en un loisir ”, dice uno de los nuevos periódicos viejos de Túnez. A falta de turistas, los tunecinos hacen turismo a los símbolos de su revolución aún incierta.

Pero en algún sentido la realidad ha llegado a la capital y la convoca a su alrededor. Los cientos de trabajadores, desempleados, campesinos, que salieron ayer de distintos pueblos y ciudades del centro-oeste (el Kef, Jendouba, Sidi Bou Sid, Regueb, Siliana) han llegado muy temprano a Túnez y, tras reunirse en la avenida Bourguiba, se han desplazado a la Qasba para seguir protestando delante de la sede del primer ministro. Hoy otra vez todo ha cambiado allí. La multitud es un caleidoscopio cuya composición social se modifica de hora en hora, de día en día. Predominan ahora los rostros tostados por el sol, las mujeres fuertes, los anchos burnus de lana ruda. Algunos jóvenes vencidos por las fatigas de la noche duermen amontonados contra el muro del ministerio de Finanzas, buscando el solecito dominical, con barras de pan y botellas de agua entre las piernas. Las consignas son las mismas, también los gritos, los cánticos, las banderas: “I´tizam i'tizam hata iusqut el-nitham” (“movilización movilización hasta derribar el régimen”). Y los discursos son tan variados que es difícil encontrar ahí un aglutinante común, fuera de este impulso democrático inmediato y radical...

Edited to add machine translation

Apologies for the long post in Spanish. I've put up a link to a machine translation for what it's worth (the title should be 'the Tunisian people continues its revolution', not 'the Tunisian town continues its revolution'...). At the end of the original version of the article on the CGT site there are links to downloads in French and Arabic, of which the statement in French by Aziz Kirchen looks interesting.

El pueblo tunecino continúa su revolución (CGT North Africa)

machine translation

El pueblo tunecino continúa su revolución.

Manifestantes desde distintos puntos del país marchan hacia la capital exigiendo la dimisión del actual gobierno.

La Federación de enseñanza de la UGTT convoca huelga general a partir del lunes.

Grupos de manifestantes, procedentes de distintos puntos del país, se están concentrado en la capital para expresar su decisión de no aceptar el actual gobierno de unión nacional, presidido por Mohamed Ghanouchi, que fue brazo derecho del dictador Ben Ali, con participación de algunos partidos de la oposición legal a Ben Ali, pidiendo la disolución del RCD y la dimisión del actual gobierno.

Desde los partidarios del gobierno actual de unión nacional, se amenaza con la posibilidad de que finalmente sea el ejército quien se haga con el poder y organice el proceso de preparación de las elecciones

Huelga a partir del lunes de la Federación de Enseñanza de la UGTT. El papel de la UGTT y de los movimientos sociales

La decisión, el viernes 21, del máximo órgano de decisión de la UGTT, la comisión administrativa, de pedir la disolución del gobierno y la creación de un gobierno de coalición y de salvación nacional, dejando abierta la puerta a luchar por este objetivo mediante huelgas y manifestaciones, ha permitido que los sectores más radicales del sindicato, como la federación de enseñanza, se comprometan directamente con la lucha popular en la calle por continuar el proceso revolucionario, hasta barrer al gobierno actual igual que se barrió a Ben Ali.

La UGTT, sindicato único en Túnez, que nació en el contexto de la lucha contra el colonialismo francés y que en varias ocasiones se enfrentó al poder, como en la revuelta del pan de 1984, tiene una sinuosa historia de lucha y de colaboración con el poder, que es expresión continua del enfrentamiento entre el sector del sindicato más próximo y colaborador del poder, y el sector revolucionario del sindicato, que busca una auténtica transformación social. Esta contradicción era evidente cuando la dirección de la UGTT acordaba apoyar en las elecciones presidenciales de 2009 a Ben Alí, pidiendo el voto para él, mientras, al mismo tiempo, Hassen Ben Abdallah, secretario general de la UGTT de Gafsa estaba en prisión con una condena de 4 años por ponerse al frente de las luchas populares de Gafsa en el 2008.

Lo importante en la actual situación es que el sector de la UGTT opuesto a cualquier compromiso con el régimen de Ben Alí ha conseguido la mayoría, a partir de la reunión del 4 de enero, dando libertad de convocatoria de huelgas generales regionales en la reunión del 11, haciendo imparable, a partir de ese momento, el movimiento popular contra Ben Alí, que culminará con la masiva manifestación del 14 de enero que obliga a la huida del dictador.

Pero, al igual que exige el movimiento popular, el sector revolucionario de la UGTT ha conseguido imponer la salida del gobierno de unidad nacional de los 3 ministros de la UGTT (que inicialmente había aceptado, con reparos, y antes de la reunión de la comisión administrativa). La comisión administrativa de la UGTT decidió el martes 18 la retirada de sus 3 representantes en el gobierno, pidiendo la depuración de los símbolos de la dictadura, especialmente de los ministros de defensa, interior y asuntos exteriores, ocupados por el RCD, así como de todos los componentes del gobierno vinculados a Ben Ali, la dimisión de los 5 diputados y de 1 senador de la UGTT en el Parlamento, y la exigencia de disolución del partido de Ben Ali ( RCD) y la restitución de todos sus bienes al pueblo.

Aunque en los acuerdos de la UGTT se nota la presencia de los elementos reformistas que hacen referencias a la vuelta a la normalidad, la decisión de la UGTT de ponerse al lado de la calle y de la revolución popular y de enfrentarse al actual gobierno de unidad nacional, continuista del poder anterior, le hacen conectar con otros movimientos sociales (jóvenes, abogados, militantes de los derechos humanos, feministas, cybermilitantes…) que están impulsando las movilizaciones populares contra el actual gobierno.

Reproducimos, al final del artículo, los acuerdos de la comisión administrativa de la UGTT del 21 de enero

¿Cuáles son las alternativas?

Hay objetivos que, hasta desde el mismo poder se asumen, aunque sea formalmente  : liberar a todas las víctimas de la represión política y social y reinstalarlos en su empleo (de hecho ya están en libertad Hassen Ben Abdallah, maestro sindicalista, y Fahem Boukadouss, periodista, los últimos presos de la revuelta de Gafsa en el 2008) , abrir una comisión que investigue la responsabilidad de la brutal represión desatada desde el poder en este ultimo mes, legalización de todos los partidos y celebración de elecciones libres.

Esta es la barrera en la que se detienen determinados partidos de oposición que aceptan el compromiso con los antiguos partidarios de Ben Ali y que, según ellos, puede evitar la intervención del ejército.

Pero, para muchos, y especialmente para los movimientos sociales y el sector radical del movimiento sindical no puede haber una auténtica la libertad sin detener y juzgar a los responsables de la tortura y de la corrupción, sin disolver todos los componentes constitutivos del estado policial de Ben Ali, empezando por su partido, que era un organismo auxiliar del aparato represivo, la devolución al pueblo de todos los bienes acaparados por la mafia del régimen y por su partido, una asamblea constituyente que elabore una nueva constitución y el compromiso de cambios económicos que saquen a Túnez del desempleo masivo y de su dependencia del exterior, especialmente de la UE.

Se trata de ser fiel a una revolución que surgió con reivindicaciones sociales contra el paro y la precariedad y que acabó en una exigencia de libertad y de dignidad para todo el pueblo.

La debilidad de los partidos de oposición (la mayoría ilegales hasta ahora) abre la posibilidad de que cualquier gobierno alternativo al actual, deba basarse más que en partidos, en dirigentes de movimientos sindicales y sociales, como militantes de derechos humanos, sindicalistas, abogados, etc.

La creación de un Frente, llamado 14 de enero, con distintos partidos de izquierda (entre ellos el PCOT, los nasseristas…) va en la misma dirección de exigir la caída del gobierno de Ghanouchi.

Pero hoy por hoy, no hay una alternativa partidista que pueda estar al margen de las movilizaciones populares que siguen siendo, hoy por hoy, quienes llevan la iniciativa. Todas las sensibilidades políticas existentes en Túnez ( (liberales, demócratas, socialistas, comunistas, nacionalistas árabes, islamistas, libertarios…), tienen que expresarse, si quieren verdaderamente acabar con el actual poder corrupto, a través de los movimientos populares que se están expresando en la calle.

La creación de comités de barrios para salvaguardar los bienes públicos y organizar la vida colectiva, la toma de la gestión de varias ciudades, como Siliana, por parte de comités unitarios de todas las organizaciones existentes, al margen del partido del poder (sobre todo en ciudades donde los responsables institucionales han huido) son experiencias de organización colectiva de la sociedad que pueden ser la base de un verdadero cambio en Túnez.

Desde el poder, se va a hacer todo lo posible por atraer a los partidos ansiosos de parcelas de poder, tendrá la tentación de”islamizar” el proceso, como hizo en Argelia a finales de los 80 y principios de los 90, con los riesgos que eso supone o utilizarán al ejército para frenar el avance de la revolución popular.

Pero pase lo que pase, esta revolución del pueblo tunecino abre un nuevo proceso histórico en toda la zona. Y es un ejemplo no solamente para los países del norte de África, sino también para países como el Estado español, donde el número de parados/as es similar al existente en Túnez.

Reproducimos el comunicado de la UGTT en castellano (lo adjuntamos en francés y árabe) y adjuntamos dos escritos en francés: un llamamiento del opositor tunecino en Francia, Aziz Kirchen en la línea del papel clave del movimiento sindical y social, así como el comunicado del Partido Comunista de los Obreros de Túnez (PCOT)

Moutamid

Equipo de trabajo para África del Norte de la S. de RR. II. de la CGT

DECLARACIÓN DE LA COMISIÓN ADMINISTRATIVA DE LA UGTT

1) La CA reafirma que la UGTT es una organización nacional concernida por el hecho político, como prueba su historia de lucha durante la época colonial o durante el período de construcción del Estado moderno y en consideración de los vínculos dialécticos entre la economía, lo social, la política, lo cultural que existen en un proceso de desarrollo y sobre todo durante estos días

2) Recuerdan que la retirada de los Ministros de UGTT del Gobierno se debe al hecho de que no se ha respondido a las condiciones impuestas por el comité ejecutivo de la UGTT en su declaración del 15 de enero, posición que se ha manifestado justa y que corresponde a las demandas de los manifestantes y de los componentes de la sociedad política y civil.

3) Vistas las grandes manifestaciones en el país que reclaman la disolución del Gobierno y el rechazo de la participación de representantes del RCD, vistas las numerosas dimisiones a causa de este rechazo de una serie de partidos y corrientes políticas, y vista la necesidad de tranquilizar a todo el mundo para consagrarse efectivamente a las reformas anunciadas; los miembros del CA piden la disolución del Gobierno y la creación de un Gobierno de coalición y de “salvación” nacional que responda a las demandas de los manifestantes, de los partidos políticos, de las asociaciones, de las ONG y del conjunto del pueblo.

4) Se decide para la participación efectiva en una comisión de reformas políticas; la creación de Comités sindicales compuestos de expertos y especialistas para la preparación de los proyectos de la UGTT en materia de reformas políticas, económicas, sociales que procede establecer para la edificación de la democracia; así como elecciones transparentes que permitan la libertad de elección y la creación de un gobierno parlamentario y una información honesta. Por otro lado la UGTT pide participar en la comisión de investigación sobre los asesinatos con armas de fuego con el fin de juzgar los responsables y también su participación en la comisión contra la corrupción

5) Llamamos a todos los trabajadores a levantarse contra las tentativas de obstaculizar el funcionamiento normal de las instituciones y su vuelta a la normalidad, y también a permanecer en guardia para la defensa de nuestras conquistas y evitar al país todo vacío

6) Reafirmamos nuestro derecho a luchar legítimamente o por la huelga o por las manifestaciones pacífica hasta la composición del Gobierno según las condiciones planteadas por la UGTT y que corresponden a las demandas de todos los componentes políticos y a las del pueblo

7) Pedimos la proclamación del 14 de enero como fiesta nacional

8) Pedimos urgentemente a los trabajadores que mantengan la unidad de su organización para permitir la continuidad de la lucha y la satisfacción de las reivindicaciones y seguir siendo vigilantes contra las tentativas de división

Túnez, a 21 de enero de 2011

Traducción: Equipo de trabajo para África del Norte de la S. de RR. II. de la CGT

The divisions are starting to show...

[youtube]SHjxvHjDLNA[/youtube]

Tunisia cabinet to be reshuffled (Al Jazeera)

Tunisian politicians are reportedly negotiating the creation of a committee of "wise men" to replace the interim government and "protect the revolution".



Sources have told the Reuters news agency on Monday that the committee could include respected opposition politician Ahmed Mestiri.



The comments echo that of the country's army chief, Rachid Ammar, who also vowed to "defend the revolution" that ousted former president Zine El Abedine Ben Ali, but warned of a "power vacuum" that may result if a solution to the subsequent political crisis is not found.



He made the comments on Monday after clashes broke out in Tunis between stone throwing protesters and the police outside the prime minister's office, aimed at pressuring the interim 'national unity' government to step down.

"Our revolution, your revolution, the revolution of the young, risks being lost ... There are forces that are calling for a void, a power vacuum. The void brings terror, which brings dictatorship," Ammar said.



He also appealed to protesters to clear the ministerial quarter where they were  assembled "to let this government work, this government or another one."



Ammar is hugely popular in Tunisia as the opposition says he was sacked by Ben Ali in the final days of the government for refusing to shoot on protesters.



He was then apparently reinstated by the new transitional government.



During the demonstrations, protesters threw stones and smashed a police vehicle during the clash. The Reuters news agency also reported that several windows of the finance ministry building had been broken.

Before the skirmish, protesters said the situation outside the buildings was "very, very tense as they spent the night outside... They were told by security forces to leave the area, and tension mounted for some time", Al Jazeera's Hashem Ahelbarra reported from the site of the protest on Monday morning...

Video: What will the West do?

The Western reaction to the Tunisian uprising has been described as hesitant and unwilling, making people in the Arab world wonder whether democracy in Tunisia will be allowed to run its full course.

Would Western powers try to influence the outcome of the Tunisian uprising if it does not serve their interests or indeed threatens them?

Inside Story with Ghida Fakhry discusses with guests: Renuad Girard, a foreign correspondent for the leading centre-right French daily newspaper, Le Figaro, and Hall Gardner, a professor of international politics at the American University of Paris.

Edited to add: I've just watched this last video and it's not that inspiring. The discussion still seems to centre around the West's perception of the threat of Islamism, which I suspect may be missing the point in Tunisia.

From the Arabist blog

Tunisia diary: Ammar's move? (2)

Things are still very much up in the air at the moment for the transitional government, especially if two Reuters reports from earlier today are to believed. It's pretty evident public opinion is split between those who want a smooth transition and restoration of order and those who want a clean break with the former regime, most notably the six ministers from the RCD, some of whom were in positions to be either in the loop or directly involved in the corruption the Ben Alis and Trabelsis (and others), such as the minister of finance. But even with those who prioritize a smooth transition and return to normalcy (and I would say, judging from the sheer number of people back on the streets doing their work today — remember a lot of people have been unable to earn for the last two weeks — that is the majority) are not happy with the RCD still not being disbanded. What seems to be happening now is some sort of compromise / negotiation.

Two developments today sent the signal that things may be fast moving. 

First, the idea that the government could be replaced by a "committee of wise men" that would essentially act as a constitutional assembly of sorts, creating the legal environment in which a government might be formed and fair elections might be held: 

(…)

Second, the fact that Rachid Ammar made a speech to the hundreds of protestors who had come from the center of the country to protest against the interim government. 

Jan 24 (Reuters) - The Tunisian army general who refused to back president Zine al-Abdine Ben Ali's crackdown on protesters warned on Monday that a political vacuum could bring back dictatorship and vowed to protect the revolution.

"Our revolution is your revolution. The revolution of the youth could be lost and could be exploited by those who call for a vacuum," General Rashid Ammar told crowds outside the prime minister's office, where protesters have demanded the fall of the interim government. "The army will protect the revolution."

Ammar's decision to withdraw support from Ben Ali is widely regarded as a turning point that eventually forced him to leave the country on Jan. 14 after weeks of popular protests.

It's a short hop from that to the idea that he should be the head of the transitional government, although at least for appearances' sake it might be better to remain in the background. But it remains a real possibility, considering that today he appears as the only person with the credibility to block criticism — there simply is no other politician that would have the same instant authority, since he is seen as the man who deposed Ben Ali.

Things might move very fast from here. There's a good chance Ghannouchi will no longer be PM tomorrow (with perhaps no immediate clarity on who else will remain), particularly since he's been clumsy with his communication, notably his mention last week that he had spoken to Ben Ali on the phone, which really freaked out a lot of people.

There are other questions raised today. I mentioned earlier the teachers' strike, which is a way for the UGTT (trade union) to flex its muscles. You've also had strikes elsewhere — in big retail notably — that are making industrialists nervous. You are seeing the beginning of demands for wage increases (which traditionally have been negotiated every three years in a government-brokered process). For now, with the absence of Islamists from the scene and much of the RCD in hiding, trade unionists are emerging as the most organized political force, with a national network to rely on with ties to various leftist parties (notably the banned PCOT, or communists). The national leadership of the UGTT is said to have been for decades in bed with the RCD, and fairly quietist. But the regional leadership and rank-and-file is a different mix of people, and they are putting pressure on the leadership — which is the rational explanation for why UGTT leaders joined the interim government and the next day left it. The UGTT has jumped into the political vacuum and weakness of the legal opposition, but it's not really structured to be a political party and was for a long time a para-statal network. This ambiguity makes some uncomfortable.

One possibility is that Ammar is going ahead of UGTT / popular expectations by taking up the role of defender of the revolution — thus responding to one of the main fears of the opposition and at least part of the UGTT, which is that the RCD will crawl back in place. I'm not sure what the link is right now, but I am putting today's speech and the revolutionary rhetoric alongside last night's arrest of Hannibal TV director Larbi Nasra (who has apparently now been released) and the bizarre charges against him — that he was conspiring against the revolution and committed "high treason." Remember that no one, not even Ben Ali or his relatives currently under house arrests, have been charged with treason or anything else. Of course that could simply be a big gaffe by Najib Chebbi, the minister who mentioned the high treason charges. The current government, again, really seems to have a PR problem — the wisest one so far, indeed, appears to be Slim Amamou whose Twitter feed satisfies a natural curiosity but has been gaffe-free (most probably he's not in the loop.)

The other significant news today is a visit by Assistant Secretary of State Jeffrey Feltman to Tunis. I'll write more about this later, but I think the US has played a major role in the events of the last two weeks — and US involvement at this senior level now suggests Washington is helping broker this transition, and will be a key player in it for some time to come.

(…)

I have no privileged information, but it the US right now have a clear priority: that stability is maintained, and that to ensure this at this moment, the transition has to combine the right mix of legitimacy and order to satisfy the Tunisian people's demands. Of course other factors play against this, notably concerns about longer term economic policy. Those questions may play out later, and for now there's a need to outflank the main political agitator on the scene right now, which appears to be the far left and the trade unionists…

The view from the International Marxist Tendency. This is part of a longer article. Again I'm not entirely sure how to judge the accuracy of their assessment of the situation.

“We are here to overthrow the government”

On Friday, there was a further meeting of the Central Committee of the UGTT. There is a clear split within the trade union body between those who were loyal to Ben Ali until the last minute but who have been forced into opposition by the mass movement and a growing number of union federations (including postal workers and teachers) and regional union bodies which are further to the left and playing an important role in the movement. It was a meeting of the CC last week, which forced the Executive Bureau to go back on its decision of joining Gannouchi’s government of “national unity”. There were rumours that the Executive was moving again in the direction of rejoining the government, but they were soundly defeated at the CC meeting on Friday.

The union issued a statement calling “for the dissolution of the government and the setting up of a national coalition government which responds to the demands of the demonstrators, the political parties, the NGOs and the population as a whole.” The statement further declared that the UGTT is “committed to continuing the legitimate struggle be that through strikes or peaceful demonstrations until the recomposition of the government according to the conditions set by the UGTT”. In reality, the UGTT national leadership is trailing behind events, as the regional bodies of the union are already calling regional general strikes and demanding that talk be followed up with action.

The way to bring down the government would be to call a national general strike and paralyse the country’s economy. In Jendouba for instance, the regional UGTT has called for a regional general strike on Wednesday 26. The teachers’ union has called for a national indefinite strike “until the fall of the government” starting today, Monday 24, which is the day schools and universities are resuming activities. According to Nabil Haouachi, from the national leadership of the primary school teachers’ union, the strike is already “an unprecedented success”. He confirmed a very high participation throughout the country with “rates of 100% participation in the strike in Médenine (South East), Sidi Bouzid, Kasserine (Centre West), Béja, Jendouba (North West) and Kairouan (Centre)… and 90% in Zaghouan (near Tunis) where there is no trade union tradition and also a very solid strike in Tunis.”

The national executive of the UGTT, as a matter of fact, is more concerned about establishing a “restoration of normality” than actually bringing down the farcical government of national unity. In a separate statement the union’s general secretary calls "upon all workers to respond to all attempts to stop the activity of our economic order and to maintain the normal mode of activity and vigilance to ensure the smooth running and management of the companies, and renews the call upon all progressive and democratic forces to maintain what has been achieved by the uprising of our people, to avert all risks to circumvent them and their objectives."

Reports coming in at the end of last week referred to the resumption of production at the country’s main industrial centres by Friday, meaning that they had been paralyzed, either by strike action or the general chaos caused by the revolutionary events, for nearly a week.

As we reported on Friday, workers in state owned companies and in others that have been privatized have been taking all sorts of direct action (strikes, occupations, sit-ins, petitions) to demand their rights and particularly to remove the most corrupt managers and those with links to the Ben Ali Trabelsi clan.

As well as the examples we already reported (STAR insurance, National Agricultural Bank, Tunisie Telecom, national tax office, etc), there were also strike movements and occupations at the National Water Company where workers occupied the company’s buildings demanding the removal of managers and directors linked to old regime. In Béja, workers and doctors at the local hospital demonstrated demanding the removal of RCD symbols from the premises. Also in the Béja region there were reports of peasants occupying land which they said had been confiscated from them by Ben Ali’s nephew.

Air stewards of Tunisair marched to the central headquarters of the company in the Charguia industrial area, demanding the removal of the company’s CEOs but also the regularization of their contracts. Civil Aviation Office workers also demanded the removal of their director whom they said had been involved in handing over public property and airport concessions to Ben Ali’s relatives. In Monastir, airport workers have announced the occupation of the installations today (Monday 24). Political demands against corruption, for the removal of managers, etc, have been become united with social demands, for better wages and conditions, etc.

The movement is not only affecting traditional sectors of the working class, but also “liberal” professionals, middle ranking layers, etc. In Tunis, scientists and other personnel at the City of Sciences also decided to occupy the installations until the director is removed. Thousands of culture workers (artists, theatre workers, cinema technicians, writers, etc) gathered on Saturday night outside the National Theatre to demand the resignation of the government and pay tribute to the martyrs of the revolution.

Meanwhile, in Siliana, where the revolutionary people have created local and regional councils and decided to take power, a mass demonstration on Saturday marched on the regional governor’s office. The governor had to be whisked away under the protection of the Army and the masses proceeded to occupy the governorate building. With their actions they proved that their statements were serious and that they meant business. Siliana is now under the control of the revolutionary people. We recommend all our readers watch the video footage of this glorious episode of the Tunisian revolution.

After a week of regional strikes and mass demonstrations against the government, a growing feeling of anger and frustration was developing among sections of the movement. They could feel that Gannouchi’s government was stealing the revolution from the workers and youth and that something was needed to put an end to it.

The initiative came from the revolutionary youth in Sidi Bouzid, which quickly spread throughout the country. They have organised a “Liberation Caravan” that has marched on the capital with the aim of “overthrowing the government”. At first the march was supposed to walk all the way to Tunis, but the youth got impatient and they decided to drive, in order to get there faster. By Sunday afternoon, some 1000 youth from Sidi Bouzid, Regueb and other towns and cities from the interior had arrived in the capital and camped in the yard outside the Kasbah, the site of the Prime Minister’s office. “The Kasbah is the Bastille of Tunis, and we will bring it down like the French sans-culottes destroyed the Bastille in 1789,” said one of the demonstrators. Another added: “We have overthrown Ben Ali, but we have not yet overthrown his system.”

The sit-in was in clear violation of the curfew imposed by the government, but there was not much the police or the army could do at that point (see video). There were reports of similar caravans coming from other towns and cities in the country, but also of movements by the Army to stop them, even leading to clashes. On Sunday evening, protestors from Borj Cedra and Soliman, South of Tunis were blocked by the Army when they were on their way to the capital, but it seems that after some wrangling they were allowed through. On the same day, the army attempted to stop three buses and a number of cars leaving the mining city of Gafsa for the capital. After the youth threatened to go back to Gafsa and declare a general strike, the army allowed them through. A similar situation developed in Kasserine, when the army also blocked the caravan leaving for the capital and even fired warning shots against the crowd. After some struggle the youth fought their way through.

Early this morning (Monday 24), there were clashes between the police and the protestors outside the Prime Minister’s building. The army and the police had cordoned off the Kasbah. According to some reports, the Army put itself between the protestors and the police and broke up the skirmishes with warning shots in the air.

We can see in these skirmishes how the government is already testing the ground, trying to reassert its authority and seeing how strong the movement is and how much they can use the forces of repression against it. So far, all the reports of mostly minor clashes between the Army and the police and the revolutionary people have ended up with the masses imposing their will.

It is crucial that the revolutionary committees, which have already sprung up in the neighbourhoods, cities and regions, should establish close links with the rank and file soldiers, encourage them to set up their own committees for revolutionary vigilance. The same should be done with police officers setting up trade unions.

This situation of dual power between the government and the streets cannot last indefinitely. What is lacking is a clear leadership of the movement. A nationwide general strike, the coordination of the revolutionary committees and the formation of soldiers’ committees could very rapidly lead to the overthrow of the government of Gannouchi and its replacement by a genuine revolutionary government to convene a constituent assembly. It is not ruled out that the UGTT, under enormous pressure from below, might be forced to call such a general strike.

Mass demonstrations have taken place again today, Monday, in most cities. In Regueb and Sidi Bouzid it was a women’s march this time, while in the mining city of Gafsa, students and teachers marched together against the government. A massive demonstration took place in Kef as well...

From angryarab.blogspot.com ... suggestions that Al Jazeera and Qatar are backing Rashid al-Ghanouchi, leader of the Islamist An Nahda party?

Andrew Hammond in Tunisia

Andrew Hammond, the seasoned and Arabic speaking correspondent of Reuters, sent me this from Tunisia (I cite with his permission):

I've been in Tunisia for last week and interesting developments in media. State TV swiftly became pro-uprising when Ben Ali left and most state media outlets remains led by a control network that was led by Abdelwahhab Abdallah, Ben Ali's Goebbels. Abdallah has disappeared and is being sought by police and his home in Marsa, affluent Tunis suburb, has been vandalised. But these heads are now crouching in their offices and the staff have taken over the editorial line. In case of Assabah newspaper it is now without an owner, since Sakher al-Materi, Ben Ali's son in law, fled. With state TV, although they have discussion shows with rights activists and politicians who never were seen on TV before, there is a general attempt one senses, through montages and description of "people's revolution of freedom and dignity", to say hey, the revolution happened, thanks, now let's all go home. ie it's a conservative aim to "ride the wave" - like governments did when there were massive protests in favour of Intifada in 2000 - in order to lead the popular ferment to a safe shore where many of the second tier of old regime like Ghanouchi and others survive, and, potentially, it ends up being no more than a palace coup. Generally, it's so exciting to see people absolutely aware of their rights in a way that the regime in its arrogance and its cheap moves like blocking internet and controlling media thought would not happen. They got a shock.

And added:  

Also, after I sent that to you: they stopped Hannibal channel and put out official statement accusing owner of high treason, such strange language reminiscent of former regime. And then a few hours later it was back on air and opposition member of cabinet Najib Chabbi came on channel to say he had intervened personally with interim PM Ghannouchi and was sorry. Seems a bit of a struggle going on within ruling circles. Word is too: An-Nahda's ppl inc Rashid al-Ghanouchi are in Qatar at al Jazeera's invite and meeting Emir who v much involved. They plan a Ghanouchi return within a week and there is talk of pulling old Destour opponents of Bourguiba like Ahmed Mestiri to head a transitional council to draft new constitution before elections (not after, like the current plan), while parliament is officially suspended and this interim govt is either sacked or headed by Mestiri.

Video: Tunisian protesters defy curfew in demonstration at PM's office

[youtube]bGJGyrtwv58[/youtube]

From the Moor Next Door blog, in response to the last blog entry by the Arabist...

A new role for the Tunisian army?

This is a point of risk that deserves serious attention. The public perception of the army as a mediating force and one with both moral credibility and revolutionary legitimacy is potentially destabilizing. As Issandr writes (and this blog has written previously) the current government’s lack of legitimacy and charisma create an opportunity (or temptation) for the armed forces to enter politics in a way that could lead to continued authoritarianism (as it has in virtually every other Arab polity where the military is politicized). In times of crisis people often rally around what are seen as defensive and stabilizing forces such as military and religious figures. Because Gen. Ammar played such a key role in managing the fallout of the uprising it is understandable that some Tunisians would look to him as a solution to the current political crisis, an outsider that could help clean out regime rot. Whatever Ammar’s ambitions are politically the claim that the army will “protect the revolution” is significant: it could be an attempt to reassure a public afraid that conservative forces will co-opt their movement by reiterating the army’s role and it could be an active attempt to feed on Ammar’s newfound popularity with an eye toward a more (or increasingly) active political role. In the process, Ammar is linking the army and himself to a political current, staking out a role for the army that did not exist before. Once the military begins to participate in politics it will difficult to stop; the Algerians, Libyans, Egyptians and Syrians have all learned this with some regret. If Tunisia’s experiment proves durable it may be due to the “protection” of an army that was able to leverage popular demand with its own power to intimidate members of the old regime into accepting political outcomes in this interim period. At the same time Gen. Ammar’s statement might foreshadow a less fortunate path for Tunisia’s transition into the unknown. The general remains relative obscure and more research will perhaps shed some light on his overall disposition. Issandr’s future dispatches will help fill the gaps. More thoughts on this to come.

Undécimo día del pueblo tunecino: No es por el paro, es por la dignidad

machine translation

From the Tunisia Scenario blog

Mass strike/more vacation

Tuesday January 25

There have been peaceful protest Marches on my street the last few days. This, like the amplified Mosque sermon on friday, would have been impossible a month ago.

The protests are part of a campaign, organized by the main labor union to completely purge the current government of all regime creatures (members of Ben Ali's RCD party).

The main part of the protest is a nation-wide mass strike. It doesn't affect cafes (of course) but everyone else, (including me) is getting a revolutionary vacation.

There is going to be an anti-RCD protest today, since they have been peaceful in Sousse I might go.