Taken from a report by the French Anarchist weekly paper Alternative Revolutionaire this short article gives a taste of developements on the ground in the fight against Islamic State.
On Friday 26th September Alternative Libetaire reported that "Istanbul anarchists along other leftists and feminists, have managed to cross over into Syria and the northern town of Kobane which is currently threatened by ISIS.”
“For several days at the Syrian-Turkish border, the city of Kobanê is besieged by forces of the Islamic State (Daesh). Kobanê is a strategic turning point. If the city falls, the whole of Syrian Kurdistan is threatened, and with it a political and social model, that of "democratic autonomy" and "democratic confederalism" built since July 2012.
More than 100,000 inhabitants and residents have become refugees on Turkish territory.
The city is defended by the People’s Protection Units (YPG), militias linked to the PKK, and in which alongside the majority of Kurdish fighters, are also Arabs, Turks, Muslims, Yazidis, Christians or atheists, united against the fanatics of Daesh/ISIS.
Thousands of young people, socialists, trade unionists, revolutionaries, feminists, libertarians have poured in from all over Turkey to Kobanê. They go there to support the refugees and defend the city.
The Turkish army tries to disperse them, yet is accused of being much more permissive with the jihadists who are also trying to cross the border to join Daesh/ISIS
Despite the blockades of the Turkish army, hundreds of activists and militants have managed to cross the border. Among them, the comrades of the Revolutionary Anarchist Action Group, who made the trip to Istanbul to join the defence of Kobanê.
Comments
I don't see why the opposition would be allowed in the DSA but not Tev-Dem. I hadn't heard of them being banned in Tev-Dem. Can you tell us where you read about that?
This is from the article/report by Zaher Baher
I think the situation is as follows (the quotes are from zaher: https://libcom.org/news/experiment-west-kurdistan-syrian-kurdistan-has-p... )
1) People formed Tev-Dem (with support of PYD). Tev-Dem is a network of local communities, organizations (so basically the councils of neighborhoods and villages) Tev-Dem is where ordinary people from all ethicities get actively involve in politics. It has no barriers for participation (except being living in that particular place) Tev-Dems seem to be the focal points of social bound and order.
Also Tev-Dems are politically:
2) Tev-Dem's decided that they should organize DSAs (The Democratic Self Administration) in each canton (so there must be three of them) DSA is a cantonal self-government it organizes bigger major projects of cantons.
I think these representatives are representatives of Tev-Dems sent to DSA. DSA decide on some issues related to Canton so it also effects councils (Tev-Dems) For example they formed a social contract whish Zaher summarizes as following:
3) All municipal or local decisions are made in Tev-Dems and DSAs. Their decisions are conducted, realized by municipalities etc. (so there is also municipalities)
4)
I think it is decision of opposing parties to refuse to participate in Tev-Dem or DSAs. It is not prohibited in anyway. Opposition parties politically oppose PYD and see Tev-Dem and DSA as their political organizations (with a certain degree of truth I suppose) so do not participate in them (as these are mostly nationalist or pro-Barzani parties, they are propably also uninterested in direct democracy) however there are also 5 other parties that joined Tev-Dems and DSAs (one of them is green party I guess).
5)This situation is possibly changed after Duhok agreement. as according to my reading, it signals Barzani baked a bit from its anti-PYD position. So now it is possible more parties recognize Tev-Dems as legitimate and more people join to Tev-Dems or DSAs. I hope this will convert them to direct democracy. I hope they will not in the end just use the democracy provided to them to end the democratic rule.
6) All of the above is where direct democracy structures exist. However there is a second power structure that is established by appointed people by parties (both PYD and pro-Barzani and other parties) That is representative and it is planned to make elections to organize it in the future. The line between these two is not very clear to me. However I suppose as long as PYD is active they will continue to exist as important parts of Rojava society. (More on this in: http://new-compass.net/articles/revolution-rojava)
http://libcom.org/news/rojava-people%E2%80%99s-war-not-class-war-25122014