Book Review: The Jewish Anarchist Movement in America & No Harmless Power: The Life & Times of Ukrainian Anarchist Nestor Makhno

The Jewish Anarchist Movement in America: A Historical Review and Personal Reminiscences By Joseph Cohen Published by PM Press.
No Harmless Power: The Life & Times of the Ukranian Anarchist Nestor Makhno by Charlie Allison Published by PM Press.

An iron law governing the dynamics of revolutionary movements is that if they fail to expand and wipe out their establishment opponents they will be encircled, crushed or radically marginalised. Some obvious historical examples of this process are the Paris Commune of 1871, the Kronstadt Commune of and uprising against the Bolshevik regime and new ruling class of State managers and officials in 1921 and the Spanish Revolution of 1936-39. This law certainly applies to the circumstances leading to the decline and fall of the Jewish anarchist movement in the USA and the Makhnovist movement during the Russian Civil War 1917-21.

The author of the memoir of the American Jewish anarchist movement, Joseph Cohen 1878 – 1953 was an editor for 12 years of the Yiddish anarchist Fraye Arbeter Shtime (FAS), (The Free Voice of Labour), newspaper of the Jewish Anarchist Federation. He was also involved in helping launch a daily Yiddish anarchist newspaper, Abend Tsaytona. In his later years Cohen moved away from the revolutionary/anarcho-syndicalism of his younger days and was involved in setting up anarchist colonies and cooperative ventures and Ferrer Modern schools. Cohen provides interesting critical anecdotes about other leading personalities in the USA and international anarchist movement, such as Saul Yanovsky, Rudolph Rocker, Emma Goldman and numerous lesser lights.
Cohen considered his most important achievement in his years in the Jewish anarchist movement to be his article “Anarchism and Dictatorship”, written in 1921. He recalls it played a key role in preventing the Jewish Anarchist movement in the USA and the FAS being taken over by Bolshevik/Communist Party supporters in the wake of the Bolshevik coup in 1917. In 1921, he was also involved in the formation of the Jewish Anarchist Federation of America and Canada with 21 affiliates. He notes that Alexander Berkman organised an Anarchist Federation of New York in 1908 involving both English and Foreign language speaking members but on an individual membership basis. However, it seems the notion of setting up an America wide “international” anarchist federation based on groups emphasising the English language for its organs and activity was not considered, which would facilitate the Jewish anarchist movement breaking out of its migrant/Yiddish ghetto.

Anarchist Yiddish Newspapers

A major focus of Cohen's memoir is the publishing of Yiddish anarchist newspapers. In particular he supported the launching the above daily Yiddish newspaper to counter the daily Socialist “Forverts” (The Forward). He emphasises the important role a daily newspaper would play in helping organise anarcho-syndicalist unions and helping these unions win strikes and industrial campaigns. Other reasons he cites are providing employment for many in the anarchist movement and providing them with various skills for diverse movement activities. The daily “Abend Tsaytong” with a print run of 1,500 copies per issue commenced publication on 18th February 1904 and was unsuccessful lasting only a few editions, according to Cohen's memoir. He sees this failure stemming from sabotage by its editor Saul Yanovsky, also editor of the FAS who wrote editorials for the new daily too late, delaying copies coming from New York where it was printed. Seriously affecting daily sales and so unable to compete with the other Yiddish daily press. Cohen argues the failure of the daily caused the loss of a major opportunity to build a much larger movement. As after the 1905 Russian revolution, the movement was enriched in its ranks with many new young members from London and Russia contributing to a mushrooming of journals and groups. These new people would have greatly assisted with their activity via their role in the daily. However, given the scarcity of experienced and competent editors there is also the issue of an insufficiently large scale of organisation and the absence of mass anarcho-syndicalist unions to support the daily.

Cohen details that the Red Scare following WWI associated with the Palmer Raids of 1919, the rise of the Communist party associated with illusions workers had about the Bolshevik takeover in Russia following their coup in 1917 and the financing of the Communist Party with “Moscow Gold”, contributed to a major split in the Jewish anarchist movement in 1921 and a decline in affiliated groups and individual members and associated public activity. Cohen reports that when he came to New York in 1920, there only a few groups/newspapers and members left. Cohen considers his most important initiative was his writing of the article “Anarchism & Dictatorship” in 1921 which played a key role in countering the takeover of the Jewish anarchist movement and its publications by Bolshevik/Communist Party supporters.

Cohen recalls, that the Jewish anarchists were caught between the warring of the “Lefts” supporters of the Bolsheviks/Communist Party and the “Rights” associated with the officials' machine in the bureaucratic garment unions connected/supported by the Socialist Party and its newspaper “Forverts”. Severely weakening anarchist influence. He provides graphic details of Communist Party manipulation of a ILGWU (International Ladies Garment Union) mass meeting by the “Left” bribing police to use their Mafia boss contacts to stop opponents from addressing the meeting.

Debates & Controversies

In his reminisces, Cohen discusses various controversies, debates and splits which affected the Jewish anarchist movement such as over “propaganda of the deed” influential amongst a minority of anarchists particularly in the late 19th Century. It entailed debate over whether to support violent attacks on various figureheads of the ruling class to spark revolts, whether to publish an educational/theoretical journal or an agitation newspaper, whether to support “dual unionism” such as the syndicalist IWW (Industrial Workers of the World) formed in 1905 in opposition to the conservative craft unions composing the AFL(American Federation of Labour) this strategy gained wide influence in New York or “boring from within” pushing the bureaucratic unions toward ultra democratic processes, direct action and countering corruption within them, influential in Philadelphia. Pursuit of both strategies by different sections of the Jewish anarchist movement was severely weakened by the Red Scare repression following the Russian Revolution of 1917 particularly the Palmer Raids of 1919, the rise of the Communist Party and bureaucratic industrial unionism of the AFL-CIO-CIA.
In recalling his later years, he discusses his involvement with the Stelton “Libertarian Socialist” colony in New Jersey formed in 1914. It became heavily affected after the Russian Revolution of 1917 by warring between anarchists and the “Left.” (Communist Party/Bolshevik supporters). He was also involved in founding the Sunrise Colony in Michigan in 1933. It drew mostly anarchist workers, who had become unemployed due to the depression. He details how its financial difficulties associated with the slump, caused it to become drawn into the Roosevelt New Deal WPA program. With the WPA even buying the colony's farm.
Like other foreign language anarchist movements in the USA and other parts of the Anglo world, the Jewish anarchist movement was unable break out of its foreign language/migrant ghetto and link up with English and other language anarchist groups and the syndicalist movement. To head off the emergence of bureaucratic industrial unionism associated with the AFL-CIO-CIA. It has become a major bulwark of the Corporate set up in the USA.
In looking at the reasons for the decline of the Jewish Anarchist movement from the 20's onward, the author considers a variety of factors. Many members rose up into the middle class as well as their children and ceased using Yiddish. Following the Bolshevik seizure of power in the Russian Revolution of 1917 there was a decline in morale amongst FAS members, anarchists being caught up in the above warring between Left and Right, many FAS members going over to the Communist Party and following the end of WWII there developed wide support amongst needle trades bureaucratic unions which previously had significant anarchist influence, for Zionism and the establishment of Israel. This decline continued into the 60's and 70's. The Jewish Anarchist Federation dissolved in 1966, Anarchist branches of the Workman Circle disbanded or merged with non anarchist branches and the FAS ceased publication in 1977.
Nestor Makhno 1888-1934 was a towering figure in the Russian/Ukrainian anarchist movement wraithed in myths and legends. The Makhnovist polity involved millions in the Ukraine with its principle base and city Huliaipole. In 2013, the Ultra Right Ukrainian Government issued a commemorative coin with his face on it. Ignoring Makhno's strident opposition to Ukrainian nationalism. The author of the volume while providing a very detailed portrait of Makhno also provides many detailed and interesting sketches of a gallery of less prominent militants drawn into the movement. Such as Peter Arshinov, Marusya Nikiforova, anarchist terrorist, Max Chernyak, Makhnovist guerrilla fighter, Voline, leading figure in the Nabat Anarchist Federation and anarchist theoretician, Fedir Shchus, member of the Makhnovist Military Command, Ida Mett and others.
The author details how members of the Ukrainian Nabat anarchist federation played an important role in the Makhnovist movement supplying cultural/educational workers and propagandists. However many became disturbed by Makhno's autocratic actions.
In contrast to other Makhno biographers, the author throws new light on parallel anarchist insurgencies and associated prominent militants. Such as the anarchist “Shinmin” movement involving 2 million people in Manchuria composed mostly of Koreans who fled the Japanese invasion of Korea, associated with Chua-Chua-Chin and an anarchist guerrilla movement in Siberia associated with Nestor Kalandarislvili.
The author shows the Makhnovists were aware of the danger of their isolation and the need to link up with other anarchistic movements and build an expanding and coordinated movement to defeat the Bolshevik Dictatorship. He details how they sent an armed detachment formed out of former Siberians to facilitate coordination of the campaign against the initially fragile Bolshevik dictatorship with the Siberian insurgency, see page 139. However, with the pressures on the Makhnovists in the Ukraine and the vast distances, this move proved unsuccessful. The author shows also weakening the Makhnovist forces was a constant lack of basic supplies and weaponry caused by the Bolshevik authorities keeping them on a tight rein during periodical alliances with them. Meanwhile according to the author in Bolshevik controlled cities, the Makhnovists received a cool reception from many anarcho-syndicalists/anarchists due to suspicions about its orientation.
The author provides more details of the Makhnovist movement campaigns against the White Army. Particularly, Makhno's defeat of the White forces at Pereehonivka in 1919, which proved of great importance in derailing the White Army push on Moscow. During 1920-21 the Makhnovists engaged in a campaign of harassment and tactics based on cavalry and tachanka (machine guns mounted on carts) against the Red Army invasion of the Ukraine. As a result of the constant warfare during the Civil War, the Makhnovist experiments with communal farms in their base areas were disrupted and short lived. Ultimately they were overwhelmed by constant onslaughts and huge troop numbers. Makhno and his closest associates were forced to flee into exile following constant guerrilla actions to escape Red Army dragnets. Initially, they fled to Romania, Poland and finally to France.

Anarchist Vanguard Party?

The author does a much better job discussing Makhno's years in exile, than other of his biographers. He particularly focuses on Makhno and other Russian anarchist exiles role in the controversy over the “Organisational Platform, of the General Union of Anarchists (Draft)” known as the “Platform”. In 1926 the Group of Russian Anarchists Abroad based in Paris publishers of Delo Truda edited by Peter Arshinov with other members such as Makhno, Ida Mett, Henryk Walecki and Maxim Ranko produced the “Platform”. It was based on lessons Makhno and Arshinov had learnt from the Russian Revolution and Civil War about how anarchists were out organised by the Bolsheviks. It involved having uniform positions on various issues and organisation practices similar to political parties. It soon received many rebuttals from anarchists for perceived centralisation and Bolshevisation. There were concerns from those who were familiar with Makhno's role in the Russian Civil War that it could degenerate into a Bolshevik style party regime or cult of personality. As a result of his “cutting corners” and disregarding anarchist councils decisions in the Makhnovist region. In the case of the Bulgarian anarchist movement, one of the rare anarchist movements which adopted the platform, it was unable to tackle the Stalinist/Communist Party takeover supported by the Red Army toward the end of WWII. Also competing with Marxist Leninist style parties in various arenas would contribute to developing a vanguardist orientation as occurred with some anarchist groups associated with the FAI (Iberian Anarchist Federation) in the lead up to the Spanish Revolution and Civil War 1936-39. Voline, the most prominent militant in the Nabat anarchist federation and involved in the Makhno movement cultural section, is on much firmer ground in explaining in his book “The Unknown Revolution” the success of the Bolshevik coup by pointing to the absence of experienced mass anarcho-syndicalist unions creating the vacuum for the Bolshevik coup and subsequent dictatorship. The author considers the “Platform” if it had taken off on a major scale in anarchist movements internationally, it would be Makhno's most important achievement, other than his victories on the battlefield.

“The Platform” & the Anarcho Milieux in the Anglo World Today

The problem with the “Platform” in the Anglo World today would be the impact of the Stalinist legacy – the predominance of Communist Parties for 4-5 decades in the 20th Century to the left of Social Democratic/Labor Parties in many countries with the extreme marginalisation of anarchist/syndicalist currents, the blossoming of Marxist Leninist groupings from the Trotskyist and Maoist heritage in the wake of May 1968, the impact of the dangerous and divisive bourgeois ideology of identity politics promoted by the Deep State particularly the CIA's “Operation Chaos” of the 1960's and 1970's, the Bourgeois cultural, educational and corporate media apparatus. (1) In Australia it has been promoted by the Albanese ALP Federal Government with its failed “Indigenous Voice” referendum. Meanwhile quasi sacred, beyond debate and discussion in line with Stalinist political practice “indigenous welcomes” and rituals together with navel gazing, hypocritical, identity politics informed “Safe Spaces Policies” are a common feature of many middle class/student left subcultural events/hot houses. Also the anarcho milieu's social base among lower middle class elements (workers with high levels of autonomy in their jobs often connected with the university milieu), students, a sprinkling of demoralised workers looking for a pseudo church, and long term unemployed in these countries needs to be taken into account. (2) Low workers' morale and defeats orchestrated by the Corporate set up and union hierarchy particularly during the “official and unofficial” ACTU & ALP Accord years in Australia must be taken into account. These factors would mean any “Platform” type formal anarchist organisation would end up looking like a poor photocopy of the Marxist Leninist sects and micro parties. Another problem would be its formal organisation being open to sophisticated Deep State infiltration (3). The informal catalytic network form like the ASN(Anarcho-Syndicalist Network) has proven to be the only group in Australia to effectively assist workers to defeat privatisation pushes (with important spin off's such as averting worsening air pollution due to privatisation associated cuts to rail services and slowing the push to privatise State Transit Buses) and facilitate the early stages of strike wave/direct action movements in the NSW Railways since the late 1990's and the defeat of important nasties in Enterprise Agreements in DSS/Centrelink in the 1990's. Slowing the tempo of the employer offensive and the Neo Liberal push. (4)
In conclusion, both books under review throw important light on the reasons for the decline and downfall of the Jewish anarchist movement in America and the Makhnovist movement in the Ukraine. Providing much more details on diverse aspects of these movements together with interesting critical portraits of Joseph Cohen and Nestor Makhno and lesser figures. Together with new insights on their contributions to anarchist organisation and propaganda. M.

Notes.
(1) See review of “Mind Games: The Assassination of John Lennon” in RW Vol.42 No.1 (236) May – June 2024 on www.rebelworker.org re this Deep State activity.
(2) See “Report on the Workers' Control Conference” on archive section of www.rebelworker.org regarding middle class leftist views involving “oppression mongering”.
(3) See “Undercover: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police: The True Story of Britain's Secret Police” by Paul Lewis & Rob Evans Published by Guardian Books.
(4) See “From Corporate Bureaucratic Unionism to Grass Roots Controlled Direct Action Unionism: Perspectives for Activity & Strategy for Australia, Today” RW Vol.41 No.3 (235) Dec. - Jan, 2024 on Libcom.org and www.rebelworker.org